Computers in Human Behavior 141 (2023) 107642

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Computers in Human Behavior

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/comphumbeh

Migration to the metaverse and its predictors: Attachment to virtual places

and metaverse-related threat
Tomasz Oleksy *, Anna Wnuk, Małgorzata Piskorska
Faculty of Psychology, University of Warsaw, Ul. Stawki 5/7, 00-183, Warsaw, Poland

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Handling Editor: Catalina L Toma
The most ambitious visions of metaverse technology promise to create virtual places that offer the same possi­
bilities as the real world. However, as any novel technology, the metaverse raises controversies and questions.
Does one want to migrate to the metaverse? Does one’s willingness to move to virtual worlds depend on the
bonds with existing virtual places and the sense of threat related to this technology? To address these questions,
we drew on the theories of place attachment and intergroup threat. In two studies – (1) among users of open-
world games (N = 366) and (2) using a sample representative of the Polish population in terms of age,
gender and size of the residential place (N = 995) – we observed a low level of willingness to migrate to the
metaverse. The participants displayed a high level of perceived metaverse-related threat, ranging from privacy
concerns to the belief that metaverse can deprive one of access to essential human experiences. However, greater
attachment to virtual, as opposed to real, places was associated with both an increased willingness to migrate to
the metaverse and a low level of perceived threat. The results provide a better understanding of individuals’
perception of the metaverse and of how the bonds with virtual and real places translate into attitudes towards
metaverse technology.

1. Introduction
In recent years, virtual places have played an increasingly important
role in human life (Barreda-Ángeles & Hartmann, 2022). Even before the
COVID-19 pandemic broke out, people were spending increasingly more
time in virtual worlds (Rzeszewski & Evans, 2020; Coulson, Oskis,
Spencer, & Gould, 2020). The metaverse is one of the technologies of the
future that is generating particular interest in the context of the potential
exodus of people from real places to digital ones (see e.g. Coulson, Oskis,
Spencer, & Gould, 2020). It is conceptualised as a new type of extended
reality (XR) service that offers users a spatial and immersive experience
using advanced technology (Hollensen et al., 2022; Shin, 2022). It al­
lows users to create and edit virtual content, providing a virtual shared
space that blends the physical and digital worlds (Gartner, 2022).
Referred to as the ‘new internet’, the metaverse is designed to become a
virtual universe where people can have fun, socialise or even work
(Bojic, 2022; Oh et al., 2022). The feature that distinguishes the meta­
verse from its predecessor, the internet, the most is its capacity to be
explored in a manner analogous to how we interact with real places,
which is to be achieved primarily through further development of both
virtual and augmented reality technologies that can either transfer users
to a virtual location or integrate virtual elements into the real world.
Another key feature of the metaverse is an increased presence (in
comparison to, e.g. traditional games), i.e. experiencing a sense of direct
interaction with a virtual world(s) (Oh et al., 2022). Hence, impressions
gained from virtual worlds could become more similar to real-world
experiences.
The concept of the metaverse has been around for three decades – the
term dates back to the science fiction novel Snow Crash written by Neal
Stephenson in 1992 – and some of the elements of the future virtual
universe are already being widely used. For example, Second Life has
allowed its users to create avatars to meet other players, buy and sell
virtual real estate and do business (Boellstorff, 2015). These possibilities
are being further enhanced by contemporary virtual chats, such as
VRChat (Barreda-Ángeles & Hartmann, 2022), or sites, such as Decen­
traland and Sandbox (Goanta, 2020; Jeon et al., 2022). Moreover, the
past several years have been marked by a boom of augmented-reality
games, such as Pokemon-Go, which enable smartphone gamers to
explore the real world in search of virtual elements, and at the same
time, the quality and availability of virtual reality (VR) systems have

* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: tomasz.oleksy@psych.uw.edu.pl (T. Oleksy), anna.wnuk@psych.uw.edu.pl (A. Wnuk), mmpiskorska@student.uw.edu.pl (M. Piskorska).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2022.107642
Received 28 October 2022; Received in revised form 22 December 2022; Accepted 27 December 2022
Available online 28 December 2022
0747-5632/© 2023 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-
nc-nd/4.0/).
T. Oleksy et al.
increased significantly, which affects their progressive adoption (Bar­
reda-Ángeles & Hartmann, 2022). However, despite the remarkable
technological advancement, the public was introduced to the metaverse
more recently, when major technology companies announced that they
were beginning to work on creating their own versions of this technol­
ogy, ranging from the enhancement of the current virtual worlds (e.g.
Epic’s Fortnite and the Roblox ecosystem; Oh et al., 2022) to a more
general and somewhat vague vision of the ‘next evolution of social
connection’ (Zuckerberg, 2021).
Although we still do not know what the most advanced imple­
mentations of the metaverse concept can look like, this technology can
have the potential to significantly impact human interaction with the
world. There is a lack of research on the predictors of the willingness to
test this technology and the public concerns raised by it. Thus, we intend
to fill this gap by focusing on users’ willingness to transfer a substantial
amount of their daily activities to virtual worlds and its predictors. We
hypothesise that greater acceptance of the development of the meta­
verse and willingness to use it is related to prior positive experiences of
virtual places, primarily attachment to the currently used virtual places
and the feeling that they can satisfy our needs more than real-world
locations. Moreover, we expect that, as in the case of any new and
evolving technology, the development of the metaverse will raise a
number of concerns and questions. Building on the intergroup threat
theory (Stephan & Stephan, 2017), we intend to examine whether the
willingness to migrate to metaverse worlds is associated with two gen­
eral types of threat: 1) realistic threat (e.g., fear of the loss of privacy,
increased power of technology companies, loneliness of users or neglect
of real places) and 2) symbolic threat (fears of how the technology can
affect human nature and the bonds connecting humans to the real
world). Considering the various existing definitions of the metaverse,
this research will focus on users’ relationship to migration to the met­
averse, understood as a three-dimensional, virtual world in which users
can undertake most of the activities available in the real world through
avatars.
2. Virtual worlds as equivalent of real locations
Places are natural conditions of human existence; however, the
definition of a place remains an area of dispute among geographers,
environmental psychologists and philosophers (Lewicka et al., 2019).
The classic definitions of a place assume that it is a bounded entity with a
unique identity and historical continuity, offering a haven and a break
from the outside world (Relph, 1976). Other definitions stress that a
place should instead be defined as a location with interactive potential, a
meeting space rather than a separated enclave (Di Masso, 2012; Massey,
2004; Seamon, 2013). However, most researchers agree that a place, as
opposed to a space, possesses a specific meaning for its inhabitants or
visitors. Thus, a place is not a random location passed by but an object
which people are connected to through their various life experiences.
The emergence of virtual worlds has raised an important question for
place theorists: What is the role of physicality in defining meaningful
locations? Traditionally, places have been conceptualised by their
tangibility and physical basis (Lewicka, 2011; Relph, 1976). However,
current digital worlds can also provide a comfortable space for human
dwelling (e.g. Rzeszewski & Evans, 2020). Currently, virtual environ­
ments can be comfortably accessed via one’s home on personal com­
puters or smartphones, presenting an alternative world that can be
perceived by the users as very real and changing the traditional ways of
recreation, travel, social interactions and work (Plunkett, 2011).
Therefore, physicality ceases to be a critical aspect that defines a place.
Existing studies show that a lack of tangibility does not prevent virtual
places from gaining meaning for their users. For example, Stokols,
Misra, Runnerstrom, and Hipp (2009) argues that virtual settings have
several qualities of physical places (e.g. they afford social interaction
and have symbolic meanings). Some scholars argue that it is crucial for
the virtual world to gain meaning for it to be treated as a physical place
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Computers in Human Behavior 141 (2023) 107642
(Plunkett, 2011; see also Tuan, 1974). However, the diminishing
boundary between virtual and real places raises questions about the
latter’s possible de-meaning and its consequences. For example, Gifford
(2014) argues that human failure to rationally divide time between
physical and virtual worlds can lead to decreased interest in real, local
concerns. Similarly, Lewicka (2020) considers whether current social
processes, including the virtualisation of everyday life, may involve
undermining human relationships with the places they inhabit (see also
Seamon, 2020). This problem was further emphasised during the
COVID-19 pandemic, when lockdowns and subsequent fear forced
people to move many of their activities to virtual spaces (Barre­
da-Ángeles & Hartmann, 2022). Thus, digital worlds served and
continue serving as a functional alternative to temporarily unavailable
options, steadily gaining popularity and new user bases (Paul, Mohanty,
& Sengupta, 2022). More individuals were able to test the possibilities
offered by virtual worlds: for example, enacting different characters,
exploring exciting places, shaping the space according to individual
needs or simply enjoying safety from the pandemic and detachment
from other everyday concerns (Paul et al., 2022). As a result, the rise of
virtual worlds’ popularity during the COVID-19 pandemic forced human
relationships with real places to weaken (Devine-Wright & Howes,
2010). Stay-at-home directives, social distancing and the feeling of
coronavirus-related threats confined millions of people to their homes
and displaced them from everyday locations that have meaning and
serve to fulfil their material and psychological needs (e.g. Bick et al.,
2020; Honey-Rosés et al., 2021). This alienation from places contributed
to changes in the emotional connections that people have with their
environments and had important consequences for their well-being
(Cowden et al., 2021, pp. 71–80).
What, then, can induce individuals to leave real places in favour of
virtual worlds, such as the metaverse, to an even greater extent?
Although migration to a virtual world is not equal to physical migration,
it could be compared to fluid migrations because the costs of moving to
this world are minimal and easily reversible (e.g. Coulson et al., 2020).
Such migrations imply a temporary nature, frequent relocation and low
transfer costs and largely replace the traditional one-way migration
pattern (Salamońska & Czeranowska, 2021). Virtual migrations meet
these criteria, radically decreasing the costs of mobility and reducing the
time spent with the place of origin (in this case, the real-world place of
living). We argue that in the context of the metaverse, the term
‘migration’ can be even more appropriate than in the case of current
virtual places, as the metaverse, or at least some of its versions, is
