The 30-Day Sugar Elimination Diet: a

Whole-Food Detox to Conquer Cravings

& Reclaim Health, Customizable for
Keto or Low-Carb Brenda Bennett
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First published in 2023 by Victory Belt Publishing Inc.
Copyright © 2023 Brenda Bennett
No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or stored in a database
or retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher.
ISBN-13: 9781628604795

The author is not a licensed physician or medical professional and offers

no medical diagnoses, treatments, suggestions, or counseling. The
information presented herein has not been evaluated by the U.S. Food
and Drug Administration, and it is not intended to diagnose, treat, cure,
or prevent any disease. Full medical clearance from a licensed physician
should be obtained before beginning or modifying any diet, exercise,
or lifestyle program, and physicians should be informed of all nutritional
changes.
The author/owner claims no responsibility to any person or entity for
any liability, loss, or damage caused or alleged to be caused directly or
indirectly as a result of the use, application, or interpretation of the
information presented herein.

Cover design by Kat Lannom

Interior design and illustrations by Yordan Terziev and Boryana
Yordanova
Additional recipe photos by Jo Harding
Author photos by Shawon Davis
Printed in Canada
TC 0122
 This book is dedicated to you, the reader—the one who has
struggled for years with a compulsion for eating sugar and
refined carbs and an inability to break free from its hold. I am
here rooting for you.
CONTENTS
Letter to the Reader
My Story
How This Book Is Set Up

1: WHAT IS THE 30-DAY SUGAR ELIMINATION DIET?

Why We Crave Sugar and Carbs
Before You Start
Low-Carb Track or Keto Track?
Taking Supplements During the Detox

2: PROGRAM GUIDELINES
Building New Habits
The Basics
Prioritizing Protein
Days 1–7
Days 8–15
Days 16–23
Days 24–30

3: MEAL PLAN & RECIPES

About the Meal Plan and Recipes
30-Day Meal Plan and Shopping Lists

MEAL PLAN RECIPES

Apple Pie Dutch Baby
Asparagus Salad with Avocado Dressing
Bacon Bourbon Burgers
Breakfast Sausage Patties
Brown Butter Crispy Chicken Thighs
Buffalo Chicken Salad Wraps
Buffalo Wings
Buffalo Wing Sauce
Cabbage Roll Skillet
Cauliflower Rice
Cheddar and Bacon–Stuffed Burgers
Chicken Cauliflower Fried Rice
Chicken Chili Stuffed Peppers
Chicken Kiev Meatballs
Chicken Mushroom Skillet
Chimichurri
Cloud Bread Rolls
Cobb Ranch Salad
Corned Beef Hash Skillet with Eggs
Creamy Cilantro Lime Slaw
Crispy Broccoli
Crustless Ham and Cheese Quiches
Crustless Skillet Supreme Pizza
Dairy-Free Mini Waffles
Deviled Eggs
Easy Bacon
Easy-Peel Hard-Boiled Eggs
Egg Foo Young
Egg Noodles
Egg Salad
Eggs Benedict

Fish Taco Bowl

French Onion Meatballs
Garlic Butter Mushrooms
Garlic Butter Steak Bites
German “Potato” Salad
Grilled Romaine Salad
Homemade Ketchup
Jambalaya
Low-Carb Marinara Sauce
Mashed Roasted Cauliflower
Momma’s Italian Dressing
Monte Cristo Waffle Sandwiches
Open-Face Tuna Chaffles
Palmini Rice
Pan-Seared Lemon Butter Salmon
Philly Cheesesteak Stir-Fry
Pizza Chaffles
Protein Pancakes
Reverse-Seared Rib Eye with Chimichurri
Roasted Balsamic Vegetables
Rutabaga Fries
Sausage Egg Cups
Sausage Zucchini Skillet
Sautéed Summer Squash
Scotch Eggs
Sheet Pan Chicken Fajitas
Sheet Pan Shrimp with Crispy Pepperoni
Shirataki Rice
Shrimp Linguine in Garlic Butter Sauce
Simple Skillet Chili
Smoked Salmon Omelet Roll-Ups
Smoky Grilled Pork Chops
Soft Scrambled Eggs
Spicy Mayo
Spicy Smoked Salmon Wrap
Spring Roll Chicken Salad with Creamy Asian Dressing
Stuffed Chicken Thighs
Sugar-Free BBQ Sauce
Sugar-Free Maple Syrup
Taco Seasoning
Taco Soup
Tuna Salad
2-Minute English Muffins
Waffle Breakfast Sandwich
Zucchini Noodles with Roasted Garlic Cream Sauce

DETOX DESSERTS & BEVERAGES

Berry Fluff
Brownie in a Mug
Keto Chocolate Lava Cakes for Two
Keto Dalgona Coffee
Deep Dish Chocolate Chip Cookie
Egg Custard
Keto Electrolyte Drink—Three Ways
No-Churn Vanilla Ice Cream
Panna Cotta
Raspberry Clafoutis
Scrambled Egg Chocolate Pudding
Sugar-Free Whipped Cream
Tiramisu for Two

4: KEEPING THE MOMENTUM GOING

Are You a Moderator or an Abstainer?
Reintroducing Carbs
What’s Next?
Testimonials

Shopping Guide
Sweetener Conversion Chart
The Scale Worksheet
Hunger or Habit?
With Gratitude
Bibliography
Recipe Quick Reference
Recipe Index
Letter to the Reader

You can do anything for 30 days—even remove sugar from your diet. In
fact, you may have done it before, but for some reason, old habits crept
back in, and sugar has once again become too hard for you to resist.
The refined carbs and sugary treats that were once just for holidays,
birthday celebrations, and other special occasions eventually spilled
into your work week. Now, they may be a daily indulgence and a
difficult habit to stop.

