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Alastair Pennycook
First published 2018
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6 Mutual misunderstanding 90
Mutual intelligibility 90
Dogmas of intersubjective conformity 91
Rhubarb, rhubarb, rhubarb 94
Thinking otherwise 100
Alignment, assemblages and attunement 103
References 145
Index 163
Figures
John Benjamins:
Pennycook, A and E Otsuji (2015b) Making scents of the landscape. Linguistic
Landscape, 1(3) 191–212.
1 Introducing posthumanist applied
linguistics
This book asks how thinking along posthumanist lines can enhance our work in
applied linguistics. Posthumanist thought is a fairly broad and at times chaotic field but
at its heart is the question of what it means to be human. But why, one might ask,
question the notion of humanity, particularly at this moment in history? We are
arguably living at a point of major historical disjuncture, with millions of refugees
struggling to find alternative places to survive among increasingly reluctant and
hostile hosts while walls and fences become the new response to mobile populations;
with the rise of trenchant forms of xenophobic and isolationist populism in Europe, the
USA and elsewhere driving deep divides between people of different backgrounds
and faiths while new forms of religious fundamentalism draw deeper battle lines
between people; with the redistribution of income away from labour and towards
profit bringing greater inequality as capital is concentrated in the hands of the very rich
while huge economic disparities are ideologically normalized; with a new emergent
class of mobile, impoverished and insecure workers supporting growing extra-
vagances by the wealthy while the very idea of welfare and the public good is
increasingly on the retreat; with human rights abuses escalating in many parts of the
world while the idea of universal justice struggles to make those abusers accountable.
Why, one might ask, amid all this, retreat from the idea of humanity? Isn’t the idea
of our shared humanity the strongest argument to counter racism, sexism, homo-
phobia or any other forms of discrimination against our fellow humans? Aren’t
human rights one of the few successes we can celebrate as we head backwards from a
path of liberal democracy? Isn’t a call to posthumanism a denial of the human
contract that helped humanity survive as a species through the last few centuries?
Isn’t a common sense of what it means to be human – humanity not just as a species
but as a moral project – the only way of saving ourselves from ourselves? And yet,
while a view of the triumphant goodness of human nature might provide grounds for
optimism, human destructiveness towards each other and the planet does not suggest
that a focus on humans above all others is a likely solution.
Might it not now be time to think ourselves out of the dilemmas we find ourselves
in not by appeal to a belief in the idea of the noble human, of some vague and
implausible universal notion such as human nature – concepts that have become
remarkably suspect in recent times – but by rethinking our relation to everything we
consider non-human: animals, objects, nature, the environment and much more?
2 Introduction
This first chapter takes up such questions and argues that posthumanism offers
us alternative ways of thinking about the human predicament that present new
political and intellectual possibilities. The posthuman condition, suggests Braidotti
(2013, pp1–2), “introduces a qualitative shift in our thinking about what exactly is
the basic unit of common reference for our species, our polity and our relationship to
the other inhabitants of this planet”. This book is an attempt to come to terms with
this challenge for how we think about this basic unit of the human and where it sits in
relation to everything around us (or why, to start with, we think in terms of humans as
distinct from all that surrounds us). Of equal importance for this book is the question
of why this matters for applied linguistics – why a posthumanist applied linguistics
suggests important ways of thinking about language, the individual, context,
cognition and communication that open up new avenues for research and education.
“No no no no. The pencil is a tool that brings with it all kinds of thoughts. When
you write you change your thoughts and your mind and you learn all kinds of
things. We want to find out what she knows all by herself now. Writing will
make her change. So no paper. No pencil.”
(Murphey, 2012, p75)
While this can be read as a reiteration of the old truism that writing is not so much the
reporting of thoughts but the creation of ideas, it may also be read as suggesting that
this pencil and this sheet of paper become actors in a network of relations, and
that the pencil does indeed have very real effects on our thinking. Indeed these
two examiners go on to reject not only their own presence but also furniture:
‘“No table : : : no chair”’ (Murphey, 2012, p75). It is not just the role a pencil may
play in aiding thinking but the relations between humans and objects that are at stake
here. And as we shall see further in Chapter 7, tables are something we have to take
very seriously indeed. From this perspective, “the human is not approached as an
autonomous agent, but is located within an extensive system of relations” (Ferrando,
2013, p32).