intended to provide an alternative place for living. This perception of
metaverse is reflected in the media discourse, where terms, such as
‘migrating’ to or ‘living’ in the metaverse, are often used
non-metaphorically (e.g. Ghlionn & Hamilton, 2022; Oh et al., 2022;
Regan, 2022; Szaniawska-Schiavo, 2022).
In our study, we hypothesise that perceived strong ties to existing
virtual places, as well as weaker ties to real places, are associated with
greater willingness to migrate to the metaverse. To investigate this
phenomenon, we draw on previous research on one of the key factors
describing human relationships with places, which is place attachment.
3. Place attachment and migration to the metaverse
Place attachment is broadly defined as an emotional, cognitive and
behavioural bond that individuals develop with places (Lewicka, 2011).
This bond can stem from various meanings, including individual expe­
rience, the length of residence and the historical or cultural significance
of a place (Hernández et al., 2020; Lewicka, 2011). Place attachment has
numerous beneficial consequences for human lives as it predicts
well-being, stress reduction, perceived belongingness and the feeling of
security (Lewicka, 2011). Moreover, a place can play an important role
in maintaining self-esteem and self-efficacy (Twigger-Ross & Uzzell,
1996). In particular, places can boost human self-esteem, for example,
when living in a particular place is considered a source of pride, and
T. Oleksy et al.
individuals can derive a feeling of self-efficacy from the environment
where they are able to perform desired everyday activities (Twigger-­
Ross & Uzzell, 1996). These place functions induce people to want to
keep in touch with places close to them.
In many studies, place attachment is thought to increase one’s desire
to stay in a particular place, thus hindering the decision to migrate.
However, an important limitation of this approach is that it views place
attachment as a static characteristic that defines the relationship be­
tween a person and a place in a one-dimensional way (Kim, 2021).
Meanwhile, newer approaches emphasise that place attachment should
be treated as a dynamic phenomenon subject to increase or decrease due
to changes in place or life circumstances (Devine-Wright & Quinn,
2020). As a result of mobility, there are possibilities for developing
attachment to multiple places simultaneously (Kim, 2021). However,
mobility can also alter the strength of one’s attachment to previous and
subsequent places of residence (Di Masso et al., 2019; Lewicka, 2020).
Moreover, qualitative research (Trąbka, 2019) has shown that different
aspects of place attachment to a new place emerge gradually, and the
first to emerge is attachment based on the attractiveness of the place and
the affordances it offers. Positive emotions associated with experiences
in a new place can induce humans to feel comfortable and safe, which in
turn can translate into a desire to continue exploring and enjoying the
new opportunities provided by the place. This process can eventually
lead to a stable, profound connection with the new place, combined with
the belief that it is a better environment to live in compared to others.
Based on the above research works, we hypothesise that perceived
attachment to existing virtual worlds can result in a greater desire to try
another, improved version, which is what the metaverse is meant to
offer. In other words, the perception of the current virtual places as
better habitats than real places can make the prospect of migrating to the
metaverse both exciting and safe.
4. Realistic and identity threats of the metaverse
People who do not feel comfortable in virtual places or do not have
much experience with them can be more reluctant to use metaverse
technology and feel more threatened by the rapid development of the
metaverse. The media discourse around this technology currently points
to its negative consequences, ranging from threats to privacy to the
hard-to-predict effects of alienating people from real places. In this
study, we set out to conceptualise the concerns surrounding the devel­
opment of the metaverse, building on intergroup threat theory (ITT)
(Stephan & Stephan, 2017).
ITT distinguishes two general ways in which one group can perceive
threat coming from another group: 1) realistic threat (related to the
power, resources or well-being of the group) and 2) symbolic threat
(related to the group’s values, culture or way of life) (Stephan & Ste­
phan, 2017). Many studies have shown that both types of anxiety un­
derlie intergroup biases, prejudice and conflicts (e.g. Guerra et al.,
2022). Importantly, both realistic and symbolic threats may not neces­
sarily be real: the perception of an outgroup as a threat to the ingroup
resources or values is sufficient to trigger a hostile reaction towards it
(Rios et al., 2018).
A vast majority of research on the two types of threat has focused on
human intergroup relations; however, a growing body of research has
been devoted to threats from nonhuman entities. For example, Złotowski
et al. (2017) demonstrated that attitudes towards robots are charac­
terised not only by the realistic threat (e.g. loss of job or compromised
safety due to potential uncontrollability of robots) but also the symbolic
threat (e.g. fear of losing human uniqueness). Similarly, Han et al.
(2021) showed that the evaluation of services based on artificial intel­
ligence (AI) is driven by the extent of perceived threat, according to
which AI is considered to possess too many characteristics hitherto
perceived as exclusively human. Interestingly, other phenomena, such
as diseases, can also be viewed in terms of these two types of threats.
Kachanoff et al. (2021) show that realistic and symbolic threats are
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attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic and have different consequences:
the former is associated with adherence to anti-covid recommendations,
and the latter, with resistance to social isolation and affirmation of na­
tional identity. Thus, their study shows that the ITT can be successfully
applied to understand fears raised by entities other than social groups or
their artificial equivalents.
We argue that the metaverse, aimed at being a disruptive technology
that fundamentally modifies the way humans live and experience the
world, can also evoke the perception of realistic and symbolic threats. In
this research, we operationalise the metaverse-related realistic threat on
the basis of the public discourse surrounding the development of this
technology, for example, the fear of giving too much control to tech­
nology companies or weakening human ability to maintain valuable
interpersonal relationships in the real world (e.g. Bojic, 2022; Fernandez
& Hui, 2022; Huddleston, 2022; MacDonald, 2022; Zhao, Zhang, et al.,
2022).
Moreover, we conceptualise the metaverse-related symbolic threat as
the feeling that the proposed virtualisation of everyday life disconnects
humans from their inherent experience of the world and, consequently,
from the basic experiences that are perceived as crucial for the devel­
opment of human beings. In other words, we aim to explore the extent to
which people fear that the metaverse can take humanity out of touch
with the everyday experiences that have shaped the evolution of human
species and have served as the foundation for the development of human
identities for millennia. Similar concerns were also analysed by Nagy &
Koles (2014), who proposed that after the digital revolution, human
identity construction may not be considered only in relation to the real,
physical world; instead, the answer to the question ‘Who am I really?’
may have to include the virtual self. We argue that a similar question
asked in the context of humanity as a whole – ‘Who will I be after or in
