Professional Documents
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Writ of Kalikasan
Writ of Kalikasan
3. The following year, the provision for the writ of kalikasan was
written by the Supreme Court as one of the remedies as part of the
country’s laws for environmental protection and compels the
government to act and halt environmental degradation that impacts
more than one municipality;
7. The en banc notice orders the city government “to cease and desist
from making use of the Irisan dump … either as a temporary
holding area or as a dumping or controlled area for any and all
kinds of solid waste”;
13. During the joint ocular inspection conducted on April 11, 2018
officials observed “bulldozing and embankment of the residual
towards the no dumping area, there is no silting pond, the canal
seems freshly cleaned but the small portion of the leachate still
smells, the piggeries were being blamed but the familiar odor of pig
waste is significantly different from the smell of leachate and there
seem to be a blatant violation of the provisions of the Writ of
Kalikasan”;
23. The end of the road is 50 meters from Amliang Creek, a waterway
that flows to the dams.
26. The original petition for a writ of kalikasan was prompted by two
excavations in the forest reserve for roads that were being
constructed without appropriate permits. The excavations killed
over 700 pine trees in the forest reserve, and debris polluted water
sources of Baguio and Tuba, according to the Baguio Water District
(BWD);
28. The Santo Tomas Forest Reserve (STFR) was declared in 1940 by
president Manuel Quezon and the Writ of Kalikasan was issued on
6 May 2015 maintaining the area as a Forest Reserve;
30. The court has denied former Baguio City Congressman Nicasio
Aliping Jr.'s Petition for Review against Court of Appeals (former
4th Division), Bishop Carlito Cenzon, Archbishop Socrates Villegas,
Sheree Nolasco, Marie Balangue, Nonnette Bennett, Dr. Teresita De
Venecia, Antonio Supremido, Jr. and Pastor Gener Tandoc;
32. The CA upheld the privilege of the Writ of Kalikasan, the Writ of
Continuing Mandamus and also made the protection order
permanent in 2015;
33. The Writ of Kalikasan issued by the Court of Appeals that protects
the Mt. Sto. Tomas forest reservation, does not require the eviction
of the watershed’s farming residents, according to a lawyer who
helped win the case for them;
36. The writ directs the Tuba government to stop all businesses,
mining activities and further settlement inside the 3,121-hectare
reservation;
38. A similar TEPO was issued for Mt. Santo Tomas in Cabuyao to
arrest the massive destruction of the watershed that supplies water
to Baguio and downstream communities like Tuba and Rosario in
La Union;
39. A group led by Bishop Carlito Cenzon had filed for a Writ of
Kalikasan to protect the watershed;
42. Mt. Polis in Ifugao is also under the same writ, filed by the
apostolic vicar of Bontoc-Lagawe headed by Bishop Valentin Dimoc
to stop quarrying;
44. “Mt. Sto. Tomas has been declared a forest reserve, withdrawn
from entry, sale and settlement, as early as 1940. It has never been
reclassified nor any portion of it was ever reclassified as alienable
and disposable, and yet, a residential community with a population
of 1,815 inhabitants thrives within it,” said the writ;
45. The Tuba government informed the CA that it had issued 637 tax
declarations covering portions of the forest reserve as far back as
1999, heeding an ordinance which granted “due course to
applications for tax declarations over certain reservations in
[Benguet]”;
46. The ordinance was recalled in 2013. But it was made in effect
despite a 2009 memorandum issued by the DENR, which reminded
local governments “to refrain from issuing tax declarations without
DENR clearance,” the CA said;
49. Petitioners also asked the court to order the Tuba municipal
government to stop issuing tax declarations for land within the
watershed;
54. The Joint Confirmation and Recognition Order was granted by the
DENR and the NCIP to the cultural communities or indigenous
peoples belonging to the “Tuwali” and “Ayangan” ethnic groups
within the 14 barangays of Kiangan for having been confirmed to
be practicing “muyung”;
55. With the confirmation, Kiangan is qualified under the criteria set
forth in the DENR-NCIP Joint Administrative Order otherwise
known as the “Guidelines and Procedures for the Recognition,
Documentation, Registration and Confirmation of all STIFRMSP of
Indigenous Cultural communities or Indigenous Peoples (ICCs/IPs)
in Ancestral Domains or Lands”;
56. The “muyung” are various forest ecosystems or forest types in the
municipality which have been established and managed effectively
by families, clans and communities as part of their cultural
practices and traditions that survived until now.