Sugar is well known for being a comfort for many people during times
of stress. For those of us who are unable to “moderate” foods that
contain sugar, though, it is just as controlling as cocaine is for a drug
addict, and we are just as out of control as other addicts when they get
a hit of their addictive substance.

You may not identify yourself as being addicted to sugar. Maybe you
just feel you don’t have enough willpower, and you need a little
guidance to detox for a short time and get a handle on your cravings.
This 30-Day Sugar Elimination Diet will help you do just that.

I was a sugar addict from the age of 12 until I turned 34. The contents of
this book are how I gained independence from sugar obsession, broke
the hold of intense cravings, lost weight, and have maintained my sugar
freedom since 2006.

No matter why you picked up this book or how you identify yourself,
one thing remains true: sugar and refined carbs can wreak havoc on our
bodies, our health, our minds, our internal organs, and how we age.

The good news is that you can regain control, and you can do it within
one month. With this book, you will learn how to detox from sugar
without horrible withdrawal symptoms. You will learn how to balance
your blood sugar, remove those intense cravings, and lose weight while
enjoying delicious food that keeps you totally satisfied. The tools I share
in this book provide all the support you will need to live happily free of
cravings for sugar and processed carbs.

Freeing yourself from sugar isn’t about willpower and whether you have
enough of it. It’s not about following a Paleo or low-carb or keto diet. It
is about the sugar and processed foods that have taken over your life.
It’s time to take back control and never be enslaved to any food again.

You can do it! One day at a time. You can remove sugar for 30 days, you
will feel amazing, and you will lose weight.
MY STORY

A happy child—that’s how I would describe myself. I had wonderful

parents who cared for me in every way. My lovely childhood involved
dance classes, ice skating lessons, baton twirling, bike riding, picnic
dinners on the beach at sunset, and classic Italian food. Although my
parents didn’t go to college, they worked hard to provide my brothers
and me with what we needed. We never lacked.

My issues with sugar and refined carbs began when I was 12, when I
was an innocent kid who liked to sneak potato chips. Now, as a 49-year-
old woman, I cannot understand why I felt I needed to sneak food,
because my parents always had an open-door policy. I was never told I
couldn’t eat something. No one policed what I ate or when I ate or how
much I ate. I was never told I needed to go on a diet. Furthermore, my
mom can moderate sugar and enjoy it once a week. My father can do
the same. I tried and tried to be like them and enjoy sweets in
moderation, but that approach never worked for me.
All I know is that eating brought me comfort. As time went by, I had
more difficulty controlling my urges, as if my body were compelled to
eat without my conscious awareness. Sometimes I would find myself in
the basement with my hand in a bag of chips without even
remembering that I had walked down the stairs.
As I sought control over weight gain as a teen, I discovered a new way
to enjoy my binges while keeping my weight stable. I found bulimia
disgusting, but the results were too convincing for me to stop because I
didn’t have to change anything about my other habits. I could continue
to overeat and indulge in sugar and carbs without the consequence of
weight gain. And this made me happy for a long time. Until it didn’t
anymore. My period stopped for a year. I popped blood vessels around
my eyes, and I would feel sharp pains down my throat at random times
throughout the day, even for a long time after I stopped purging.

I finally found some freedom when I attended an Overeaters

Anonymous (OA) meeting at age 22. I learned how to eat three meals a
day. The “rule” of not eating between meals really worked for me. I
found freedom in discipline; however, the guidelines didn’t say that any
food was off-limits, so sugar was still in my life. As time went on, I
learned of other OA meetings in which people were advised to stay
away from flour and sugar, but I thought I didn’t need that additional
restriction. I lost 35 pounds in six months, going from 159 pounds to
124, and I was happy. I continued with OA until I had my first child at 29.
Then I decided I was too busy with the new baby to go back to
meetings, and I felt strong enough to lose the baby weight on my own,
without support.

Within six months, I was able to lose 70 pounds of the weight I’d gained
during pregnancy, so I was back to 124 pounds. Life was good. I had a
baby, I was working full-time as a teacher, and I was happily married.
When I got pregnant again at 32, I gained 40 pounds. This time,
though, I couldn’t lose the last 20 pounds of baby weight. I was stuck at
145 pounds, and I was miserable. I went to Weight Watchers to see if
weekly support meetings would help. They did not. I saved up my
points for packaged Weight Watchers snacks instead of eating real
food.
In 2004, a friend of mine joined a program that removed white sugar
and flour for six weeks. I decided to give that program a try. I had a
weekly phone call with a mentor and was required to mail her my food
journal for the week. This program changed my life. When I began, I
thought I couldn’t give up sugar—even for just six weeks—but the results
from sticking with it were satisfying enough for me to continue. I lost all
the weight I’d gained during my second pregnancy and again was back
to 124 pounds. I stayed away from refined sugars, white flours, white
potatoes, white rice, and so on until I got pregnant for the third and final
time. With that pregnancy, I gained 50 pounds and decided to throw all
my knowledge about sugar out the window. I figured I could go back to
the sugar-free lifestyle after I had the baby. I was so wrong. The pull of
sugar and refined carbs was worse than ever. I felt that avoiding them
was beyond my conscious control, as if I had a ravenous lion inside me
who couldn’t get enough.