the metaverse?’ – may form the basis of the symbolic threat related to
this technology (see also Kelly, 2021; Szaniawska-Schiavo, 2022).
Additionally, as virtual worlds are still primarily associated with the
domain of leisure and entertainment, we assume that the
metaverse-related symbolic threat can also stem from concerns that the
metaverse’s popularity can translate into an increased escapism ten­
dency (Han et al., 2022), rendering individuals incapable of dealing with
the hardships of their daily lives. Thus, the concept of leaving the real
world in favour of a potentially joyful and consumerism-oriented digital
one can be perceived as infantile, detaching the metaverse’s users from
the true meaning of their existence (e.g. Bogost, 2021; Francombe,
2022). Therefore, we hypothesise that both realistic and symbolic
threats are negatively related to willingness to migrate to the metaverse.
5. Technology use and general attitudes towards technology
We also intend to examine how the frequency of previous experi­
ences with virtual places and general attitudes towards technology are
related to the willingness to migrate to the metaverse and one’s
attachment to virtual places and metaverse-related symbolic and real­
istic threats. Previous research shows that the frequency of technology
use is positively associated with the acceptance of future technologies
that may not yet be available to the general public (e.g. in the context of
autonomous cars, Zmud & Sener, 2017, and smart city technologies,
Williams & Vaske, 2003). The more similar they are and the more
similar needs they meet, the easier positive experiences from the exist­
ing types of technology can transfer to new technologies (Williams &
Vaske, 2003). We assume that this is the case with the metaverse, which
can be conceived of as a more advanced version of virtual places.
Additionally, the frequency of technology use can be a natural predictor
of greater attachment to virtual places, analogous to the research on
attachment to real places, where the length of one’s residence and
contact with the place is a consistent predictor of increased attachment
(Lewicka, 2011). In terms of symbolic and realistic threats, we expect
that the use of technology (in this case, exploring virtual places) can
allow users to become accustomed to it and encourage its perception as
T. Oleksy et al.
safe and useful, thereby reducing concerns related to the development of
similar technology.
In terms of general attitudes towards technology, conceptualised as
the belief that technological progress is beneficial for the world and
humanity, previous research shows that it is associated with openness
towards different technologies of the future (e.g. sex robots, Oleksy &
Wnuk, 2021). Consequently, we expect it to be associated with a lower
perceived threat related to the metaverse and a greater willingness to
move at least some of one’s activities into this new world.
6. Overview of studies
The main aim of the conducted studies was to examine whether place
attachment to the existing virtual worlds (e.g. chats, social media sites
and games) and the symbolic and realistic threats related to the meta­
verse development would differently predict one’s willingness to
migrate to the metaverse worlds. We conducted two studies: Study 1,
among users of open-world games (N = 366), and Study 2, among a
sample of the Polish adult population (N = 995). We expected that place
attachment would be positively related to the willingness to migrate to a
metaverse world and would negatively predict the two types of threats
(both realistic and symbolic threats were expected to be associated with
the unwillingness to migrate to the metaverse). In addition, we tested
whether and how the use of virtual places and general attitudes towards
technology are related to all above variables. The studies were approved
by the Ethics Committee of the Robert Zajonc Institute for Social Studies,
University of Warsaw..
7. Study 1
7.1. Participants and procedure
Study 1 was conducted on a convenience sample of gamers (users of
open-world games) recruited via announcements of dedicated Facebook
groups (e.g. fans of Witcher 3, Assassin creed and open-world games in
general). Open-world games are defined as a virtual world in which the
player can approach objectives freely, as opposed to a world with more
linear and structured gameplay. This type of game was chosen because
the features of these games (possibility to explore, interact with other
characters and experience a variety of adventures without a pre­
determined scenario) are similar to the metaverse version we studied (an
open virtual world to inhabit).
A total of 528 individuals started participating in the survey; how­
ever, only those who had completed the entire survey (N = 366) were
included in the analysis. Sample comprised 66 women, 297 men, three
participants declared as nonbinary. The mean age of participants was
26.98, SD = 7.00. The most popular chosen games were The Witcher III
(n = 109), Elden Ring (n = 35), The Elder Scrolls (n = 27), Red Dead
Redemption II (n = 28), Grand Theft Auto V (n = 15) and Assassin’s
Creed (n = 15). The respondents read the following definition of the
metaverse (translated from Polish):
The metaverse is a new vision for the internet, in which virtual re­
ality is used to increase the possibilities for interaction between users.
The metaverse is intended to offer opportunities as similar as possible to
those provided by the real world. Through dedicated goggles, users can
experience the digital world in a way close to reality. A metaverse user
takes the form of an ‘avatar’, a digital body used to communicate with
other users. The avatar can have any appearance; for example, it can be a
human, robot or any creature.
The metaverse is designed to offer various entertainment opportu­
nities, from sports to games of all kinds. In the metaverse, it is possible to
make friends with and date people from other parts of the world without
having to leave home. Business entities can hold meetings with their
customers, confer with employees from all over the world and offer their
virtual services in the metaverse. Users can shop at malls and attend
events and concerts of actual existing performers in the virtual world.
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Computers in Human Behavior 141 (2023) 107642
After reading this definition, the respondents completed a
questionnaire.
7.2. Measures
Relative place attachment towards virtual places. We asked the re­
spondents whether they felt more attachment to certain virtual places
than to real-world places. We constructed eight items based on Williams
and Vaskes’s scale of place dependence (2003) and Twigger-Ross and
Uzzell’s scale of place identity (1996). Both measures underpin the role
of places in making individuals feel good, worthy and self-sufficient. The
scale we used included the following statements: (1) ‘Some virtual places
are more important for me than my favourite places in the real world.’
(2) ‘There are virtual places that fulfil the needs that I couldn’t/
shouldn’t fulfil in the real world.‘, (3) ‘I often feel better in my favourite
virtual place than in the real world.‘, (4) ‘Virtual places mean more for
me than real places.‘, (5) ‘I can be who I am in virtual places to a greater
extent than in real-world places.‘, (6) ‘In virtual places, I can shape the
reality around me to a greater extent than in real places.‘, (7) ‘In some
virtual places, I feel more at home than in the real world.’ (α = 0.86).
Realistic threat was measured with four statements: (1) ‘The devel­
opment of the metaverse will make it difficult for people to establish
relationships in the real world’; (2) ‘Through the development of the
metaverse, people will stop caring about places in the real world’; (3)
