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18 August Dawn Opinion with Meaning & Translation


Understanding tribal conflict ‫تنازعات کو سمجھنا‬ ‫ق ائ‬
‫( گزشتہ ف و من ا کشن فورم‬WAF) ‫سندھ م ق ائ‬
LAST week, the Women Action Forum (WAF) held an
‫تنازعات اثرات پر کرا م ا ک تق ب ا انعقاد ک ا۔ جہاں‬
event in Karachi on the impact of tribal conflict in
‫شدد واقعات ر ورٹنگ کرتا‬ ‫سند م ڈ ا اقاعد‬
Sindh. While Sindhi media regularly reports
‫پ س وقتا فوقتا ممتاز افراد قتل‬ ‫ مرکزی دھار‬،
incidents of violence, the mainstream press covers
‫اے‬ ‫ م کندھ کوٹ م آ‬2023 ‫۔ اپ ل‬ ‫خ ں دی‬
murders of prominent persons from time to time.
‫ڈا اجمل ساوند قتل خ ں عام وئ ۔‬ ‫پروف‬
The murder of IBA professor Dr Ajmal Sawand in
‫ جن‬،‫افراد ک ا‬ ‫ یہ قتل سندرا قبی‬،‫پول س مطابق‬
April 2023 in Kandhkot was widely reported.
‫ساتھ‬ ‫مب نہ طور پر 'غ ت' معام پر ساوند قبی‬
According to the police, the murder was perpetrated ‫دی نہ دشم ت ۔‬
by members of the Sundrani clan, who had long-
standing enmity with the Sawand tribe purportedly
WAF ‫تق ب م مقرر ن اس ار م ات کہ کس‬
over a matter of ‘honour’.
‫ط ح ان تنازعات م خوات کو براه راست شانہ بنا ا جاتا‬
‫ا مار د ا جاتا ۔ الواسطہ طور‬ ‫۔ انہ اغوا ک ا جاتا‬
‫ خوات اور ب اس وقت شد د متاثر و ہ جب ان‬،‫پر‬
‫ شدد ا ش ار و‬، ‫ ا رو ما وا‬،‫خاندان تمام مرد‬
Speakers at the WAF event talked about how
‫ل دلہن‬ ‫جا ہ ۔ قب لوں درم ان جھگڑوں کو حل کر‬
women are often directly targeted in these conflicts.
‫مجرمانہ ط جاری ر ہ ۔‬ ‫تد ج‬
They are kidnapped or even killed. Indirectly,
women and children are gravely impacted when all
men in their family, often bread earners, become ‫۔‬ ‫ل م پہ ا سمجھنا چا‬ ‫ق ائ شدد نمٹ‬
vulnerable to violence. Criminal practices such as ‫صحا ر اض سہ ل ڈ لیواے ا ف تق ب خطاب‬
bride-swapping persist to resolve feuds between ‫ص ت ا اش ا ک ا جو ق ائ شدد‬ ‫کر و اس شع‬
clans. ‫۔‬ ‫نوع ت روای سمجھ کو پ چ ده بنا‬

‫سندھ م قبی جو آج اپ شناخت ق ائل طور پر کر‬


‫بہت‬ ‫وری نہ کہ وه تار گروه وں۔ ان م‬ ‫ہ‬
To tackle tribal violence, we must first understand it. ‫جد د انجمن ہ اور ان ا موازنہ جرائم پ شہ گرو وں ک ا‬
Journalist Riaz Sohail, speaking at the WAF event, ‫دار ان گرو وں‬ ‫جانا چا ۔ خود ساختہ ' دار' ا ق ائ‬
shared insights from the field that complicate the ‫ ل کن وری نہ کہ یہ‬، ‫ق ادت کر ا دعو ٰی کر ہ‬
conventional understanding of the nature of tribal ‫دار اس لقب پر س دعو ٰی رکھ وا افراد وں۔ اس‬
violence. ‫لحاظ آج سندھ بہت نام نہاد ق ائل شہری عﻼقوں‬
‫م جرائم پ شہ گرو وں ا ہا ووڈ ک فلموں م مقبول‬
‫و وا اطالوی ماف ا خاندانوں بہت مختلف نہ ہ ۔‬

Clans in Sindh that identify themselves today as


tribes are not necessarily historical groups. Many of
them are modern associations and should be likened
to criminal gangs. Self-appointed ‘sardars’ or tribal
chiefs claim to lead these groups, but these sardars
are not necessarily persons with any generational
claim to the title. In this sense, many of the so-called
tribes in Sindh today may not be very different from
criminal gangs in urban areas or from the Italian
mafia families popularised in many Hollywood films.