A useful posthumanism does not deny the existence of humans (this would
not be a very credible way forward) but rather argues against particular ways in
which humans have been understood. As Bucholtz and Hall (2016, p186) note,
“the decentering of human signification as the site of agency does not make
posthumanism any less a theory about humanity”. The point is not to discount
humans in the search for a more object-oriented ontology but to reconfigure where
humans sit, to unsettle the position of humans as the monarchs of being and to
see humans as entangled in beings and implicated in other beings (Bogost, 2012).
Neither is this about dismissing humanism and all that it has achieved, nor an
argument for or against religion. To question the premises of humanism is not to
deny its role in taking human thought forward, nor to return to some sort of reli-
giosity. It is not an argument for species equivalence (humans and animals are all
equal) but rather suggests that the absolute divide between them is neither helpful
nor sustainable. Nor is it an argument that machines and technology are our
inevitable future and that humans are dissolving into cyborgs, in some dystopian
image of the world run by half humans/half robots. Rather this is a posthumanism
that questions human hubris, questions human minds as central to knowledge,
ethics, action and intention and questions the distinctions between humans and
other creatures and objects.
Introduction 15
From humanism to posthumanism: navigating this book
Several major themes above clearly need unpacking. Chapter 2 explores the broad
background to posthumanism, tracing posthumanist thinking in relation to
modernism, humanism, religion and materialism, extending the discussion of
humanism and posthumanism with a particular focus on religion and human rights.
Humanism has played a significant role in pushing back the tides of religious dogma
and superstition, as well as grounding movements that claim a universality to the
human experience. If we intend to question the notion of humanism, we need to do
so with caution lest we reopen the door to dogma and despotism. An analysis of
humanism, however, also shows the particularity of its framing of what it means to
be human, an image based largely on straight, white, educated European male elites
(SWEEMEs) as a universal norm, emphasizing the individual and their mastery over
their own minds as the source of knowledge, agency and ethics, and the separation
of humans from all other beings and things. A discussion of human rights has
important implications for the applied linguistic focus on language rights, and the
problematic prescriptions of global language definition and intervention that flow
from this idea (Pupavac, 2012). This chapter further considers the relation between
poststructuralism and posthumanism, pointing to the continued failure in applied
linguistics to engage seriously with critical theory. One of the bridges here between
poststructuralist accounts of performativity and historical materialist approaches to
inequality can be found in the new materialism, particularly in the works of Barad
(2007) and Bennett (2010a) that provide compelling alternatives for thinking about
the material world.
These new approaches to materialism have significant implications for how we
think about language and cognition. Applied linguistics has long been held back by
the cognitivist traditions of linguistics and psychology, which have, rather strangely,
located thought in an isolated organ in the human head. Chapter 3 develops recent
work on distributed cognition. While extended cognition points to the ways we
outsource our thinking, as it were, to other systems, such as mobile phones,
distributed cognition focuses on the ways in which our thinking involves the
environment about us. Questioning the distinction between internal (the brain) and
external (our surrounds) domains, this line of thought poses serious questions for the
notion of where the human starts and ends. Extending this work into the domain of
language, this chapter argues (through examples from various studies) that language
can equally be seen as distributed in space. This takes us beyond a discussion of
language in the brain, in society or in context and urges us to think about language in
alternative spatial and material terms.
One point that emerges very clearly when we look at the history of Western
approaches to language and thought is how implicated they have been in a particular
history of sensorial hierarchies, where thought and language are tied to seeing and
hearing (the higher senses), while the lower senses (touch, taste, smell) are relegated
to non-language (and the kitchen, the workhouse, the slums and all those places
where embodied Others dwell). One initial question here is how on earth seeing
and hearing became disembodied. We have to see this in terms of a particular
16 Introduction
gendered and racialized history, where certain people (white men) had the luxury to
consider language, thought and literacy in terms of cognitively isolated activity.
Re-examining the role of the senses in relation to semiotics, Chapter 4 takes up the
posthuman challenge to reverse the gendered and racialized hierarchies that have
placed language in one domain and the senses in others. Important themes in this
chapter will also be sign languages and Deaf communities and the implications for
people who are discounted as fully human on the basis of their language not con-
forming to a particular image of humanity.
Much of the work that has been done to construct humans as separate and unique
has rested on the claim that language is that which separates us from animals.