‘The development of the metaverse will allow authorities to distract
people from the problems in the real world’; and (4) ‘The metaverse will
allow technology companies to control every aspect of our behaviour’
(α = 0.79).
Symbolic threat was measured with the following five statements:
(1) ‘The development of the metaverse technology will induce people to
stop understanding what real life means’; (2) ‘Excessive use of the
metaverse will deprive us of experiences in the real world that are
crucial to being human’; (3) ‘Being in the metaverse will disconnect us
from real life’; (4) ‘The metaverse will make people more infantile’; and
(5) ‘The metaverse will induce people to live in a fantasy world instead
of facing real life’ (α = 0.90).
Willingness to migrate to the metaverse was measured with two
items: (1)‘I would like to move most of my daily activities to the meta­
verse.‘, (2) ‘If possible, I would prefer to work in the metaverse rather
than in the real world’ (r = 0.55).
For all the above measures, answers were given on a scale from 1 (‘I
strongly disagree’) to 7 (‘I strongly agree’).
7.3. Analytical strategy
Many previous studies have distinguished between realistic and
symbolic types of threat; however, these measures are often highly
correlated, and several studies treat threat as a single construct (e.g.
Smeekes et al., 2017). Therefore, we first performed a confirmatory
factor analysis (CFA) to examine whether symbolic and realistic threats
form one or two factors. Second, we confirmed the empirical distinc­
tiveness of our constructs via CFA. Then, we checked zero-order corre­
lations. Next, we specified structural equation models. Structural
equation modelling (SEM) enables estimation of model fit and uses
latent variables to account for measurement error. The analyses were
performed using Mplus 7.0 software (Muthén & Muthén, 2012).
7.4. Results
7.4.1. Confirmatory factor analyses
The CFA showed that the two types of threat were not empirically
distinguishable in our sample. Although the two-correlated-factor model
yielded a very good fit (χ2 = 60.75, df = 26, p = .0001, CFI = 0.97,
RMSEA = 0.06), the high intercorrelation of the two latent factors (Φ =
1.00, p < .001) indicated that their separation posed problems of mul­
ticollinearity and is not justified. The one factor solution had also a
T. Oleksy et al.
Fig. 1. Effects of place attachment and threat on willingness to migrate to the
metaverse. Note: Standardized coefficients with a standard error (in brackets)
are presented. Dashed lines represent non significant coefficients.
perfect fit to the data (χ2 = 59.78, df = 27, p = .003, CFI = 0.98, RMSEA
= 0.06). Thus, we adopted a one-factor solution for metaverse-related
threats.
Additionally, confirmatory factor analysis showed that the place
attachment, metaverse-related threat and willingness to migrate to the
metaverse were empirically distinct constructs. A model with three
latent factors fitted the data well: χ 2 (132) = 257.53, p < .001; CFI =
0.95; RMSEA = 0.05; SRMR = 0.05. All factor loadings were above 0.40.
To verify that these constructs were empirically distinct, additional
factor analyses were run, in which all items were forced to load one
factor. This resulted in a worse model fit: (χ2 (135) = 1188.621, p <
.001, CFI = 0.61, RMSEA = 0.15, SRMR = 0.17).
7.4.2. Zero-order correlations
We observed opposite effects of place attachment and threat on
migration to the metaverse, (i.e. the first correlated positively and the
second negatively). Additionally, place attachment was negatively
correlated with threat (see Table 1).
7.4.3. Structural equation model
To account for non-normal distribution, we used a robust maximum
likelihood estimator (MLR). Fit indices of the model were good χ2 (132)
= 257.53, p < .001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.05, SRMR = 0.05. The
results showed that willingness to migrate to the metaverse was pre­
dicted positively by place attachment. Threat did not predict willingness
to migrate. Place attachment lowered the threat related to the meta­
verse. The exact coefficients are shown in Fig. 1. The main results did not
change significantly when covariates (age, gender) were added.
7.5. Discussion
As predicted, greater attachment to virtual (vs real) places was
associated with greater willingness to migrate to the metaverse and
negatively associated with the metaverse threat. However, contrary to
our hypothesis, threat formed a single factor - yet this result is also quite
common in typical studies in an intergroup context (Smeekes et al.,
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Computers in Human Behavior 141 (2023) 107642
Table 1
Means, standard deviations, and correlations with confidence intervals.
Variable M SD 1 2
1. Place attachment 3.85 1.40
2. Metaverse threat 4.91 1.46 − .19**
[-.29, − .09]
3. Willingness to migrate 2.92 1.71 .37** − .15**
[.28, .46] [-.25, − .05]
Note. M and SD are used to represent mean and standard deviation, respectively.
Values in square brackets indicate the 95% confidence interval for each corre­
lation. * indicates p < .05. ** indicates p < .01.
2017). Additionally, in the full model, threat was not related to lower
willingness to migrate to the metaverse. Willingness to migrate to the
metaverse was low; however, at the same time, the threat level was high.
In Study 2 we aimed to see whether these results held in a representative
sample of Polish citizens. We also examined the role of technology use
and attitudes towards technology in shaping attachment to existing
virtual worlds and attitudes towards the metaverse.
8. Study 2
8.1. Participants and procedure
Study 2 was part of a broader research conducted using a nationwide
sample (N = 995) via an Internet panel. The sample size was sufficient to
detect a small to medium effect size assuming power of 90% and
probability level at α = 0.05. To ensure compatibility with the structure
of the Polish population, a random quota sample was invited in align­
ment with the demographic structure of the 18–70-year-old Polish
population with respect to gender, age and size of residence place. All
participants were rewarded for their participation in the study with
rewardable points. We did not exclude any participants. Respondents
read the same definition of the metaverse as in Study 1.
8.2. Measures
Relative place attachment towards virtual places (α = 0.93), sym­
bolic threat (α = 0.93) and realistic threat (α = 0.88) were measured
with the same items as in Study 1.
Willingness to migrate to the metaverse was extended to three items:
(1)‘I would like to move most of my daily activities to the metaverse.‘,
(2) ‘If possible, I would prefer to work in the metaverse rather than in the
real world’, (3) ‘I would rather spend time with friends in the real world
than in the metaverse’ (reversed); α = 0.70.
Attitudes towards technology were measured with two items:
(1)‘Technology makes our lives healthier, easier and more comfortable’
and (2) ‘Thanks to technology, future generations will have more op­
portunities’; (r = 0.59).
For all the above measures, answers were given on a scale from 1 (‘I
strongly disagree’) to 7 (‘I strongly agree’).
Use of virtual places was measured with a question: ‘How often do
you use the following technological tools: 1) social networking sites, 2)
discussion groups, 3) single-player games, 4) multiplayer games, 5)
online chats? Answers were given on a scale from 1 (‘never’) to 7 (‘very
often’); α = 0.77.
8.3. Analytical sstrategy
Again, we confirmed the empirical distinctiveness of our constructs
via CFA. Then checked zero-order correlations and conducted SEM
analysis. The analyses were performed using Mplus 7.0 software
(Muthén & Muthén, 2012).
T. Oleksy et al. Computers in Human Behavior 141 (2023) 107642