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In Sindh, it often suits such clans to adopt the label
of ‘tribe’ as this gives them greater power in the
eyes of the media and public, and allows them to ‫ل‬ ‫قب لوں کو 'قب لہ' ا لی ل اپنا‬ ‫ یہ ا ا‬، ‫سندھ م‬
wield more influence with the state. ‫موزوں کرتا کیونکہ یہ انھ م ڈ ا اور عوام نظروں م‬
‫ اور انھ ر است ساتھ ز اده اثر و‬، ‫ز اده طاقت دیتا‬
‫اجازت دیتا ۔‬ ‫رس خ رکھ‬

Far from challenging the ‘writ’ of the Pakistani state, ،‫بہت دور‬ ‫ا ستا ر است ’رٹ‘ کو چ لنج کر‬
tribalism serves to entrench it even further. ‫۔‬ ‫ق ائل ت ا م د مضبوط کر ا ام کر‬

‫صحا ر اض سہ ل یہ ب ر ورٹ ک ا کہ م ڈ ا طرف‬


‫جرائم کو ا ق ائ لی ل د ا جاتا یہاں تک کہ جب‬
Journalist Riaz Sohail also reported that crimes are ‫وت اور‬ ‫وری نہ‬ ‫واقعات ج ں ق ائ تنازعات م‬
often given a tribal label by the media even when ٰ‫اس م ملوث ف ق وری نہ کہ ق ائ وا ست ا دعوی‬
incidents do not necessarily have roots in tribal ‫ق ائ ا‬ ‫ک ں۔ جب م ڈ ا ک جرم ا تنازعہ م ف ق‬
disputes and the parties involved do not necessarily ‫وا ست پر زور دیتا تو یہ واقعہ ق ائ شناخت ا‬ ‫قبی‬
claim a tribal affiliation. When the media ‫حامل وتا ۔‬
emphasises the tribal or clan affiliations of parties in
a crime or dispute, the incident assumes a tribal
‫اس ط ح خصوص ت ا ن جہ ا بڑ پ ما پر جرائم‬
identity.
‫ش ل م ن لتا ۔ ق ائ سمجھ جا وا جرائم ا ف آ‬
‫آر م عض اوقات درجنوں مردوں کو محض ان سمج‬
‫وجہ ملزم طور پر نامزد ک ا‬ ‫جا وا ق ائ وا ست‬
‫ا جرم کو تعلق نہ‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ حاﻻنکہ ان م‬، ‫جاتا‬
The result of such characterisation is often mass
‫وتا ۔ یہ ان گناه مردوں گرفتاری ا اعث ب تا جو‬
criminalisation. FIRs in crimes that are deemed tribal
‫ک ماه ق ل از سماعت ا ز ر سماعت حراست م گزار‬
will sometimes name dozens of men as accused
‫ہ ۔‬
persons simply because of their perceived tribal
affiliation, even though many of them have nothing
‫تق ب د گر مقرر ن شمول ان س ہارون اور ان تا پنجا‬
to do with the crime. This leads to the arrest of
‫ق ائ تنازعات وج ات پر گفتگو ۔ ق ائل اور ان‬
innocent men who spend many months in pre-trial
‫جن ا‬ ‫تق ت مل‬ ‫داروں کو ر اس اداروں ٹوٹ‬
or under-trial detention.
‫مقصد جرائم روک تھام اور ا دینا ۔ شہری تنازعات کو‬
‫حقوق تحفظ م عدلیہ نا ا ا‬ ‫حل کر اور امﻼ‬
‫مطلب یہ کہ لوگ ا انصاف ل جرگوں ا رخ کر‬
Other speakers at the event including Anis Haroon ‫ جو ق ائ نظام کو م د گھ لی ہ ۔ امع تعل م اور‬، ‫ہ‬
and Anita Pinjani discussed the causes of tribal ‫داروں‬ ‫ب لوگوں کو ق ائ‬ ‫روز ار مواقع‬
conflict. Tribes and their sardars gain strength with ‫۔‬ ‫چمٹ جا‬
the breakdown of state institutions that are meant
to prevent and punish crimes. The failure of the
judiciary to resolve civil disputes and protect
property rights means that people often turn to
jirgas for justice, further entrenching the tribal
system. The lack of meaningful education and
employment opportunities also makes people cling
to tribal sardars.