I struggled for a year, fighting every single day to tame that lion. Having
to use my weakened willpower each day was utter emotional turmoil,
but finally things turned around for the better.
My fight paid off. Not giving in when I was tempted paid off. Not turning
to sugar and refined carbs paid off. Praying for strength every day paid
off. My new behaviors started to rewire my brain. Those behaviors
became automatic, and I no longer needed to use willpower every day
to fight off cravings.
That was in 2006, and I have not let sugar or refined carbs touch my lips
since. I refused the lie it once told me—that it would comfort and help
me. I refused to believe I could moderate and have “just a little” or
indulge only on a holiday. I believed it was an addiction I could not
tame unless I was 100 percent abstinent. I couldn’t give it up 98 percent
of the time; I needed to keep it out of my life for good. I never take for
granted where I was or where I am today. I am free from cravings. I am
happy in my own skin, and I maintain a healthy weight. I never wake up
and have to decide whether I will eat sugar and refined carbs that day. I
don’t. I won’t. I will never give up the food sobriety that I have today. No
food containing sugar or refined carbs will ever lure me into giving in
because I know the harm it did to my body and mind. I know true
freedom, and I pray that my story and the contents of this book will
bring you that same freedom.
I’ve taught my method for detoxing from sugar and refined carbs for
many years now. I offered my first program in 2012; then I updated the
online recorded course to make it a live six-week course with weekly
intensive Zoom meetings. That course has been so successful in
transforming lives that I knew I had to turn it into a book to reach more
people who are suffering as I was so many years ago.

I understand what it’s like to go through multiple breakups with sugar

and have it be a constant struggle in your life, because I was there
myself for what seemed like an eternity. Then one day I said, “Enough is
enough; I cannot live like this anymore. I cannot have ‘just a little’ and try
to moderate something I have no control over. I’ve tried that for years.”
Abstaining from sugar is my choice, but it doesn’t have to be yours. You
don’t even need to decide right now whether a sugar-free lifestyle will
be permanent. All you need to do for this detox is commit to going 30
days without sugar.
You may not label yourself as an addict like I do, but it doesn’t matter.
The steps you will follow in this detox will set you free regardless of
whether you choose to bring sugar back into your life afterward.
HOW THIS BOOK IS SET UP

The 30-Day Sugar Elimination Diet provides you with everything you
need to know to remove sugar from your life for one month without
feeling deprived. You will enjoy delicious, nutritious meals; you won’t
feel like you’re sacrificing anything; your cravings will be reduced or
even eliminated; and you will lose weight.
IN PART I of this book, you will learn what the elimination diet entails,
what you need to know before beginning, how often to use this
program, why we crave sugar and carbs, and how to read food labels. I
also give you a pantry guide and include a section on helpful, but
optional, supplements.

IN PART II, I explain why I recommend food journaling during the

program. I talk about why protein is so important, whether you need to
exercise, and my opinion on using the scale as a self-assessment tool.
This section is where you will find all the information you need to know
prior to starting each segment of the detox. You do not need to read it
all at once. For example, you can read just the material for Days 1–7 and
then go to Part III to find the corresponding meal plan and begin
enjoying the meals. After completing the first seven days, you can read
the content for Days 8–15 and then head to the meal plan for those
eight days, and so on. I’ve found that this method works best when I
teach my online course. Getting bits of information each week makes
the entire process less overwhelming.

PART III features the meal plan and all the recipes. Each seven- or eight-
day section of the plan has an easy-to-follow chart showing what you
will eat on those days, along with its own shopping list. If you’re
following the low-carb track rather than the keto track (see here and 30
for more on the two tracks), look for the special notations in blue text.
The breakfast, lunch, and dinner recipes immediately follow the meal
plan and shopping lists. They are listed in alphabetical order to make
them easy for you to find.

Sugar-free dessert recipes follow the meal plan recipes. It is your choice
whether to try some of these recipes or to abstain from all sweet foods—
even sugar-free ones—during the plan. Some of the people I coach feel
that foods containing any type of sweetener (low-carb sweeteners
included) cause them to want to eat more and more. If you’re in this
group, not including any sweet foods during the 30 days may be best
for you. On the other hand, you may find that making some of my
dessert recipes during the plan keeps you from feeling deprived and
helps you stay on the program. If that’s you, please enjoy no more than
three desserts weekly.
IN PART IV, you will determine whether you are a moderator or an
abstainer and learn how to reintroduce carbs after the detox (if you
want to). I also offer tips on how to keep the momentum going after the
30 days is complete.
AT THE BACK OF THE BOOK, I’ve included some amazing testimonials
in this section to inspire and motivate you. I’ve also included a shopping
guide of reputable brands of products that you can use to save time
when you are too busy to make everything from scratch, along with
some handy tools that you can use during the detox if you wish.
The 30-Day Sugar Elimination Diet is a four-part program to help you
detox from sugar, eliminate cravings for sugar and carbs, balance your
blood sugar to feel better, and lose weight. You will focus on eating
nutrient-dense whole foods. You will learn which kinds of carbs work for
your body to get to your ideal weight and end cravings for good.
Not only are you going to improve your own life by eliminating sugar
for 30 days, but you’ll also have the opportunity to change the lives of
those you love. Your success will be very motivating for everyone
around you!
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
were unsatisfactory to several of the concerted Powers, and
were sharply criticised in the British and German press. The
German government, especially, was disposed to insist upon
stern and strenuous measures in dealing with that of China,
and it addressed the following circular note, on the 18th of
September, to all the Powers:

"The Government of the Emperor holds as preliminary to

entering upon diplomatic relations with the Chinese Government
that those persons must be delivered up who have been proved
to be the original and real instigators of the outrages
against international law which have occurred at Peking. The
number of those who were merely instruments in carrying out
the outrages is too great. Wholesale executions would be
contrary to the civilized conscience, and the circumstances of
such a group of leaders cannot be completely ascertained. But
a few whose guilt is notorious should be delivered up and
punished. The representatives of the powers at Peking are in a
position to give or bring forward convincing evidence. Less
importance attaches to the number punished than to their
character as chief instigators or leaders. The Government
believes it can count on the unanimity of all the Cabinets in
regard to this point, insomuch as indifference to the idea of
just atonement would be equivalent to indifference to a
repetition of the crime. The Government proposes, therefore,
that the Cabinets concerned should instruct their
representatives at Peking to indicate those leading Chinese
personages from whose guilt in instigating or perpetrating
outrages all doubt is excluded."