Table 2
Means, standard deviations, and correlations with confidence intervals.
Variable M SD 1 2 3 4

1. Place attachment 2.91 1.45

2. Metaverse threat 5.53 1.22 − .30**
[-.36,
− .24]
3. Willigness to 2.66 1.35 .70** − .46**
migrate
[.66, [-.51,
.73] − .41]
4. Attitudes 4.96 1.22 .16** .09** .09**
towards
technology
[.10, [.03, [.03,
.22] .15] .15]
5. Use of virtual 3.57 1.38 .46** − .12** .38** .22**
places
[.41, [-.18, [.32, [.16, Fig. 2. Effects of place attachment and threat on willingness to migrate to the
.51] − .05] .43] .28] metaverse. Note: Standardized coefficients with a standard error (in brackets)
Note. M and SD are used to represent mean and standard deviation, respectively. are presented. Dashed lines represent non significant coefficients.
Values in square brackets indicate the 95% confidence interval for each corre­
lation. * indicates p < .05. ** indicates p < .01. 8.5. Discussion

Study 2 partially confirmed on the representative sample the results

8.4. Results
8.4.1. Confirmatory factor analyses
Similarly to Study 1, we observed a very strong correlation between
both measures of threat. Therefore, we performed confirmatory factor
analyses (CFA) to examine whether symbolic and realistic threats form
one or two factors. The CFA showed that the two types of threat were not
empirically distinguishable in our sample. Although the two-factor
model yielded a very good fit (χ2 (26) = 41.94, p = .002, CFI =
0.993, RMSEA = 0.03), the high intercorrelation of the two latent factors
(Φ = 1.00, p < .001) indicated that their separation posed problems of
multicollinearity and is not justified. The one factor solution had also a
perfect fit to the data (χ2 = 42.79, df = 27, p = .03, CFI = 0.993, RMSEA
= 0.02). Thus, we again adopted a one-factor solution for metaverse-
related threats.
Additionally, confirmatory factor analysis showed that the place
attachment, metaverse-related threat and willingness to migrate to the
metaverse are empirically distinct constructs. A model with three latent
factors fitted the data better: χ2 (149) = 523.49, p < .001; CFI = 0.95;
RMSEA = 0.05; SRMR = 0.06 than a model in which all items were
forced to load one factor: χ2 (152) = 3814.28, p < .001, CFI = 0.55,
RMSEA = 0.21, SRMR = 0.16.
obtained earlier on a sample of users of open world games. Again, place
attachment was associated with a greater willingness to migrate to the
metaverse and with reduced threat. Contrary to Study 1, threat
remained a significant predictor of willingness to migrate to the meta­
verse while accounting for place attachment. In addition, in the full
model, the use of virtual places was associated with greater place
attachment and higher willingness to migrate to the metaverse, and
overall attitude towards technology was associated with lower feelings
of metaverse-related threat.
9. General discussion
The metaverse development is likely to become the next milestone
on the road to the further virtualisation of our daily lives (e.g. Damar,
2021; Riva et al., 2022). However, as with any technological trans­
formation, this development can raise fears and concerns. In our
research, we primarily focused on exploring the extent to which bonds
with existing virtual places, such as VR games, chat rooms and social
networks, could be associated with a desire for virtual migration to
metaverse worlds. We also expected that the current attachment to
virtual places could translate into lower perceived threat and, thus, a
more positive attitude towards the potential transfer of everyday ac­
tivities to the metaverse.

8.4.2. Zero-order correlations 9.1. Place attachment and migration

The correlations between main variables are presented in Table 2.
We observed opposite effects of place attachment and threat on will­
ingness to migrate to the metaverse i.e. the first correlated positively and
the second negatively. Additionally, place attachment was negatively
correlated with threat.
8.4.3. Structural equation model
Fit indices were good χ2 (289) = 1034.09, p < .001, CFI = 0.94,
RMSEA = 0.05, SRMR = 0.06. The results showed that willingness to
migrate to the metaverse was predicted positively by place attachment
and negatively by metaverse-related threat. Higher place attachment
was again related to a lower level of metaverse-related threat. Moreover,
the use of technology significantly predicted place attachment and
willingness to migrate to the metaverse, but attitude towards technology
did not. However, attitude towards technology predicted the level of
metaverse-related threat. The exact coefficients are shown in Fig. 2. The
main results did not change significantly when covariates (age, sex)
were added.
In both studies, we showed that attachment to the existing virtual, as
opposed to real, places is positively related to a greater willingness to
migrate to the metaverse, which is in line with the literature, showing
that individuals desire to be in places they are attached to (Low & Alt­
man, 1992) and are likely to choose similar places to stay in the future.
For example, Feldman (1996) found that attachments to particular types
of residential settlements (urban, suburban, rural, etc.) affect the types
of neighbourhoods individuals select when moving to other locations.
Thus, moving to the metaverse can allow users to stay close to the
previous objects of attachment, such as the existing virtual worlds, and
to benefit from their improved version (see also Di Masso et al., 2019).
This result fits in with a new conceptualisation of place attachment,
showing that it is a dynamically changing phenomenon influenced by
human experiences of places (Di Masso et al., 2019). For example,
discovering a new place or its new features can induce individuals to
develop a strong enough attachment not to want to leave it. On the
contrary, other locations may no longer seem exciting or safe when