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While tribal sardars are non-state actors filling in the ‫دار ا ک مزور ر است طرف چھوڑ‬ ‫ا رچہ ق ائ‬
gap left by a weak state, the relationship between ُ
‫ ل کن وری‬، ‫گ خﻼ کو پر کر وا غ ر اس ادا ار ہ‬
the tribe and state actors is not necessarily ‫نہ کہ قبی اور ر اس ادا اروں درم ان تعلق مخالفانہ‬
antagonistic. To the contrary, many tribal leaders ‫ بہت ق ائ ر نما قانون نافذ کر‬،‫و۔ اس برعکس‬
develop strong relationships with government ‫وا اداروں سم ت اری اف ان ساتھ مضبوط تعلقات‬
officers, including law enforcement. Many even hold ‫استوار کر ہ ۔ بہت لوگ منتخب عہدوں پر فائز و‬
elected offices and become part of the government. ‫ہ اور حکومت ا حصہ بن جا ہ ۔‬

‫ ا ستا ر است ’رٹ‘ کو چ لنج کر‬،‫ ق ائل ت‬،‫درحق قت‬


‫ ا م د مضبوط کر‬، ‫ ج سا کہ یہ موجود‬،‫بہت دور‬
In fact, tribalism, far from challenging the ‘writ’ of ‫۔ ا ک استخرا ر است ل وسائل کو‬ ‫ا ام کر‬
the Pakistani state as it exists, serves to entrench it ‫کن ول کرنا اور تقس م شده اور اندرو تنازعات م الج‬
even further. It becomes far easier for an extractive ‫و آ ادی کو ز ر کرنا بہت آسان و جاتا ۔ سندھ لوگ‬
state to control resources and subjugate a ‫ صنع اور زمیندار ا افیہ‬، ‫اس ل تقس م و کہ فو‬
population that is divided and embroiled in internal ‫حکومت کر ر ۔‬
conflicts. The people of Sindh divide so that the
military, industrial and landed elite continue to rule. ‫کہ وه‬ ‫یہ ک ب ط ح ر است ا حالیہ رجحان نہ‬
‫ل استعمال کر ۔‬ ‫ق ائل ت کو اپ آپ کو مضبوط کر‬
‫سل م کر‬ ‫آغاز م‬ ‫برطانوی نوآ اد ات اپ ح مرا‬
‫جا ق ائل ذر‬ ‫ل ا تھا کہ آ ادی کو قانون ح مرا‬
It is by no means a recent trend for the state to use ‫ز ر ک ا جا سکتا ۔ )سابق( وفاق ز ر‬ ‫ز اده مؤثر ط‬
tribalism to strengthen itself. British colonisers ‫ جہاں‬، ‫انتظام ق ائ عﻼ اس ا ک سنگ مثال ہ‬
recognised early on in their rule that a population ‫ جرگہ انصاف کو‬،‫نوآ اد ات ق ائ اتھار کو اداره بنا ا‬
can be subjugated more effectively through tribes ‫اشندوں ل مناسب عمل‬ ‫ و اں‬،‫قانو حی ت دی‬
rather than the rule of law. The (former) Federally ‫ان ار ک ا اور پولی ل ا جنٹوں کو مقرر ک ا جس ذر انہوں‬
Administered Tribal Areas are a grim example of ،‫اپ استخرا ح مرا پر زور د ا۔ ﻻقانون ت دور‬
this, where colonisers institutionalised tribal ‫ق ائ عﻼقوں پر انتہا سخت قسم قانون ح مرا‬
authority, legitimised jirga justice, denied due ‫ت ۔‬
process to inhabitants and appointed political
agents through which they asserted their extractive ‫ڈ لیواے ا ف تق ب م مقرر ن ق ائ تنازعات پر قابو ا‬
rule. Far from being lawless, the tribal areas were ‫ار م ات ۔ شہناز وز ر ع اور صا سٹ ر اض‬
ruled by a law of the most draconian kind. ‫ل سندھ لوگوں کو ااخت ار‬ ‫شیخ ق ائل ت خات‬
‫ انھوں نوٹ ک ا‬،‫بنا م تعل م کردار پر زور د ا۔ تا م‬
‫وه س ا اور ثقاف ب ان‬ ‫کہ آج جو تعل م پ ش جا‬
‫ اور اس ل اس م آزادی‬، ‫اور مسخ شده‬ ‫مطابق س‬
Speakers at the WAF event talked about how to
‫۔‬ ‫صﻼح ت نہ‬
overcome tribal conflict. Shehnaz Wazir Ali and Riaz
Shaikh of Szabist emphasised the role of education
‫م اپ تار ـ ـخ م ان تح کوں اور ر نماؤں سبق حاصل‬
in empowering the people of Sindh to end tribalism.
‫کر سک ہ جنہوں سما اصﻼح ل جدوجہد‬
They noted, however, that the education offered
‫ذر ق ائل ت ا مقا لہ ک ا ۔‬
today is censored and distorted to fit political and
cultural narratives, and so does not have a liberating
potential.