The British government was understood to be not unwilling to

support this demand from Germany, but little encouragement
seems to have been officially given to it from other quarters,
and the government of the United States was most emphatic in
declining to approve it. The reply of the latter to the German
circular note was promptly given, September 21, as follows:
"The government of the United States has, from the outset,
 proclaimed its purpose to hold to the uttermost accountability
the responsible authors of any wrongs done in China to
citizens of the United States and their interests, as was
stated in the Government's circular communication to the
Powers of July 3 last. These wrongs have been committed not
alone in Peking, but in many parts of the Empire, and their
punishment is believed to be an essential element of any
effective settlement which shall prevent a recurrence of such
outrages and bring about permanent safety and peace in China.
It is thought, however, that no punitive measures can be so
effective by way of reparation for wrongs suffered and as
deterrent examples for the future as the degradation and
punishment of the responsible authors by the supreme Imperial
authority itself, and it seems only just to China that she
should be afforded in the first instance an opportunity to do
this and thus rehabilitate herself before the world.

"Believing thus, and without abating in anywise its deliberate

purpose to exact the fullest accountability from the
responsible authors of the wrongs we have suffered in China,
the Government of the United States is not disposed, as a
preliminary condition to entering into diplomatic negotiations
with the Chinese Government, to join in a demand that said
Government surrender to the Powers such persons as, according
to the determination of the Powers themselves, may be held to
be the first and real perpetrators of those wrongs. On the
other hand, this Government is disposed to hold that the
punishment of the high responsible authors of these wrongs,
not only in Peking, but throughout China, is essentially a
condition to be embraced and provided for in the negotiations
for a final settlement.
{139}
It is the purpose of this Government, at the earliest
practicable moment, to name its plenipotentiaries for
negotiating a settlement with China, and in the mean time to
authorize its Minister in Peking to enter forthwith into
conference with the duly authorized representatives of the
Chinese Government, with a view of bringing about a
preliminary agreement whereby the full exercise of the
Imperial power for the preservation of order and the
protection of foreign life and property throughout China,
pending final negotiations with the Powers, shall be assured."

On the same day on which the above note was written the
American government announced its recognition of Prince Ching
and Li Hung-chang, as plenipotentiaries appointed to represent
the Emperor of China, in preliminary negotiations for the
restoration of the imperial authority at Peking and for a
settlement with the foreign Powers.

Differences between the Powers acting together in China, as to

the preliminary conditions of negotiation with the Chinese
government, and as to the nature and range of the demands to
be made upon it, were finally adjusted on the lines of a
proposal advanced by the French Foreign Office, in a note
dated October 4, addressed to the several governments, as
follows:

"The intention of the Powers in sending their forces to China

was, above all, to deliver the Legations. Thanks to their
union and the valour of their troops this object has been
attained. The question now is to obtain from the Chinese
Government, which has given Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang
full powers to negotiate and to treat in its name, suitable
reparation for the past and serious guarantees for the future.
Penetrated with the spirit which has evoked the previous
declarations of the different Governments, the Government of
the Republic has summarized its own sentiments in the
following points, which it submits as a basis for the
forthcoming negotiations after the customary verification of
powers:

(1) The punishment of the chief culprits, who will be

designated by the representatives of the Powers in Peking.
(2) The maintenance of the embargo on the importation of arms.

(3) Equitable indemnity for the States and for private

persons.

(4) The establishment in Peking of a permanent guard for the

Legations.

(5) The dismantling of the Ta-ku forts.

(6) The military occupation of two or three points on the

Tien-tsin-Peking route, thus assuring complete liberty of
access for the Legations should they wish to go to the coast
and to forces from the sea-board which might have to go up to
the capital.

It appears impossible to the Government of the Republic that

these so legitimate conditions, if collectively presented by
the representatives of the Powers and supported by the
presence of the international troops, will not shortly be
accepted by the Chinese Government."

On the 17th of October, the French Embassy at Washington

announced to the American government that "all the interested
powers have adhered to the essential principles of the French
note," and added: "The essential thing now is to show the
Chinese Government, which has declared itself ready to
negotiate, that the powers are animated by the same spirit;
that they are decided to respect the integrity of China and
the independence of its Government, but that they are none the
less resolved to obtain the satisfaction to which they have a
right. In this regard it would seem that if the proposition
which has been accepted as the basis of negotiations were
communicated to the Chinese plenipotentiaries by the Ministers
of the powers at Peking, or in their name by their Dean, this
step would be of a nature to have a happy influence upon the
determinations of the Emperor of China and of his Government."
The government of the United States approved of this
suggestion from France, and announced that it had "instructed
its Minister in Peking to concur in presenting to the Chinese
plenipotentiaries the points upon which we are agreed." Other
governments, however, seem to have given different
instructions, and some weeks were spent by the foreign
Ministers at Peking in formulating the joint note in which
their requirements were to be presented to Prince Ching and
Earl Li.

The latter, meantime, had submitted, on their own part, to the

allied plenipotentiaries, a draft of what they conceived to be
the just preliminaries of a definitive treaty. They prefaced
it with a brief review of what had occurred, and some remarks,
confessing that "the throne now realizes that all these
calamities have been caused by the fact that Princes and high
Ministers of State screened the Boxer desperados, and is
accordingly determined to punish severely the Princes and
Ministers concerned in accordance with precedent by handing
them over to their respective Yamêns for the determination of
a penalty." The "draft clauses" then submitted were as
follows:

"The siege of the Legations was a flagrant violation of the

usages of international law and an utterly unpermissible act.
China admits the gravity of her error and undertakes that
there shall be no repetition of the occurrence. China admits
her liability to pay an indemnity, and leaves it to the Powers
to appoint officers who shall investigate the details and make
out a general statement of claims to be dealt with
accordingly.