Long lists of features unique to human language have been used to reinforce this
distinction. At least since Aristotle, as Tomasello (2014) notes, humans have
speculated on their relation to animals, a project limited for many centuries by the
lack of non-human primates as a point of comparison in Europe, making it easier to
posit reason or free will as distinguishing markers. Recent work has started to break
down this “sharp divide between human language and non-human communicative
systems” (Evans, 2014, p258). Looking particularly at the discussions of pointing –
do only humans point? – Chapter 5 discusses the implications for rethinking
language and communication from a perspective that includes the more bodily
aspects of animal communication. This has implications both for our relationship to
animals but also for our understanding of communication. Of course, we need to be
cautious here and not start to suggest that parrots can talk on as wide a range of topics
as humans or that dolphins could learn to read if given the chance. But it is worth
asking why we have worked so assiduously and with such circularity of argument
(human language is that which is unique to humans and only humans use human
language) to construct human language as unique, and how we might rethink
this relation.
The Western tradition of thought about language and communication has often
assumed that humans routinely understand each other. A humanist account of
communication suggests brains in cognitive isolation encoding and decoding ideas
in and out of language and passing messages back and forth between themselves.
Chapter 6 draws on posthumanist thinking to ask how communication might be
rethought when on the one hand we look at actual communication as it unfurls
between people, and on the other when we consider distributed language and the role
of bodies, senses and objects in communication. Mutual misunderstanding may be
an equally good way of conceiving how communication works. This does not mean
we should abandon communication but it does have implications for socio- and
applied approaches to language. Breaking down distinctions between interiority
and exteriority allows us to understand subjects, language and cognition not as
properties of individual humans but rather as distributed across people, places and
artefacts. A posthumanist applied linguistics does not assume rational human
subjects engaged in mutually comprehensible dialogue; the multimodal and mul-
tisensory semiotic practices of the everyday include the dynamic relations between
semiotic resources, activities, artefacts and space. No longer, from this point of view,
do we need to think in terms of competence as an individual capacity, of identity as
Introduction 17
personal, of languages as entities we acquire or of intercultural communication as
uniquely human. Posthumanist thought urges us not just to broaden an under-
standing of communication but to relocate where social semiotics occurs.
The new materialism raises questions for how we think about discourse and
reality, or the relation between constructionism and realism. The arguments on this
topic have often tended towards mutual caricature (for constructionists there is no
reality, and for realists there is no mediating role of language). Chapter 7, drawing on
the work of Karen Barad (2007) Bruno Latour (2013) and others, returns to these
arguments from a new materialist perspective and argues for alternative ways of
thinking about these concerns. Taking up an extended debate between an avowed
constructionist (Teubert, 2013), a realist (Sealey, 2014) and an integrationist
(Pable, 2015) about how we might perceive a cat at the bottom of the garden, this
chapter seeks a way forward through the development of the idea of critical post-
humanist realism, which seeks to re-engage with reality by emphasizing the critical
in critical social theory, a realism that acknowledges the social role of knowledge
and a posthumanism that incorporates a political understanding of human inter-
relationships with the material world. This discussion of reality matters not only
because we need better ways of thinking about whether languages are real, and
alternative approaches to the relations between people and things, but also because
in the wake of Donald Trump’s election as president of the USA new debates
have emerged about what it means to live in a post-truth era. How do we, who have
often placed ‘truth’ and ‘reality’ in our beloved scare quotes, come to grips with
this new monster?
The final chapter pulls these themes together and focuses more closely on edu-
cational, socio- and applied linguistic concerns: if we question human exception-
alism, how might we start to understand language and communication differently?
What are the linguistic and educational implications of a revised understanding of
humans, animals and the planet? What would a critical posthumanist approach to
language education look like? This book aims to develop a form of critical post-
humanist applied linguistics. Critical posthumanism can be understood as a
“critical-philosophical project that unravels the discursive, institutional and
material structures and processes that have presented the human as unique and
bounded even when situated among all other life forms” (Nayar, 2014, p29). For
Braidotti (2016), critical posthumanist thought is a “caring disidentification from
human supremacy” (p22). Based on “philosophies of radical immanence, vital
materialism and the feminist politics of locations” this is not a universalist con-
struction of an abstract pan-humanity faced by global crises so much as “embedded
and embodied, relational and affective cartographies of the new power relations that
are emerging from the current geopolitical and post-anthropocentric world order”
(pp 23–4). A critical posthumanist applied linguistics therefore seeks to unravel the
ways in which language has been bound up with human exceptionalism and seeks an
alternative way forward through a new understanding of language, power and
possibility.