We can draw lessons from movements and leaders


in our history who have addressed tribalism through
struggles for social reform.

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Unfortunately, these examples have been purged
from the history books taught in our schools and ‫مار سکولوں اور الجوں م پڑھا جا وا‬ ‫دقسم‬
colleges. The Khudai Khidmatgar Movement from ‫و ں صدی‬20 ‫تار ـ ـخ کتابوں یہ مثال مٹا دی گ ہ ۔‬
the early 20th century led by Abdul Ghaffar Khan ‫اوائل ع دالغفار خان اور د گر روشن خ ال ختونوں‬
and other enlightened Pakhtuns aimed to eliminate ‫ق ادت م خدا خدمت ار تح ک ا مقصد تر سند تعل م‬
tribalism through progressive education that instils ‫ذر ق ائل ت کو ختم کرنا تھا جو سما گرو وں اور‬
values of equality among social groups and genders. ‫۔ ع دالغفار‬ ‫ج سوں درم ان مساوات اقدار کو ابھار‬
Abdul Ghaffar Khan recognised that tribalism was a ‫سل م ک ا کہ ق ائل ت مزوروں کو جاہل رکھ اور‬ ‫خان‬
tool of the powerful to keep the weak ignorant and ‫ل‬ ‫مقا ا افیہ چھو مفادات کو فروغ دی‬
promote petty interests of a local elite that enslaved ‫طاقتوروں ا آلہ جس خود کو نوآ اد ا آقاؤں ا غﻼم‬
itself to colonial masters. ‫بنا رکھا ۔‬

‫خدا خدمت ار تح ک ا ک سما اصﻼ جدوجہد طور‬


‫پر وع و نہ کہ آزادی ا عل حد سند تح ک طور‬
The Khudai Khidmatgar Movement started as a ‫پر۔ نوآ اد ات کو بہرحال اس شد د خطره تھا کیونکہ‬
social reform struggle and not as a freedom or a ‫ق ائ تنازعہ ان طاقت ا ذر عہ تھا۔ اس ط ح ا ک پرامن‬
secessionist movement. The colonisers were ‫عدم شدد تح ک خﻼف وحش انہ انتقا ارروائیوں ا‬
nonetheless gravely threatened by it because tribal ‫آغاز وا۔‬
conflict was a source of their power; thus began
brutal reprisals against a peaceful non-violent ‫ سما انصاف اور صن مساوات ل ام کر وا‬،‫اتحاد‬
movement. ‫تح ک اﻵخر ق ائ تنازعات کو ختم کر سک ہ ۔ ل کن‬
‫تح کوں کو ان لوگوں مزاحمت ا سامنا کرنا پڑ ا‬ ‫ا‬
‫جو سﻼم اور قو مفاد نام پر دت ن قسم ﻻقانون ت‬
‫کو فروغ دی ہ ۔‬
Movements that work towards unity, social justice
and gender equality can ultimately end tribal
conflict. But such movements will face resistance
from those who promote the worst kind of
lawlessness in the name of security and national
interest.

Published in Dawn, August 18, 2023

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