"With regard to the subsequent trade relations between China

and the foreign Powers, it will be for the latter to make
their own arrangements as to whether former treaties shall be
 adhered to in their entirety, modified in details, or
exchanged for new ones. China will take steps to put the
respective proposals into operation accordingly.

"Before drawing up a definitive treaty it will be necessary

for China and the Powers to be agreed as to general
principles. Upon this agreement being arrived at, the
Ministers of the Powers will remove the seals which have been
affixed to the various departments of the Tsung-li-Yamên and
proceed to the Yamên for the despatch of business in matters
relating to international questions exactly as before.

"So soon as a settlement of matters of detail shall have been

agreed upon between China and the various nations concerned in
accordance with the requirements of each particular nation,
and so soon as the question of the payment of an indemnity
shall have been satisfactorily settled, the Powers will
respectively withdraw their troops. The despatch of troops to
China by the Powers was undertaken with the sole object of
protecting the Ministers, and so soon as peace negotiations
between China and the Powers shall have been opened there
shall be a cessation of hostilities.

{140}

"The statement that treaties will be made with each of the

Powers in no way prejudices the fact that with regard to the
trade conventions mentioned the conditions vary in accordance
with the respective powers concerned. With regard to the
headings of a definitive treaty, questions of nomenclature and
precedence affecting each of the Powers which may arise in
framing the treaty can be adjusted at personal conferences."
Great Britain and Germany were now acting in close accord,
having, apparently, been drawn together by a common distrust
of the intentions of Russia. On the 16th of October, Lord
Salisbury and Count Hatzfeldt signed the following agreement,
which was made known at once to the other governments
concerned, and its principles assented to by all:

"Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Imperial German

Government, being desirous to maintain their interests in
China and their rights under existing treaties, have agreed to
observe the following principles in regard to their mutual policy
in China:—

"1. It is a matter of joint and permanent international

interest that the ports on the rivers and littoral of China
should remain free and open to trade and to every other
legitimate form of economic activity for the nationals of all
countries without distinction; and the two Governments agree
on their part to uphold the same for all Chinese territory as
far as they can exercise influence.

"2. The Imperial German Government and her Britannic Majesty's

Government will not, on their part, make use of the present
complication to obtain for themselves any territorial
advantages in Chinese dominions, and will direct their policy
towards maintaining undiminished the territorial condition of
the Chinese Empire.

"3. In case of another Power making use of the complications

in China in order to obtain under any form whatever such
territorial advantages, the two Contracting Parties reserve to
themselves to come to a preliminary understanding as to the
eventual steps to be taken for the protection of their own
interests in China.

"4. The two Governments will communicate this Agreement to the

other Powers interested, and especially to Austria-Hungary,
France, Italy, Japan, Russia, and the United States of
America, and will invite them to accept the principles
recorded in it."

The assent of Russia was no less positive than that of the

other Powers. It was conveyed in the following words: "The
first point of this Agreement, stipulating that the ports
situated on the rivers and littoral of China, wherever the two
Governments exercise their influence, should remain free and
open to commerce, can be favorably entertained by Russia, as
this stipulation does not infringe in any way the 'status quo'
established in China by existing treaties. The second point
corresponds all the more with the intentions of Russia, seeing
that, from the commencement of the present complications, she
was the first to lay down the maintenance of the integrity of
the Chinese Empire as a fundamental principle of her policy in
China. As regards the third point relating to the eventuality
of an infringement of this fundamental principle, the Imperial
Government, while referring to their Circular of the 12th
(25th) August, can only renew the declaration that such an
infringement would oblige Russia to modify her attitude
according to circumstances."

On the 13th of November, while the foreign plenipotentiaries

at Peking were trying to agree in formulating the demands they
should make, the Chinese imperial government issued a decree
for the punishment of officials held responsible for the Boxer
outrages. As given the Press by the Japanese Legation at
Washington, in translation from the text received there, it
was as follows;

"Orders have been already issued for the punishment of the

officials responsible for opening hostilities upon friendly
Powers and bringing the country into the present critical
condition by neglecting to suppress and even by encouraging
the Boxers. But as Peking and its neighborhood have not yet
been entirely cleared of the Boxers, the innocent people are
still suffering terribly through the devastation of their
fields and the destruction of their houses, a state of affairs
which cannot fail to fill one with the bitterest feelings
against these officials. And if they are not severely
punished, how can the anger of the people be appeased and the
 indignation of the foreign Powers allayed?

"Accordingly, Prince Tuan is hereby deprived of his title and

rank, and shall, together with Prince Chwang, who has already
been deprived of his title, be delivered to the Clan Court to
be kept in prison until the restoration of peace, when they
shall be banished to Sheng-King, to be imprisoned for life.
Princes Yi and Tsai Yung, who have both been already deprived
of their titles, are also to be delivered to the Clan Court
for imprisonment, while Prince Tsai Lien, also already
deprived of title and rank, is to be kept confined in his own
house, Duke Tsai Lan shall forfeit his ducal salary, but may
be transferred with the degradation of one rank. Chief Censor
Ying Nien shall be degraded two ranks and transferred. As to
Kang Yi, Minister of the Board of Civil Appointment, upon his
return from the commission on which he had been sent for the
purpose of making inquiries into the Boxer affair he
memorialized the Throne in an audience strongly in their
favor. He should have been severely punished but for his death
from illness, and all penalties are accordingly remitted. Chao
Shuy Yao, Minister of the Board of Punishment, who had been
sent on a mission similar to that of Kang Yi, returned almost
immediately. Though such conduct was a flagrant neglect of his
duties, still he did not make a distorted report to the
Throne, and therefore he shall be deprived of his rank, but
allowed to retain his present office. Finally, Yu Hsien,
ex-Governor of Shan-Se, allowed, while in office, the Boxers
freely to massacre the Christian missionaries and converts.
For this he deserves the severest punishment, and therefore he
is to be banished to the furthermost border of the country, and
there to be kept at hard labor for life.