The case I make in this book is neither that all this is new (discussions of ecology,
nexus analysis, the poststructuralist subject and language as a local practice have
18 Introduction
raised related questions) nor that posthumanist thought offers the only way forward
from the stasis that seems to have befallen applied linguistics over the last decade.
Rather, a host of recent developments across applied linguistics and the social sci-
ences can be better understood by looking through a posthumanist lens that gives us
some exciting new directions for a renewed applied linguistics. By taking up ideas
drawn from the recent thinking on the Commons or spatial activism, by rethinking
relations between humans, language, objects and space, and by considering more
carefully what distributed agency, language and cognition may mean, a critical
posthumanist applied linguistics offers important ways forward for a renewed
engagement with language beyond human hubris.
Note
1 The peace linguistics poetry circulated by Fransisco Gomes de Matos is a good example
of a humanistic approach to language and global peace. Few would dispute the importance
of connecting linguistics to global peace, but this articulation of these relations recalls a
particular humanist orientation. My thanks to Francisco for granting permission to use his
poetry here.
Talk of posthumanism may make many a linguist or applied linguist uneasy. Not
only does it propose a challenge to the cherished ideals of humanism, but it also
potentially suggests a continuation of poststructuralist themes, which, at least for
some, seemed to lead applied linguistics down theoretical pathways that went
against the grain of a practice-oriented discipline. We shall return later in this chapter
to the discussions of the relations between posthumanism and various post theories,
but first it will be useful to try to get a handle on the humanism that posthumanism
seeks to supersede. Most obviously humanism is a philosophical movement that
placed humans at its centre. Such anthropocentric ideals, however, had other
implications: humanism as a secular counterpoint to religion, humanism as a belief
in the commonality of the species, humanism as a concern with human values
as distinct from more scientific or technicist approaches to life. For Grayling
(2013, p141), it was Renaissance humanism that gave birth to the humanities, the
“study and enjoyment of history, poetry, philosophy, drama, letters”. In this line of
thinking, humanism and the humanities are tied to the arts and human creativity and
form a bulwark against the sciences.
Arguing for sociology to be understood as a “humanist discipline”, Berger
(1963, p187) warned sociologists against being seduced by statistical methods
and broad generalizations and advised sociology “not to fixate itself in an
attitude of humourless scientism that is blind and deaf to the buffoonery of the
human spectacle”. More recently Taylor (2016) has called for a more humanist
approach to language studies that draws on a broad and poetic version of
language tied to imagination, creation and culture rather than the narrow tech-
nicist forms of analysis of the linguistic sciences. Here humanism is invoked to
oppose the reductive information-processing view of language and humans that
has held sway since transhumanist ideologies swept through cognitive and lin-
guistic sciences, operating from an assumption that humans could be mapped
against computers. It is in part on these grounds that some are understandably
reluctant to question humanism, since it is seen as presenting a way of engaging
with the better aspects of humanity (art, music, philosophy) in relation to the
human condition while also opposing the technicist ideologies of the social
sciences.
20 The strange humanist subject
Yet it is the social sciences that have kept humanism in place, since the notion of a
universal humanity is what has made these disciplines possible. It was the social
(or human) sciences that emerged in the eighteenth century that gave particular
salience to the idea of the human. There is perhaps an irony here that it was precisely
because of the successes in the natural sciences – the discovery of the laws of
physics, biological categorizations, geological and astronomical breakthroughs –
that attention turned towards the human sciences to see if universal laws of humanity
could be derived. So it was human engagement with things, animals, rocks, plants
and space, and the belief that humans might indeed be subject to the same kind of
laws of nature, that gave rise to the notion of universal humanity: “It was surely
reasonable to suppose that man had an examinable nature, capable of being
observed, analysed, tested like other organisms and forms of living matter” (Berlin,
2003, p34). It is therefore the social sciences more than the humanities that may be
challenged by posthumanism (Fuller, 2011).
Humanism can be seen in many ways as a child of the European Enlightenment,
though, as Foucault (1984b) warns us, it is important not to conflate the two.