58. They serve as the recharge zone that provides water and stability
to the other components of the production system. During the
olden days, the “muyung” means so much to the Ifugao people
since it was their source of food, wood, lumber materials for
building houses and repairing old ones and a place to find herbal
medicines for the treatment of various human afflictions but most
of all, they give prestige to the families and the community;
60. Witnessing the confirmation and recognition order and the MOA
signing are Ifugao Congressman Teddy Baguilat Jr, Provincial
Administrator Evelyn Dunuan representing Governor Denis
Habawel, Kiangan Mayor Joselito Guyguyon and the IP leaders and
representatives;
63. The study sites are the municipalities of Kiangan and Hungduan
where the Nagakadan Rice Terrace Cluster and Hapao Rice Terrace
Cluster are located, respectively. These two rice terrace clusters are
two among the World Heritage List of the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in 1995
(UNESCO Citation2008). However, these terraces were reclassified
to the World Heritage in Danger List in 2001 because of the ‘human
induced threats to the site and the need to concentrate national
and international energies on short-term and long-term remedial
and protective actions’ (UNESCO Citation2008);
66. Customary laws are reflections of rich traditions and beliefs that
guide forest conservation. Key informants have identified some of
these laws that are relevant to promoting the sustainable
management of muyongs. These include the following:(1) Ficus trees
are not being harvested for timber and fuel wood since they help
maintain sufficient groundwater supply for muyongs and Payoh, (2)
Local people refrain from cutting century-old endemic trees such as
dipterocarps because they believe that these trees harbour the
spirits of their ancestors, (3) Before cutting old trees, they conduct
rituals to seek the permission of their ancestors. A shaman locally
known as mumbaki directs the rituals, (4)In the olden times,
selection cutting was being practiced since there is a specific tree
species that can be used for crafting rice god and constructing
native houses, namely narra (Pterocarpus indicus), (5)When a child
is baptized, the parents plant four seedlings in their muyong, which
indicates the giving of their blessings to their child, (6)Maid biyang
umedi, which means no trespassing in muyong areas, is being
observed to avert illegal hunting of wild animals;
73. The muyong system was perceived as vital in sustaining other land
uses such as natural forest, agroforestry farms, tree plantations,
grasslands and rice fields. Despite the demands for settlement and
agricultural spaces to support a growing population, the perceived
critical roles of muyong in soil and water conservation,
regeneration, orchard and agroforestry livelihood source have
helped the local community firmly keep their muyongs healthy;
74. Two major threats to the integrity of muyongs and payoh were
identified by the FGD participants. One is the transition from the
traditional organic to inorganic farming methods, which has
generated negative impacts on soil and water. The use of synthetic
fertilizers was perceived to have degraded soil drainage and fertility.
Furthermore, the use of inorganic technology was believed to have
incited infestation of earthworms and snails in payoh. Second, the
abandonment of muyongs and terraces was underscored as a
pressing concern. Participants have attributed this to declining
interest in farming, as many prefer exploring other livelihood
opportunities elsewhere for better income. Furthermore, children
were also perceived to have a low interest in continuing their
farming traditions as they desire to pursue other jobs after
completing their studies;
75. The wood carving heritage of the Ifugao people is seen to stay alive
as locals preserve the indigenous forest preservation system
dubbed as “muyong”.“Memorandum Circular 2-96 gave the people
of Ifugao the right to manage their forest, exempting them from the
nationwide logging ban because of the indigenous muyong practice
that is an important factor in the wood carving industry of the
province,” said Ralph Pablo, director of the Department of
Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) in the Cordillera
Administrative Region (CAR), in a conference at the Benguet State
University;
77. In Baguio City, Ramon Dacawi, an Ifugao native who was then
chief of the City Public Information Office adopted the “muyong” as
a forest preservation program under the Baguio City Eco-Walk
program in the early 1990s.
78. In the system, pupils of the different elementary and high schools
adopt an area at the Busol watershed, the city’s primary watershed
where they plant pine trees and regularly visit for maintenance.