{141}

"We have a full knowledge of the present trouble from the very
beginning, and therefore, though no impeachment has been brought
by Chinese officials at home or abroad against Princes Yi,
Tsai Lien and Tsai Yung, we order them to be punished in the
same manner as those who have been impeached. All who see this
edict will thus perceive our justice and impartiality in
inflicting condign penalties upon these officials," It was not
until the 20th of December that the joint note of the
plenipotentiaries of the Powers, after having been submitted
in November to the several governments represented, and
amended to remove critical objections, was finally signed and
delivered to the Chinese plenipotentiaries. The following is a
precis of the requirements set forth in it:

"(1) An Imperial Prince is to convey to Berlin the Emperor's

regret for the assassination of Baron von Ketteler, and a
monument is to be erected on the site of the murder, with an
inscription, in Latin, German, and Chinese, expressing the
regret of the Emperor for the murder.

"(2) The most severe punishment fitting their crimes is to be

inflicted on the personages designated in the Imperial decree
of September 21, whose names—not mentioned—are Princes Tuan
and Chuang and two other princes, Duke Lan, Chao Shu-chiao,
Yang-yi, Ying-hien, also others whom the foreign Ministers
shall hereafter designate. Official examinations are to be
suspended for five years in those cities where foreigners have
been assassinated or cruelly treated.

"(3) Honourable reparation is to be made to Japan for the

murder of M. Sugiyama.

"(4) Expiatory monuments are to be erected in all foreign

cemeteries where tombs have been desecrated.

"(5) The importation of arms or 'materiel' and their

manufacture are to be prohibited.

"(6) An equitable indemnity is to be paid to States,

societies, and individuals, also to Chinese who have suffered
injury because of their employment by foreigners. China will
adopt financial measures acceptable to the Powers to guarantee
the payment of the indemnity and the service of the loans.

"(7) Permanent Legation guards are to be maintained, and the

diplomatic quarter is to be fortified.

"(8) The Ta-ku forts and those between Peking and the sea are
to be razed.

"(9) There is to be a military occupation of points necessary

to ensure the safety of the communications between Peking and
the sea.

"(10) Proclamations are to be posted during two years

throughout the Empire threatening death to any person joining
an anti-foreign society and enumerating the punishment
inflicted by China upon the guilty ringleaders of the recent
outrages. An Imperial edict is to be promulgated ordering
Viceroys, Governors, and Provincial officials to be held
responsible for anti-foreign outbreaks or violations of
treaties within their jurisdiction, failure to suppress the
same being visited by the immediate cashiering of the
officials responsible, who shall never hold office again.

"(11) China undertakes to negotiate a revision of the

commercial treaties in order to facilitate commercial
relations.

"(12) The Tsung-li-Yamên is to be reformed, and the Court

ceremonial for the reception of foreign Ministers modified in
the sense indicated by the Powers.

"Until the foregoing conditions are complied with ('se

conformer à') the Powers can hold out no expectation of a
limit of time for the removal of the foreign troops now
occupying Peking and the provinces."
CHINA: A. D. 1900 (November).
Russo-Chinese agreement relating to Manchuria.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (December).

Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian
province of Fêng-tien.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (November-February).

Seizure of grounds at Peking for a large Legation Quarter.
Extensive plans of fortification.

In February, 1901, the following from a despatch written in

the previous November by Mr. Conger, the American Minister at
Peking, was given to the Press by the State Department at
Washington: "I have the honor to report that in view of the
probability of keeping large legation grounds in the future,
and because of the general desire on the part of all the
European representatives to have extensive legations, all of
the Ministers are taking possession of considerable areas
adjoining their legations—property belonging either to the
Chinese Government or to private citizens, and having been
abandoned by the owners during the siege—with the intention to
claim them as conquest, or possibly credit something for them
on their account for indemnity. I have as yet not taken formal
possession of any ground for this purpose, nor shall I without
instructions, but I shall not for the present permit any of the
owners or other persons to reoccupy any of the property
between this legation and the canal to the east of it. While
this area will be very small in comparison with the other
legations, yet it will be sufficient to make both the legation
 personnel and the guard very comfortable, and will better
comport with our traditional simplicity vis-a-vis the usual
magnificence of other representatives.

"It is proposed to designate the boundaries of a legation

quarter, which shall include all the legations, and then
demand the right to put that in a state of defence when
necessary, and to prohibit the residence of Chinese there,
except by permission of the Ministers. If, therefore, these
ideas as to guards, defence, etc:., are to be carried out, a
larger legation will be an absolute necessity. In fact, it is
impossible now to accommodate the legation and staff in our
present quarters without most inconvenient crowding.

"There are no public properties inside the legation quarter

which we could take as a legation. All the proposed property
to be added, as above mentioned, to our legation, is private
ground, except a very small temple in the southeast corner,
and I presume, under our policy, if taken, will be paid for
either to the Chinese owners or credited upon account against
the Chinese Government for indemnity, although I suspect most
of the other Governments will take theirs as a species of
conquest. The plot of ground adjoining and lying to the cast
of the legation to which I have made reference is about the
size of the premises now occupied by us."

Before its adjournment on the 4th of March, 1901, the Congress

of the United States made an appropriation for the purchase of
grounds for its Legation at Peking, and instructions were sent
to make the purchase.

