zyxwvutsr
only portion of the book with which I take issue.
The complicated trigonometric equations and
diagrams of chapter 4 are hardly necessary t o ex-
tract the information that tells us when the sun's
first morning rays would strike the buffalo skull
that was always placed over the east-facing altar,
or when the sun or Pleiades would be observable
through the smoke-hole. While such a complex
treatment might appear to lend an air of quanti-
tative credibility t o his conclusions, for 'the
careful reader who i s really concerned with
Plains Indian astronomy, this sort of detail is not
even necessary. Moreover, there i s a danger of
confusing the less perceptive reader who might
think the Skidi Pawnee indulged in Pythagorean
geometry. Still, Chamberlain proves his case
Orientation of the lodge in space was important,
and statements given in the historical record
about lodge orientations prove t o be consistent
with modern astronomical calculations Finally,
this discussion raises the question of the degree
t o which the lodge was astronomically func-
tional. Was it an astronomical observatory in the
sense that the observation of sun, planet, and star
light was utilized t o set a calendar? While this
may be the case, we must also regard it as a com-
plex multifunctional artifact, wherein religious
dictates imposed a set of conditions on lodge
geometry and orientation in the same manner
that nonastronomical principles exercised a set
o f constraints on written Maya calendars.
The quadripartition of space embodied in the
earth lodge (replete with color, animal, plant,
e t c , coding) i s so directly suggestive of Meso-
american cosmology that concern about the
cultural origin and migration of such concepts
can hardly be overlooked. Indeed, like the Aztecs
of Mexico, these people also had a New Fire
Ceremony and even a Fire Drill constellation.
Chamberlain's notion of the origin of the inter-
cardinal designations i s refreshing, if not wholly
original. As anyone who enters a planetarium can
see, the sun, moon, and planets migrate well
north and south of the east-west line in the mid-
dle latitudes, a phenomenon that may have sug-
gested the idea of dividing up space into sections
by lines midway between the cardinal directions.
The identification of stars and constellations
on a Pawnee leather star chart of uncertain origin
forms the last chapter of the text. Chamberlain's
efforts t o attempt t o authenticate the document
through quantitative and qualitative chemical
analysis constitute, at the very least, a contribu-
tion to museum literature. His opinion that the
chart had experienced considerable use before it
arrived at the Field Museum in 1906 places us on
more certain ground with the document. Cham-
berlain's analysis o f the contents of the buckskin
chart dispels the old notion that this was a star
map so accurate that one could use it t o calcu-
late planetary positions. Rather, he characterizes
it more as a device embodying a collection of
Pawnee observations and ideas about the sky.
Chamberlain's l i s t of constellations i s an exten-
sion of Buckstaff's earlier work on the chart.
This lush compendium of Pawnee astronom-
ical knowledge is a substantial contribution to
the growing body of literature in the interdis-
ciplinary field of ethnoastronomy. By recog-
nizing that astronomical practices must be
"weighed in conjunction with other factors" in
the delineation of Pawnee history, Chamberlain 15
careful not to overstep the bounds of his
discipline. Yet, for a person purely trained in
astronomy, he does more than his duty, for he
embraces an approach that i s genuinely anthro-
pological. In confronting Chamberlain's text, this
reviewer finds himself reading about people
rather than about science.
One of the most common pitfalls scientists ex-
perience when they write about the natural world
a5 viewed through the eyes of another culture is
that they tend t o write only about the natural
world. In the worst instances they seek the em-
bodiment of their own view of nature in those
whom they pretend t o understand. Perhaps un-
knowingly, Chamberlain reveals the progress of
ethnoastronomical studies in a brief correspon-
dence printed in the appendix of his book The ex-
change occurs between Dorsey, the museum
man, and E. E. Barnard, one of the most famous
astronomers of his day, and it i s a perfect illustra-
tion of how we often tend t o subdivide and
isolate cultural data. The letters relate to the
identification of constellations on the contro-
versial buckskin chart. Dorsey, seemingly ig-
norant of astronomical principles, presents the
zyxw
chart. Barnard, expressing no interest in the
Pawnee, studies it and gives in a long list his iden-
tification of each prominent star group on the
chart. As we have begun t o discover with publi-
cations like Chamberlain's, there is a better way
t o do ethnoastronomv.
zyx
At the Crossroads of the Earth and the Sky:
An Andean Cosmology. GARY URTON.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981. Fore-
word by R. T. Zuidema. xx +
248 pp., maps,
figures, tables, appendix, notes, bibliog-
raphy, index. $30.00 (cloth).