The Enlightenment was a set of complex historical processes that occurred within
European societies and included social transformation, particular political insti-
tutions, technological developments and projects of rationalization. Gray (1995,
p218) explains that the “legacy of the Enlightenment project – which is also the
legacy of Westernization – is a world ruled by calculation and wilfulness which is
humanly unintelligible and destructively purposeless”. Humanism, by contrast, is
a set of shifting themes that have changed greatly in relation to what they are
opposed to: humanism as a critique of Christianity or of religion more generally;
forms of Christian humanism that emphasized human values over more ascetic or
theocentric forms of worship; humanism in opposition to science or positivism.
We can talk in terms of Renaissance humanism, Enlightenment humanism, secular
humanism, Marxist humanism, existentialist humanism, National Socialist
humanism and so on. What has been termed humanism has “always been obliged
to lean on certain conceptions of man borrowed from religion, science or politics”
(Foucault, 1984b, p44).
For applied linguists, placing humans (people, individuals) at the centre of our
work alongside the central quality that is said to define us as humans – language –
may be hard to give up, even if we can’t so easily agree whether our work is part of a
more social-scientific approach to humans as objects of investigation or a human-
ities approach to humans as subjects. What is meant by humanism, however,
depends greatly on different conceptions of what it means to be human. Post-
humanism is less dependent on these different configurations of humanism than on
the assumptions about the centrality of Man that underpin them, but it will be
important to pursue some of these conceptions of humanity further before trying to
pin down posthumanism. In the following sections I shall look in greater depth at the
notion of the human subject, the relation between humanism, religion and science,
the notion of human rights, the emergence of new forms of materialism and the links
between posthumanism, postmodernism and poststructuralism.
The strange humanist subject 21
The peculiar human subject
Humanism, according to Grayling,
is the ethical outlook that says each individual is responsible for choosing his or
her values and goals and working towards the latter in the light of the former,
and is equally responsible for living considerately towards others, with a special
view to establishing good relationships at the heart of life, because all good lives
are premised on such.
(Grayling, 2013, p239)
It is hard to argue with much of what is taken to be humanist, since it is about “living
thoughtfully and intelligently, about rising to the demand to be informed, alert and
responsive, about being able to make a sound case for a choice of values” and so on
(Grayling, 2013, p139). These are all surely estimable qualities for living a good life
but we need to dig a bit deeper here to see the particularity of such claims. There is a
strong emphasis on the individual: this humanism is already dependent on a par-
ticular kind of human, a view of the human from a perspective that promotes the
individual over the collective. There is also a strong emphasis on choice and free
will: a central focus here is on the freedom of the individual to make ethical choices
free of religious dogma and moral prescriptions. Such an emphasis on the freedom of
the individual clearly depends on a specific cultural and political understanding
of what it means to be human, one that at times can start to look like the discourses of
choice and responsibility that have become so much part of neoliberal ideology,
which suggests that “human well-being can best be advanced by liberating indi-
vidual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework
characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade”
(Harvey, 2005, p2). Although there are many other possible relations between
humanism and political economy, it is quite possible to trace this line of thinking
from humanistic individualism to neoliberal consumerism.
Europeans cannot claim ownership of humanism (it would surely be contra-
dictory to do so), since humanist ideas can be clearly traced in other systems of
thought (Daiber, 2013). The development of the particular type of humanist thought
of interest here can nevertheless be sketched out over several centuries in Europe.
Renaissance humanism was articulated in one of its clearest forms by Giovanni Pico
della Mirandola (1463–94) in his Oration on the Dignity of Man (1486). As the
Supreme Maker explains to humans:
The nature of all other creatures is defined and restricted within laws which We
have laid down; you, by contrast, impeded by no such restrictions, may, by your
own free will, to whose custody We have assigned you, trace for yourself the
lineaments of your own nature. I have placed you at the very center of the world,
so that from that vantage point you may with greater ease glance round about
you on all that the world contains. We have made you a creature neither of
22 The strange humanist subject
heaven nor of earth, neither mortal nor immortal, in order that you may, as the
free and proud shaper of your own being, fashion yourself in the form you may
prefer. It will be in your power to descend to the lower, brutish forms of life; you
will be able, through your own decision, to rise again to the superior orders
whose life is divine.