6
T. Oleksy et al.
compared to a new place (Gustafson, 2009; Lewicka, 2011). The
changing strength of attachment can, therefore, facilitate a potential
decision to migrate elsewhere (e.g. Zwiers et al., 2018). In the case of
this study, attachment to virtual places can exceed attachment to
real-world locations, so much so that the latter can be perceived as less
likely to provide reasons to spend more time therein, now or in the
future when metaverse technology becomes available.
Additionally, a stronger attachment to virtual places can be linked to
a desire to explore new types of places in the metaverse. Attached to
virtual places more than to real-world ones, individuals can regard the
metaverse as another, more advanced version of their favourite virtual
locations, and having developed a deep relationship with the existing
virtual worlds, they may be more inclined to explore and experience
their new variations, expecting their previous positive experiences to be
reinforced. This interpretation is in line with previous research, showing
that place attachment can predict further desire to explore a place, learn
about its various aspects and use it for new activities (Lewicka, 2011).
Similar to how place attachment to a city can intensify individuals’
desire to check, for example, whether there is a new restaurant or his­
torical heritage in another neighbourhood, attachment to virtual worlds
can prompt users to explore what life in the metaverse can be like.
However, the preference of a virtual place to a real one can also be
related to one’s willingness to escape problems associated with real life,
or so-called escapism (Calleja, 2010). Escapist tendencies are observed
among many users of virtual places (Billieux et al., 2013; Giardina et al.,
2021) and can be linked to the perception of being rooted in the digital
world and a stronger reluctance to interact with real places, generally
perceived as less enjoyable to stay in. Thus, the metaverse can be
regarded by such individuals as technology that allows them to detach
themselves even more effectively from the real world, in the same way
that staying in a perfectly equipped house in the countryside allows one
to become detached from the daily hustle and bustle more efficiently
than nesting in a crowded dormitory in the city centre. However, the
ease of escaping to a new and possibly better reality in the metaverse
prompts the question of the extent to which this technology might in­
crease addictions to virtual places. The risk may be high, as some re­
searchers point out that replicating reality is one of the most addictive
characteristics of media in general (Mittal, Dean, & Pelletier, 2013; Lee
et al., 2021; Bojic, 2022), and escapism is the primary factor associated
with the risk of addiction (Ohno, 2016; Xu et al., 2012). Although there
are still only a few studies dedicated to the psychological and social
impacts of metaverse-like technologies, some results show that critical
aspects of the metaverse can be particularly addictive (e.g. virtual
VRChat is more addictive than classic gaming; Segawa et al., 2020). An
important research directions will be to systematically examine how
particular features of metaverse worlds might be related to addictive
behaviours and to develop ethical guidelines for the design of
metaverses.
To sum up, on the one hand, attachment based on positive experi­
ences of using the existing virtual places can translate into a greater
willingness to use new but familiar technological solutions, i.e. the
metaverse. On the other hand, some individuals can perceive metaverse
development as a chance to find refuge from the outside world. Further
research should unravel which of the two motives is more prominent in
explaining the relationship between attachment to virtual places and the
desire to migrate to the metaverse. Further studies should also include a
direct, separate measurement of attachment to real and virtual loca­
tions. Additionally, by using longitudinal designs, it can be beneficial to
see how changing attachment to both types of places can explain the
attitude towards moving to the metaverse. It would also be interesting to
examine whether and how attachment to virtual places is associated
with the risk of developing an addiction.
The results of our study contribute to the theory of place attachment
by empirically demonstrating that people form bonds with virtual places
and that the material denotation of a place is not necessary to feel
emotionally attached to it. Thus, our research suggests a more fluid and
7
Computers in Human Behavior 141 (2023) 107642
dynamic nature for place attachment, as proposed by Di Masso et al.
(2019). Place attachment to virtual places may be seen as transcending
geographical and spatial distance and transgressing the state of ‘being in
a place’ or ‘being located’. It is possible to be physically in one place and
experience and feel emotionally connected to another (i.e. a virtual one).
At the same time, this attachment to virtual places may reshape and
change bonds with real places. Future research could further explore the
nature of and interconnection between attachments to real and virtual
places.
9.2. Threat and willingness to migration and place attachment
The conducted analyses did not show that symbolic and real
metaverse-related threats form two separate factors. Such results are
quite common in the intergroup relations context as these two types of
threat are often highly correlated (e.g. Smeekes et al., 2017) and, thus,
cannot be treated as separate predictors of the investigated phenome­
non. However, in this study, an additional reason for the one-factor
solution can be the novelty of the metaverse technology. As the meta­
verse was brought to the general public’s consciousness only in 2021,
the participants may not yet have had particularly nuanced views on it;
instead, they could display strong attitudes, either in favour of this
technology or not. This observation can reflect a rather polarised
discourse towards the metaverse, where critical voices often include a
range of potential risks without focusing on differentiating between
them, for example, in terms of probability. It is possible that when
metaverse technology becomes more widespread, the threats associated
with it will be perceived more heterogeneously. For example, users can
find that the threat to privacy (realistic threat) is relatively less than they
feared, while the disconnection from real-world places (symbolic threat)
is higher. Further studies can be conducted in the future when the
number of metaverse users and public awareness of this technology
increase.
Perceived threat was high in both studies, which suggests that the
participants consider the metaverse to be a technology that can have
detrimental consequences for society. These findings enrich the scarce
research on the relationship between perceived threat and attitudes in a
context other than intergroup relations (e.g. Kachanoff et al., 2021;
Złotowski et al., 2017). Previous research on threat and technology
acceptance showed that feeling threatened by autonomous robots was
related to a lack of support for further development (Złotowski et al.,
2017). The findings of this study demonstrate that metaverse-related
threat is strongly associated with the reluctance to use the technology
in the way its most optimistic proposers envisage, i.e. as a complete
alternative to real life.
Moreover, both studies showed that a metaverse-related threat was
negatively associated with the willingness to migrate to the metaverse. A
greater perception that the development of this technology can pose
danger to individuals and humanity meant a lower desire to move social
or professional activities to virtual worlds. However, in the sample of
gamers in Study 1, we found that attachment was a stronger predictor
than a threat, which became insignificant while these two variables
were included in the model. Thus, it seems that for people having pos­
itive experiences with virtual worlds with some metaverse characteris­
tics (i.e. open-world games), attachment is more important than a sense
of threat related to the metaverse in explaining the desire to migrate to
the metaverse. Further research should resolve whether the perceived
similarity between open-world games and the metaverse is indeed the
mechanism behind this effect.
In line with our hypotheses, we observed a negative relationship
between place attachment and metaverse-related threats. The correla­
tional design disallows causal interpretation, but this result is in line
with previous research on the role of place attachment in human life.
Place attachment mostly entails the belief that a place is a safe location