/OSEPH BAS TIE N
University of Texas, Arlington
Gary Urton contributes significantly to the
understanding of Andean celestial cosmology
and astronomy. H e did fieldwork from 1975 until
1977 in the small village of Misminay, Peru,
selected because of its proximity and ecological
similarity t o Cuzco (the underlying assumption
being that Cuzco and Misminay shared structural
and cosmological premises). His mentor, R . T.
Zuidema, had studied the ceque system of Cuzco
through 16th-century ethnohistorical sources and
postulates the use of ceques (lines) as sightlines in
the lncaic astronomical and calendrical system.
With this hypothesis, Urton did research in the
contemporaneous Quechua village of Misminay
t o investigate whether similar sightlines are
operant as coordinates between the astronomical
reviews 611
 zyxwvu
and calendrical systems of modern Quechuas.
He presents in detail that Misminay i s divided by
two principal footpath and irrigation canal axes
zyxwvuts
(NW-SE and NE-SW) that cross in the form of a
large X. These axes correspond t o the two prin-
cipal axes of the Milky Way: at 6:OO P.M. the
Milky Way crosses the Misminay sky from north-
west to southeast, and at 6:OO A M. it crosses the
sky from northeast t o southwest. The celestial
sphere i s divided into quarters (suyus) by the
Milky Way, which i s a metaphor for the terrestrial
sphere of Misminay also divided into quarters by
the irrigation canals. Symbolically, the Milky
Way i s a celestial river that reflects and provides
zyxwvutsrq
(metaphysically) for the terrestrial rivers, in this
case the irrigation ditches of Misminay. From
this, Urton says, "the principal plane of celestial
orientation used by the Incas and the contem-
porary Quechua-speakers is the Milky Way. not
the ecliptic" (p 9). The ecliptic i s the path of the
sun, moon, and planets among the stars. Accord-
zyxw
ing t o Urton, early students of Inca culture
history uncritically assumed that the constella-
tions of the Incas corresponded t o the constella-
tions of the Western world, which are ordered
along the ecliptic.
A t the Crossroads contains especially in-
teresting information about the constellations.
Star-to-star constellations are similar t o western
European constellations in that they trace a
familiar shape in the sky by conceptually linking
together neighboring bright stars. These constel-
lations are either geometrical (the Large and
Small Crosses) or they represent inanimate, usual-
ly architectural objects (the Bridge and the Store-
house). They are classified as masculine. Dark-
cloud constellations appear t o be huge shadows
or silhouettes pasted against the bright Milky
Way. These constellations represent animals
(llama, fox, snake, tinamou, and toad). Sym-
bolically, dark-cloud constellations are androgy-
nous, and Urton shows in chapter 9 the correla-
tion of the astronomical periodicities of the dark-
cloud animal constellations and the biological
cycles of their animal counterparts on the earth.
He supports this correlation with a quote from
Polo de Ondegardo (1571): "In general, [the In-
cas] believed that all the animals and birds on the
earth had their likeness in the sky in whose
responsibility was their procreation and augmen-
tation" (p. 169).
Although Urton's exposition is plausible, with
many diagrams, ethnographic and ethnohistori-
cal sources, and cross-cultural (lowland) compari-
sons, there are questions about methodology and
interpretation. First, was Misminay selected
because its irrigation ditches were at NW-SE and
NE-SW axes? Andean irrigation ditches cor-
respond to all points of the compass because An-
deans primarily consider geohydraulic factors, in-
cline of the land, and sources of water. If in
Misminay. geohydraulic factors are such that
they permit the construction of irrigation canals
along axes that correspond t o the axes of the
Milky Way, then the relationship is coincidental.
zyxwvuts
If Urton approached Misminay in a deductive
612 american ethnologist
fashion with knowledge that i t s canals cor-
responded t o the Milky Way, then the major
thrust of his research i s t o investigate whether the
people of Misminay perceive this correspon-
dence. At the Crossroads does not contain
enough interpretations by informants t o prove
that the Quechuas of Misminay see the symbolic
relations between the canals and the Milky Way.