From here, European humanism developed into its strongest version as a form of
Enlightenment philosophy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, celebrating
humans as creative thinkers and independent actors. Schatzki (2002) outlines sev-
eral principal aspects of this movement: an epistemological humanism privileging
the mind of the human subject as the source of knowledge; a psychological
assumption that humans are masters of their own minds and intentions; a moral
argument that humans define their own ethical values rather than receive them from
God or some natural order of things; an agential focus that assumes the power and
uniqueness of human agency; and a definition of humanity as separate and distinct
from all other forms of life. While this understanding of humans has had strong
emancipatory goals and effects – it puts humans at the centre of the world, in control
of themselves, their thoughts and desires, their ethical and rational conduct – it also
has many obvious shortcomings. In constructing this vision of the emancipated
individual it gave no space to all that inhibits such freedoms: language, class, gender,
race, sexuality, discourse, ideology, subconscious desires, discrimination and much
more. Although humanists may argue that the goal of humanism has been precisely
to overcome such constraints, the idealism that underpins this humanist subject
provides few tools for such emancipatory projects.
The humanist beliefs in self-determination and transparency – the beliefs that
humans control their destiny and their minds, the beliefs that bourgeois self-reliance,
moral probity and rational thought would provide goods for all – were progressively
undermined by Darwin, Marx, Freud, Foucault and many others: it turned out that
humans are in fact very closely related to monkeys and other animals, the products
rather than the instigators of market forces, not nearly as much in control of our-
selves as we’d hoped, a product in any case of a particular episteme, and subject to
rather delusional ideas about universal thought, knowledge and humanity. Although
writers such as Marx undermined aspects of humanist belief (Marxism destabilizes
the rational knowing subject of history and economics), and has been seen by
some (Althusser in particular) as carrying forward an anti-humanist agenda, Marx
arguably still maintained aspects of humanism, notably both individualism and
universalism. MacIntyre (2007, p261) draws attention to the “radical individualism”
that underpins the Marxist proposition of a community of free individuals who have
agreed to common ownership of the means of production, a sort of socialized
Robinson Crusoe, as Marx put it.
Marxism, as Barrett (1991, p61) points out, “represented itself as a universal
discourse of emancipation” but has been shown “to speak with a very particular
historical voice”: “Classical Marxism may have enabled bourgeois men to analyse
society from the point of view of the industrial proletariat but it has subsequently
been shown to have occupied a position that was both masculinist in content and
The strange humanist subject 23
Eurocentric in context”. Likewise, humanism has always been made in its propo-
nents’ image (white, male, university-educated, upper-middle class). As Bourke
(2011, p2) notes, “two of the most distinguished traditions of modern times –
theology and humanism – were founded on espousing hierarchies of humanity”.
This tradition not only devised a great hierarchy of beings, from the Creator to
the smallest being, but also placed certain of these – “human-sisters, non-white
Europeans and children” among others – in a category lower than white men and
sometimes lower than other animals. Bourke discusses a letter written in 1872 by an
“Earnest Englishwoman” complaining (quite rightly) that animals at the time had
more rights than women. In fact, Bourke notes (2011, p2), “the status of women was
much worse than that of the rest of the animal kingdom”. It would be good, the
woman argued, if women could “become animal” in order to gain wider rights.
Historically, as Phillips (2015, p10) observes, “the human has been conceptualised
in culturally loaded, gender-coded, and strongly normative terms that have then
served as a basis for denying significant groups of humans the name”.
Despite its claims, humanism was never really founded on the principle of a
shared humanity: “[t]he humanist insistence on an autonomous, wilful, human
subject capable of acting independently in the world had been forged in the image of
the male, white, well-off, educated human” (Bourke, 2011, p3). The universality of
humanism has never been universal: it has been blind to difference, culture and
diversity. The notion of the human has
As Henrich et al. (2010, p63) note, “leading scientific journals and university
textbooks routinely publish research findings claiming to generalize to ‘humans’ or
‘people’ based on research done entirely with WEIRD [Western, Educated, Indus-
trialized, Rich, and Democratic] undergraduates”, or what, as we saw in Chapter 1, we
might call SWEEMEs (straight, white, educated European male elites).
Grayling’s (2013) long list of great humanists, starting with Confucius and pas-
sing through the Greeks and Romans (Cicero, Epicurus) to the later European
thinkers (Montaigne, Voltaire, Darwin) and contemporary atheists (Dennett,
Hitchens, Dawkins), gives only a passing nod to non-European–American thinkers
(Confucius, Mencius and Ibn Rushd) and includes only one woman (Barbara
Wootton). Not only is the list a rather confused account of great thinkers in the
humanist tradition (Plutarch, Diderot, Marx, Schopenhauer, Mill and so on) and
non-religious thinkers (Confucius is in the list largely to make the point that Con-
fucianism is not a religion, while the presence of more contemporary campaigners
such as Sam Harris and Richard Dawkins notes their contribution to contemporary
atheist debates), but it is also clear that humanists have been almost exclusively male
and mainly white. Thus Leslie Stephen, the author of An Agnostic’s Apology (1903)
24 The strange humanist subject
is in the list but not his daughters, Vanessa Bell and Virginia Wolf – or Mary
Wollstonecraft, or Frantz Fanon, or : : : but the list of exclusions is too massive to
contemplate.