where one can feel comfortable and explore freely (Lewicka, 2005,
2011). A negative experience with a place, such as a perceived danger or
T. Oleksy et al.
disorder, can, in turn, inhibit the development of attachment to that
place (Hummon, 1992; Jaśkiewicz & Wiwatowska, 2018). Users who are
attached to virtual sites may not regard their potentially improved
variant (the metaverse) as threatening simply owing to the perceived
familiarity of the place (see e.g. Jeske & Van Schaik, 2017). Addition­
ally, the less attached users may have had more negative experiences
with the existing virtual places than the more attached ones (e.g. they
may have experienced more privacy risks). These adverse experiences
can translate into a higher assessment of perceived threats from similar
but more advanced technologies.
Therefore, further research should consider a greater diversity of
groups that the metaverse may threaten as the development of this
technology can have more negative consequences for some groups, such
as the poor and minority groups, who are less able to enjoy the oppor­
tunities offered by real places or perceive these places as alien or
alienating (see e.g. Rishbeth, 2001; Wickes et al., 2022). Considering the
perspectives of these individuals can give a more complete picture of the
symbolic and realistic threats related to the metaverse.
The above results are also of considerable theoretical relevance for
advancing social psychology and the psychology of human–technology
interactions. Our study is the first to propose that the potential negative
consequences of metaverse development, widely debated among the
general public, can be divided into realistic and symbolic threats. Pre­
vious applications of intergroup threat theory in the technology context
have focused on anthropomorphic entities, such as robots, which are
more obviously likely to be perceived as ‘outgroups’ (e.g. Złotowski
et al., 2017; Lan et al., 2022). We propose that virtual places, such as
metaverses, can also be evaluated from the same perspective. Further
research based on this observation will be increasingly important
because it is very likely that virtual places will continue to compete for
our attention and resources with the real world and become increasingly
natural locations that form our experiences and memories.
9.3. Technology use and general attitudes towards technology
As expected, the frequency of the existing virtual places’ use was
associated with greater attachment to virtual, as opposed to real, places,
which is in line with many studies, emphasising that the length of
residence is a critical predictor of place attachment (Lewicka, 2011;
Toruńczyk-Ruiz & Martinović, 2020). No significant association be­
tween the use of virtual places and perceived metaverse-related threat
was observed. Thus, it was place attachment, rather than simply fre­
quency of use, that was associated with a greater sense of security in the
face of new emerging technology. These findings align with previous
research on attachment to real places, which shows that not every
resident feels safe, but residents who feel attached to a place do feel safe
(see e.g. Hummon, 1992).
In the full model, a positive relationship between general attitudes
towards technology and metaverse-related threat was observed: even
those participants who considered technology development to be
conductive for humanity felt much anxiety about this new type of virtual
place. As even those who have a very positive attitude towards tech­
nology may not consider every possible technology desirable or safe, the
metaverse may not be considered among the technologies that are
believed to be capable of positively impacting human life. This result
reflects both a wide range of controversies prominent in the media
discourse related to the metaverse (e.g. Huddleston, 2022; Kelly, 2021;
MacDonald, 2022; Szaniawska-Schiavo, 2022) and the respondents’
overall attitudes towards this technology (perceived threat was signifi­
cantly above average in both of the conducted studies). Therefore, a
promising direction for further research could be to examine to what
extent the content of information acquired about the metaverse can
explain the relationship between users’ attitudes towards technology
and metaverse-related threat. It would also be worthwhile to conduct a
rigorous analysis of the media discourse and to determine, for instance,
to what extent the metaverse is presented as a way for corporations to
8
Computers in Human Behavior 141 (2023) 107642
increase their profits at the expense of users and to what extent as a
useful or entertaining technology. Responding to public concerns re­
mains a crucial task for all parties interested in implementing the met­
averse in a socially responsible way.
9.4. Limitations
In addition to the outlined potential avenues of research that can
further enhance the obtained results, there are limitations of the con­
ducted studies. First, in both studies, we introduced the participants to
only one metaverse concept (a virtual world into which one can transfer
most of one’s daily activities and lead everyday life), which is arguably
the most popular vision of the metaverse; however, it is crucial to
consider that there are other dimensions of the metaverse, such as the
metaverse as deep integration of the virtual world into the real world. It
can be argued that other propositions may be associated with weaker
perceived threat than the metaverse offering a radical break from typical
human life.
Another limitation of the study is related to the sample as it was
conducted in only one country. Further studies need to be carried out in
other cultural backgrounds, for example, in countries with an even
higher virtualisation of daily life and a more extensive user base of early
metaverse implementations. Future studies should also use established
questionnaires on place attachment and compare attachments to real
and virtual places using separate scales. In further studies, the topics
raised in the realistic and symbolic threat scales should be expanded, for
example, by adding issues related to mental health risks (e.g. addictions)
or potentially unhealthy lifestyles. It is also essential to conduct exper­
imental studies, such as involving manipulated place attachment (see e.
g. Stokols, Misra, Runnerstrom, & Hipp, 2009), to understand the causal
relationships between place attachment, perceived threat and willing­
ness to migrate to the metaverse.
10. Conclusion
To our knowledge, this study is the first to show the role of place
attachment in shaping attitudes towards the metaverse. Additionally, it
is the first study to analyse attitudes towards the metaverse from the
perspective of realistic and symbolic threats, a theory that has been
applied mostly in intergroup relations. The conducted study has shown
that greater attachment to virtual, as opposed to real, places predicted a
greater willingness to migrate to a new type of virtual worlds. However,
the majority of the respondents expressed a sense of threat associated
with the further development of the metaverse and ranging from indi­
vidual security issues, such as breached privacy, to the belief that this
technology could deprive users of access to inherently human experi­
ences. This sense of threat negatively predicted willingness to migrate to
the metaverse, but at the same time was lower among participants with
higher attachment to virtual places. The results provide insight into
motivation and aversion to transfer everyday activity to the metaverse
and may serve as a basis for further research to understand the factors
that make the metaverse a convenient space for recreation for some and
a dystopian nightmare about to come true for others.
Credit author statement
Tomasz Oleksy (Conceptualisation; Formal analysis; Investigation;
Methodology; Project administration; Visualization; Writing – original
draft; Writing – review & editing).Anna Wnuk (Conceptualisation;
Formal analysis; Investigation; Methodology; Writing – original draft;
Writing – review & editing).Małgorzata Piskorska (Investigation;
Methodology; Writing – original draft).
Declaration of competing interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
T. Oleksy et al.
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence
the work reported in this paper.
Data availability
Data will be made available on request.
Acknowledgments
Study 2 was funded by the funds from IDUB Programme No 501-
D125-20-5004310. Preparation of this manuscript was financed from
the funds of the Polish National Science Centre No 2021/43/B/HS6/
03357.
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