{142}

By telegram from Peking on the 14th of February it was

announced that a formidable plan of fortification for this
Legation Quarter had been drawn up by the Military Council of
the Powers at Peking, and that work upon it was to begin at
once. The correspondent of the "London Times" described the
plan and wrote satirically of it, as follows; "From supreme
contempt for the weakness of China armed we have swayed to
exaggerated fear of the strength of China disarmed. The
international military experts have devised a scheme for
putting the Legation quarter in a state of defence which is
equivalent to the construction of an International fortress
alongside the Imperial Palace. The plan requires the breaching
of the city wall at the Water-gate, the levelling of the Ha-ta
Mên and Chien Mên towers, the demolition of the ramparts
giving access to them, the sweeping clear of a space 150 to
300 yards wide round the entire Legation area, and the
construction of walls, glacis, moats, barbed wire defences,
with siege guns, Maxims, and barracks capable of holding 2,000
troops, with military stores and equipment sufficient to
withstand a siege of three months. All public buildings,
boards, and civil offices between the Legations and the
Imperial walls are to be levelled, while 11,000 foreign troops
are to hold the communications between Peking and the sea, so
that no Chinese can travel to Peking from the sea without the
knowledge of the foreign military authorities.

"The erection of the defences is to begin at once, before the

return of the Court to Peking. They are no doubt devised to
encourage the Court to return to Peking, it being apparently
the belief of the foreign Ministers that an Imperial Court
governing an independent empire are eager to place themselves
under the tutelage of foreign soldiers and within the reach of
foreign Maxims.

"Within the large new Legation area all the private property
of Chinese owners who years before sought the advantages of
vicinity to the Legations has been seized by the foreign
Legations. France and Germany, with a view to subsequent
commercial transactions, have annexed many acres of valuable
private property for which no compensation is contemplated,
while the Italian Legation, which boasts a staff of two
 persons, carrying out the scheme of appropriation to a logical
absurdity, has, in addition to other property, grabbed the
Imperial Maritime Customs gardens and buildings occupied for
so many years by Sir Robert Hart and his staff."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).

Famine in Shensi.

A Press telegram from Peking, late in January, announced a

fearful famine prevailing in the province of Shensi, where
thousands of natives were dying. The Chinese government was
distributing rice, and there was reported to be discrimination
against native Christians in the distribution. Mr. Conger, Sir
E. Satow, and M. Pichon protested to Prince Ching and Li
Hung-chang against such discrimination. A Court edict was
therefore issued on the 26th instant ordering all relief
officials and Chinese soldiers to treat Christians in exactly
the same way as all other Chinese throughout the Empire, under
penalty of decapitation. Another despatch, early in February,
stated: "Trustworthy reports received here from Singan-fu [the
temporary residence of the fugitive Chinese court] all agree
that the famine in the provinces of Shen-si and Shan-si is one
of the worst in the history of China. It is estimated that
two-thirds of the people are without sufficient food or the
means of obtaining it. They are also suffering from the bitter
cold. As there is little fuel in either province the woodwork
of the houses is being used to supply the want. Oxen, horses,
and dogs have been practically all sacrificed to allay hunger.
Three years of crop failures in both provinces and more or less
of famine in previous seasons had brought the people to
poverty when winter began. This year their condition has
rapidly grown worse. Prince Ching stated to Mr. Conger, the
United States Minister, that the people were reduced to eating
human flesh and to selling their women and children.
Infanticide is alarmingly common."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).

Submission to the demands of the Powers
by the Imperial Government.
Punishments inflicted and promised.
A new Reform Edict.

With no great delay, the Chinese plenipotentiaries at Peking

were authorized by the Emperor and Empress to agree to the
demands of the Powers, which they did by formally signing the
Joint Note. Prince Ching gave his signature on the 12th of
January, 1901, and Li Hung-chang, who was seriously ill,
signed on the following day. Discussion of the punishments to
be inflicted on guilty officials was then opened, and went on
for some time. On the 5th of February, the foreign Ministers
submitted the names of twelve leading officials, against whom
formal indictments were framed, and who were considered to be
deserving of death. Three of them, however (Kang Yi, Hsu Tung,
and Li Ping Heng), were found to be already deceased. The
remaining nine were the following: Prince Chuang,
commander-in-chief of the Boxers; Prince Tuan, who was held to
be the principal instigator of the attack on foreigners; Duke
Lan, the Vice-President of Police, who admitted the Boxers to
the city; Yu Hsien, who was the governor of Shan-Si Province,
promoter of the Boxer movement there, and director of the
massacres in that province; General Tung Fu Siang, who led the
attacks on the Legations, Ying Nien, Chao Hsu Kiao, Hsu Cheng
Yu, and Chih Siu, who were variously prominent in the
murderous work. In the cases of Prince Tuan and Duke Lan, who
were related to the Imperial family, and in the case of
General Tung Fu Siang, whose military command gave him power
to be troublesome, the Chinese court pleaded such difficulties
in the way of executing a decree of death that the Ministers
at Peking were persuaded to be satisfied with sentences of
exile, or degradation in rank, or both. On the 21st of
February the Ministers received notice that an imperial edict
had been issued, condemning General Tung Fu Siang to be
degraded and deprived of his rank; Prince Tuan and Duke Lan to
be disgraced and exiled; Prince Chuang, Ying Nien and Chao Hsu
 Kiao to commit suicide; Hsu Cheng Yu, Yu Hsien and Chih Siu to
be beheaded. Hsu Cheng Yu and Chih Siu were then prisoners in
the hands of the foreign military authorities at Peking, and
the sentence was executed upon them there, on the 26th of
February, in the presence of Japanese, French, German and
American troops. A despatch from Peking reporting the
execution stated that, while it was being carried out, "the
ministers held a meeting and determined on the part of the
majority to draw a curtain over further demands for blood.
United States Special Commissioner Rockhill sided strongly
with those favoring humane methods, who are Sir Ernest Satow
and MM. Komura, De Cologan and De Giers, respectively British,
Japanese, Spanish and Russian ministers. Others believe that
China has not been sufficiently punished, and that men should
be executed in every city, town and village where foreigners
were injured."