One might object that this is a result of the particular history that put white men at
the forefront of European thought (thus humanism is perforce a position developed
by white men), but one would surely need to counter that this raises serious questions
for any account of who counts as human, and at the very least it has had an effect on
how that history of the human has been developed. Surely we have to ask if these
were all such great humanists, how did they have such a narrow view of humanity?
Indeed in the same way that religions have held highly masculinist ideologies
(male Gods, male priests, male hierarchies), so humanism has a similar history:
“[h]umanism installed only some humans at the centre of the universe” (Bourke,
2011, p3). The argument that humanity has never been a very inclusive category
may invoke several different responses. Leaving aside those who would just reject
the proposition on the basis that humanity has always meant everyone equally
(which is demonstrably not the case), the more obvious response is one that urges
greater inclusion: if it has indeed been the case that some have not been seen as fully
human (a position that certainly can’t be denied historically, but surely still has force
today), then the solution is to make humanity ever more inclusive until everyone has
been safely allowed in.
This is seductive as a form of social inclusion agenda but problematic, since it
retains a sense of humanity as the central unassailable category. One might also
argue that humanism as a truly universal ideal may still be upheld despite its betrayal
by the exclusionary European account of the human (too many were discounted or
mistrusted on the basis of class, gender, race, ethnicity, politics, culture and so on),
its collusion with patriarchy, racism, misogyny and homophobia, its Eurocentrism
(identification of progress and norms with European life and Christianity), its
individualism that discounted community and other forms of belonging and its
exclusive identification of reason and science as drivers of progress. From this point
of view, even if Europeans betrayed the ideals of humanism, even if they colluded
with forms of discrimination against the majority of humans, even if they were the
great exporters of violence,1 weaponry and a readiness to use these against all others
(whether armed or not) (Frankopan, 2015) at the same time as they extolled their
supposed virtues – a strong Christian morality, the development of reason and ethics,
an entrepreneurial spirit and humanist ideals – we can still hold on to a humanism
that has not been besmirched by European hypocrisy.
Yet such idealism seems hard to maintain in the face of all that has been done in
the name of humanism. Rather than the betrayal of an ideal,2 these humanist
calumnies are better understood as showing the impossibility of a universal ideal
without a locus of enunciation (Mignolo, 2009). It is not in the end possible as a
human to articulate a universal humanism from a position that transcends the
historical, cultural and social point of its articulation. This is why many critical
posthumanists and ecofeminists have chosen to pursue an alternative politics – not
so much a battle to be allowed in to the great hall of humanity but rather to question
its very presumptions. While it is probably true that acknowledging that humanity
The strange humanist subject 25
is a diverse category – Queer, Black, using sign languages, overeating, abusing its
children, taking drugs, enjoying a joke, taking dogs for a walk, spending a lot of
time on Facebook, going fishing, picking reusable items from garbage dumps –
may helpfully expand what it means to be human beyond the rational decision-
making bourgeois individual, a more productive route may be to ask how we might
go about understanding our place on the planet differently.
He later talks of his “secular humanism – that is, my belief in the importance of moral
values uncoupled from any belief in a supreme being or a sacred text” (p123). So the
question for posthumanism is whether it retains a scepticism towards religion or, by
questioning the anthropocentrism that was crucial in the decentring of God, it allows
religion back into the fold. Put another way, if secular is the most commonly used
term in conjunction with humanism (secular humanism), can it still tag along with
posthumanism (secular posthumanism) or does this also become postsecular?
To come to grips with these concerns we again need to see that humanism itself
developed in opposition to a range of different ways of thinking (not just religion),
infused many contemporary modes of thought and arguably became an equally
dogmatic way of thinking. Religions such as Christianity (though not, for example,
Buddhism) can be seen as similarly anthropocentric (humans were always given
dominion over everything else, even if God retained dominion over humans), while
humanism also needs to be understood as venerating Man in a way that echoes the
worship of God it supposedly superseded, as Nietzsche (1887/1997) observed.