Instead, Urton establishes the relationship by
ethnohistorical interpretations of place names,
which may have changed their meaning over
time.
This raises the question as to what point in
time Urton is describing Andean celestial cosmol-
ogy. He does not limit his observations t o
Misminay; for example, he says that the principal
plane of celestial orientation used by the Incas
and the contemporary Quechua speakers i s the
Milky Way. He implies that Misminay reflects
CUZCO cosmology, without going into detail
about what the similarities are. In other words, he
proceeds from ethnographic research t o certain
ethnohistorical conclusions without presenting
the comparisons At what point in time i s Urton
describing Misminay celestial cosmology? For ex-
ample, a major point of the book is the division
of Misminay into quarters (suyus] that correspond
t o the axes of the canal and the Milky Way. Are
these quarters vestiges of former social-structural
principles or are they territorial markers for pres-
ent-day social exchange patterns? The reader is
unable to tell because At the Crossroads does not
contain sufficient information on the social struc-
ture of Misminay. Without these data, i t is dif-
ficult t o establish a social organization of
quarters in Misminay.
Regarding the interpretation of symbols, Urton
uses a variety of sources t o derive the meanings;
however, this raises the question of whether these
meanings are present t o the people of Misminay.
For example, he derives the meanings of symbols
and words from informants, 16th-century diction-
aries, and interpretations provided by ethnog-
raphers in other parts of the Andes and lowland
South America. Although this provides the reader
with Andean semiotics, it confuses him or her as
t o whether these meanings are found in
Misminay. Even though the form of the symbol is
the same in two places or at two times, this does
not imply that the meaning i s the same. Words
and symbols have many meanings that change
over time, so it i s often easy t o find a meaning
from some time or place that provides the
necessary interpretation.
Ethnologists in general need t o be cautious and
conservative in interpreting symbols, using abun-
dant ethnographic data t o support their mean-
ings. especially when they are dealing with cos-
mology and astronomy. Although A t the Cross-
roads is a scholarly book with many solid inter-
pretations, there are some speculations. For ex-
ample, Urton writes:
It has been shown that when women live to-
gether in isolation over long periods of time,
their menstrual cycles tend to become syn-
chronized. It is interesting t o consider this fact
 in relation t o the institution of the Acllas, the
"Virgins of the Sun," in lncaic society. The
Acllas lived together in a palace in Cuzco
called the Acllahuasi; their lives were
dedicated to the performance of religious
rituals and ceremonies in the Temple of the
Sun (Coricancha). Thus, the Acllas could well
have served not only as the "biological stan-
dard" for a coordinated lunar zodiac, but also
as the record-keepers of nocturnal celestial
cycles (p. 79).
Although he i s merely suggesting this inter-
pretation, he should have listed the references to
the first sentence or provided the supportive
zyxwvu
data.
zyxw
A t the Crossroads is well worth a careful
zyx
reading by students of cosmology, astronomy,
zyxwv
and Andean studies. The criticisms are secondary
and can be explained by the fact that Urton i s
leading the way in Andean ethnoastronomy
The Cosmic Zygote: Cosmology in the
Amazon Basin. PETER G. ROE. New Bruns-
wick: Rutgers University Press, 1982. xvi +
384 pp., figures, tables, photographs, notes,
references, index. $40.00 (cloth).