{143}

While the subject of punishments was pending, and with a view,

it was said, of quickening the action of the Chinese
government, Count von Waldersee, the German Field-Marshal
commanding the allied forces in China, ordered preparations to
be made for an extensive military expedition into the
interior. The government of the United States gave prompt
directions that its forces at Peking should not take part in
this movement, and the remonstrances of other Powers more
pacifically inclined than the Germans caused the project to be
given up.

Meantime, three Imperial edicts of importance, if faithfully

carried out, had been issued. One, on the 5th of February,
commanded new undertakings of reform, accounting for the
abandonment of the reform movement of 1898 by declaring that
it was seditionary and would have resulted in anarchy, and
that it was entered upon when the Emperor was in bad health;
for all which reasons he had requested the Empress Dowager to
 resume the reins of government. Now, it was declared, since
peace negotiations were in progress, the government should be
formed on a basis for future prosperity. Established good
methods of foreign countries should be introduced to supply
China's deficiencies. "China's greatest difficulty," said the
edict, "is her old customs, which have resulted in the
insincere dispatch of business and the promoting of private
gain. Up to the present time those who have followed the
Western methods have had only superficial knowledge, knowing
only a little of foreign languages and foreign inventions,
without knowing the real basis of the strength of foreign
nations. Such methods are insufficient for real reform."

In order to obtain a true basis, the Emperor commanded a

consultation between the ministers of the privy council, the
six boards, nine officers, the Chinese ministers to foreign
countries and all the viceroys and governors. Those were
instructed to recommend reforms in the seven branches of
government, namely, the central government, ceremonies,
taxation, schools, civil-service examinations, military
affairs and public economies. They were also to recommend what
part of the old system can be used and what part needs changing.
Two months were given them in which to prepare their report.

On the following day, two edicts, in fulfilment of demands

made in the Joint Note of the Powers, were promulgated. The
first provided, in accordance with article 3 of the Joint
Note, for the suspension of official examinations for five
years in places where foreigners are killed. The second edict
forbade anti-foreign societies, recited the punishment of
guilty parties and declared that local officials will be held
responsible for the maintenance of order. If trouble occurs
the officials would be removed without delay and never again
allowed to hold office.

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March).

The murdered Christian missionaries and native converts.
Varying statements and estimates of their number.

To the time of this writing (March, 1901), no complete

enumeration of the foreign Christian missionaries and members
of missionary families who were killed during the Boxer
outbreak of the past year has been made. Varying estimates
have appeared, from time to time, and it is possible that one
of the latest among these, communicated from Shanghai on the
1st of March, may approach to accuracy. It was published in
the "North China Daily News," and said to be founded on the
missionary records, according to which, said the "News," "a
total of 134 adults and 52 children were killed or died of
injuries in the Boxer rising of 1899 and 1900."

On the 13th of March, the "Lokal Anzeiger," of Berlin,

published a statistical report from its Peking correspondent
of "foreign Christians killed during the troubles, exclusive
of the Peking siege," which enumerated 118 Englishmen, 79
Americans, Swedes and Norwegians, 26 Frenchmen, 11 Belgians,
10 Italians and Swiss, and 1 German. The total of these
figures is largely in excess of those given by the "North
China Daily News," but they cover, not missionaries alone, but
all foreign Christians. It is impossible, however, not to
doubt the accuracy of both these accounts. Of native
Christians, the German writer estimated that 30,000 had
perished. In September, 1900, the United States Consul-General
at Shanghai, Mr. Goodnow, "after making inquiries from every
possible source," placed the number of British and American
missionaries who had probably been killed at 93, taking no
account of a larger number in Chih-li and Shan-si whose fate
was entirely unknown. Of those whose deaths he believed to be
absolutely proved at that time, 34 were British, including 9
men, 15 women and 10 children, and 22 were American, 8 of
these being men, 8 women and 6 children.

In December, 1900, a private letter from the "Association for

the Propagation of the Faith, St. Mary's Seminary," Baltimore,
 Maryland, stated that up to the end of September 48 Catholic
missionaries were known to have been murdered. A pastoral
letter issued in December by Cardinal Vaughan, in London,
without stating the numbers killed, declared that all work of
the Catholic church, throughout the most of China, where 942
European and 445 native priests had been engaged, was
practically swept away.

A private letter, written early in January, 1901, by the

Reverend Dr. Judson Smith, one of the corresponding
secretaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions, contains the following statement: "The American
Board has lost in the recent disturbances in China 13
missionaries, 6 men and 7 women, and 5 children belonging to
the families who perished. The number of native converts
connected with the mission churches of the American Board who
have suffered death during these troubles cannot be stated
with accuracy. It undoubtedly exceeds 1,000; it may reach a
much larger figure; but some facts that have come to light of
late imply that more of those who were supposed to be lost
have been in hiding than was known. If we should reckon along
with native converts members of their families who have
suffered death, the number would probably be doubled."

There seems to be absolutely no basis of real information for

any estimate that has been made of the extent of massacre
among the native Christian converts. Thousands perished,
without doubt, but how many thousands is yet to be learned. As
intimated by Dr. Smith, larger numbers than have been supposed
may have escaped, and it will probably be long before the true
facts are gathered from all parts of the country.

{144}

In any view, the massacre of missionaries and their families

was hideous enough; but fictions of horror were shamefully
added, it seems, in some of the stories which came from the