81. Pablo said that aside from the “muyong” of Ifugao, the people of
Apayao and Abra have the “lapat,” the “batangan” of Mountain
Province and the “kijowan” of the people of Benguet are similar
indigenous knowledge systems that relate to forest preservation;
83. He added that the traditions of the Cordillera people on forest and
natural resources protection that continues to be practiced are
limiting the effects of climate change;
89. There are several other processes that are yet to be completed
such as the approval by the people through public hearings of the
municipal ordinance on the Batangan System. Traditional practices
on resource management need to be explicitly stated also in
barangay legislation;
90. Christopher Bosaing, senior forester at the DENR, says that the
operationalization of the Batangan System is the available
mechanism that their agency sees as a means for indigenous
peoples of the target municipalities to apply their customary
practices on resource management and utilization;
91. If the towns of Sagada, Besao and Tadian fail to comply with the
requisites or opt not to operationalize their Batangan System then
PD 705 or the Forestry Code will be strictly enforced;
92. Practical concerns too have surfaced in the field. One is the need
to resolve overlap or even confusion in relation to woodlots that are
within the ancestral domain or territory of a village or ili but is now
in another barangay/municipality as defined by political
boundaries. This way, the question of “kuwami nan batang, kuwa
yu nan daga” by virtue of Cadastral surveys need to be resolved;
93. Bosaing says the NCIP can help resolve these concerns if it
aggressively pushes to define a tenure instrument appropriate for
IPs;
100. The participants with the assistance of the DENR’s staff initially
drafted procedural steps in registration of woodlots. Clan woodlots
are to be “registered” at the barangay level, attested and validated
by barangay officials and elders. Communally managed woodlots
shall be “registered” at a municipal level;
102. But the DENR is also under time constraint and has 2 months to
conduct the meetings and show results for Sagada, Besao and
Tadian. It is up to the local governments to create fora and
encourage optimum participation, document these and hopefully
put to use, in order to match DENR efforts. After all, it is claimed
the formalization of the “Batangan System” has the peoples’ right to
utilize their trees and other non-timber resources as its utmost
intent;
103. Bosaing have mentioned in his previous post, that one taboo act
of the inayan concept is illegal logging, or violating
the batangan system. “You might have wondered what that is, so in
this post, I’m going to explain what the batangan system is”;
104. The word batangan means “pine tree forest”, which came from
the word batang, or “pine tree”. The batangan system is where
people manage the supply of trees in the village, how many trees to
chop down, how many to protect, and how many to plant. If a piece
of forest has a water source under them, the trees there must not
be chopped down. There are also designated hunting spots and
hunters should not hunt more than what they need to conserve the
animals there;
105. The batangan system doesn’t only cover forests. The crops to be
planted on farmland has to be considered, so the topsoil layer will
remain healthy. The farmland of a village has to be enough to
sustain the village’s needs but not too much that it could trigger
landslides. The carrying capacity of pasture land, which is used as
grazing land, is also considered so that animals will not overgraze
it. Burial grounds should only be used only for coffins or graves
and could not be converted to other land uses. Sacred grounds
should be protected so as not to disturb the spirits (anito) that are
believed to live there. All of these are covered under
the batangan system;
106. The point of the batangan system is to make sure that all of the
land of the village is used for its own purpose, sustainably and
efficiently. It has been around since the ancient times. In the past,
the elders of a village are in charge of keeping
the batangan system in effect, and make sure that no land is
misused or abused. If there is land that needs to be converted, like
forests that have to be chopped down to give way for infrastructure,
then the elders have to meet together and agree to a decision;
107. The Igorots are not the only ones who take care of the
environment in this way. Other Cordilleran tribes have their
customs and systems on how to manage the environment. The
Ifugao people have their muyong system, used in constructing
their world-famous terraces. The Kalinga people have
their imong system. The tribes in Abra and Apayao have
their lapat system. This goes to show that Cordillerans are truly
caring for their environment. It is to no surprise that we,
Cordillerans, get annoyed or even furious when trees are illegally
logged or when trash is littered everywhere;
111. Stakeholders explain that the chainsaw license that the LGU
issues is similar to a business permit in order to operate or be used
within the locality. This move is approved by the people through
the various consultations prior to the drafting of the ordinances;
114. Clarifying on the permit to cut trees, Bosaing says that the
approved forest resource use plan and its annual work plan shall
replace the regular permit issued by the DENR. The resource use
plan and work plan shall indicate among other concerns, the
specific expected volume to be harvested within a year. Thus it is
pertinent for the Batangan system that MLGUs arrive at and gain
the affirmation of the DENR;
116. The delay in schedule for the dialogue was deliberate such that it
will include as participants the newly elected SK and ABC
provincial representatives. The MLGUs are now enjoined to rewrite
their ordinances in accordance with the discussions and draft the
resource use plans. Until these are submitted, the DENR does not
have a legal basis to approve and actualize the Batangan System.
Meanwhile, PD 705 prevails;
118. The ordinance shall cover all areas within the jurisdiction of the
locality and shall apply to the ‘batangan,’ a sustainable traditional
forest management practice and its specific sub-structure
specifically municipal communal forest, individual or family forest
in the town;
121. Aside from the confiscated of forest products and the materials
used, offenders also will be mandated to pay a fine of P1,000 to
P2,500 depending on the violation and after the observance of
customary laws and practices.