GERALD WEISS
Florida Atlantic University
In this dualistic universe of ours, I feel myself
t o be a virtual Sarastro, sternly insisting upon ut-
most respect for the intellectual heritage of
aboriginal America, defining responsibility in
terms of reporting that heritage accurately and
interpreting i t appropriately, that is, in its own
terms. Peter Roe has a different attitude, and in
this work he uses that heritage to play what he
calls a "mind game" (p. v)-a version of "Dun-
geons and Dragons." it seems. Because Roe and I
are diametrically opposed in our approaches and
standards, my review of his book necessarily
takes a critical turn.
zyxwvuts
To be sure, the book's primary subject matter
i s intrinsically interesting-cosmology and myth
in Amazonia and surrounding areas. All the
familiar elements are here-the sun, the moon,
jaguars, anacondas, and so forth-but what does
Roe d o with them? I confess that I am unhappy
with his procedure. He wishes to set forth a pre-
conceived model "firmly rooted in a kind of
'Hegelian Taoism"' (p. 308). as if i t were em-
pirically derived, and does so by culling out of
Amazonia's ethnographic literature just those
pieces from different cultures that, once as-
sembled, form the desired picture All else is
disregarded except for a few instances in which
contrary evidence i s presented, apparently
because Roe believes such evidence can be inter-
preted as "structural inversion" or the like and so
actually lend support t o his argument (pp. 240,
258, 276-277). Consistently and repeatedly,
general statements are made by him for all of
Amazonia, based on what i s reported for only
one or two tribes in each instance. The research
involved was not as carefully executed as might
be wished; the entire body of literature on the
subject was not consulted or mastered, and in
what i s reported there i s too high a frequency of
error, distortion, and garbling. I recommend that
none of the ethnographic facts reported second-
hand in this book be taken as accurately stated
without first checking with the source publica-
tion.
What i s the model Roe expounds for us? I t is in
the structuralist mold, strongly derived from the
work of Levi-Strauss and ReicheCDolmatoff.
Roe's departure i s in attempting t o fabricate a
single general Amazonian metacosmology of
which the cosmologies of individual cultures are
simply variants. He brings t o his task an odd
assortment of alien terms and concepts from the
Eastern Hemisphere: yin-yang and tao (p 264).
avatara (p. 105 et passim), and both the dreadful
European dragon or Wurrn (pp 89-90 et passim)
and the celestial dragon of China (p. 252). What
are all these doing in aboriginal America? Roe
does not tell us, but he has absolutely no com-
punction about using these terms.
Roe wishes us to understand that in aboriginal
Amazonia the universe was conceived of as struc-
tured and inhabited in strictly dichotomized
terms, with all oppositions aligned with each
other on a primarily vertical axis. In a universe
constructed of several strata (our earth in an in-
termediate position), the subterranean-sub-
aquatic underworld constituted the realm of all
that i s evil-black-female (ambiguously female),
while the celestial strata constituted the realm of
all that i s good-white-male, but with the realm of
evil extending upward to include the shadowy
forest and the night sky. The color code is
presented more elaborately: evil is black-blue-
green, good i s white-yellow-red. with certain
qualifications. The major being in the realm of
evil, according t o Roe, was a composite figure,
the Dragon (i-e.. the black cayman-anaconda-
dolphin-piran ha-frog-toad-lizard-turtle-tapir-ant-
eater-monkey-vulture-forest demon-moon-etc 1.
Standing in opposition t o the Dragon are the sun,
good jaguars, and most birds, again according t o
Roe. There are myths, however, i n which jaguars
are presented as dangerous or foolish, charac-
teristics of the Dragon's domain, so Roe resorts t o
his color code t o distinguish between a good
Yellow Jaguar and an evil Black Jaguar, the latter
another avatara of the Dragon. And as caymans
are invariably opposed t o jaguars in Amazonian
myths. Roe assures us on p 201, there stands
opposed t o the Black Jaguar a good cayman, the
Celestial Dragon.
By splitting mythological figures in this way,
Roe virtually ensures that his model will be, in
principle, unfalsifiable. I might add that only in
their secondary guises do Roe's Dragon and
Jaguar conform in their symbolic values to the
Dragon and Tiger of Chinese cosmology, from
which he claims to have drawn inspiration All
other binary oppositions discussed in the anthro-
pological literature are lined up by Roe with those
reviews 613