Hardt and Negri (2000, p91) point out that there is a “strict continuity between the
religious thought that accords a power above nature to God and the modern ‘secular’
thought that accords that same power above nature to Man”. Secular humanism is a
transcendent philosophy in the same manner as religious thought and fosters related
forms of hierarchy.
The relations between science, religion and humanism also become complex
here. Grayling’s (2013, p145) list of great humanists starts with Confucius and ends
with Dawkins, though Dawkins has much less to say about humanism than he does
about science, inferring “the non-existence of a supernatural realm simply because it
26 The strange humanist subject
cannot be accessed through science” (Fuller, 2011, p78). In this light it is interesting
to consider Dawkins’ militant atheism (2006) in relation to his scientific work.
Dawkins’ scientific reputation rests in part on his discussion of the selfish gene
(1989), which presents a gene-centred account of evolution – or, put another way, a
view in which humans are rather unimportant mechanisms for the reproduction of
genes. For Dawkins (1989, p2) “we, and all other animals, are machines created by
our genes”. All life, he argues, “evolves by the differential survival of replicating
entities”, which for us is the DNA molecule (p192): “The fundamental unit, the
prime mover of all life, is the replicator” (p264). While he also introduced the new
replicator we have to contend with, the meme – the unit of cultural transmission that
is passed on by humans (just as genes reproduce themselves by leaping from body to
body, so memes move from mind to mind through imitation) – the idea of a selfish
gene replicating itself is arguably a posthumanist idea ushered in by neo-Darwinist
thought. Fuller (in Barron, 2003, p82) indeed suggests that Dawkins’ selfish gene
shares a great deal with Latour’s Actor Network Theory, and that for Dawkins
“breaking down the human–non-human distinction is important for understanding
what evolution is about, namely, genes propagating themselves”.
Dawkins’ most important work has arguably been the notion of the extended
phenotype (1982), which suggests that phenotypes affect not only the organism
itself but the wider environment. Extended phenotypes (beavers’ dams, birds’ nests,
spiders’ webs) are those extensions of animal behaviour that help its genes to
reproduce, so a beaver dam is no less a phenotype than its teeth and tail and has
evolved through Darwinian selection (Dawkins, 1989, p248). As Steffensen (2012)
points out, the notion of extended phenotypes can be fruitfully brought to bear on
ideas of distributed language (Chapter 3). Waters (2012, p511) develops the argu-
ment in greater depth, suggesting that “[t]hrough language, human phenotypes and
affordances are more than extended; they are distributed”. Both the selfish gene
and the extended phenotype, it might be argued, are ideas that lend themselves to
posthumanist far more than humanist thinking, downplaying and decentring the
roles of humans and viewing organisms as part of a greater whole. Dawkins may be,
in Grayling’s (2013) humanist hagiography, the latest in a long line of thinkers that
construct significant arguments against religion, but Dawkins’ main counterpoint to
religion is his own scientific rationalism, which shows the absurdity of creationism
or the vapid both sides of the argument position for including creationist thought in
the curriculum (akin to the both sides of climate change argument). But if Dawkins
is a humanist thinker, this is also a humanism that fails to engage with what religious
thought can mean for others (Fuller, 2011). As played out in his campaign against
religious belief, his atheism reflects his own inability to understand difference,
to appreciate what religious thought entails.
To be sure, “one of the side-effects of the decline of Humanism is the rise of the
post-secular condition” (Braidotti, 2013, p31), making various forms of spirituality
more possible from a posthumanist perspective, ranging from traditional engage-
ments with religious thought to pantheistic forms of nature worship. Here it is useful
to note some of the lineages of pantheism, or immanence (a view based not so much
on an anthropomorphic god – made in Man’s image – but rather a god immanent or
The strange humanist subject 27
distributed throughout the world), that are seen as precursors to posthumanism in
the ideas of Henri Bergson (1859–1941) (1907/2001, 2002) and Baruch Spinoza
(1632–77) (1677/2003). Posthumanism is neither a refutation of humanism as an
escape from the confines of religious dogma nor a return in any way to religious
delusions. We do not need to be humanist to be sceptical about religion. To take up a
posthumanist position is to seek alternatives to religious doctrine, humanist hubris
and scientific reductionism. It is to a philosophy of immanence (as opposed to
transcendence) that we need to turn in order to rethink forms of dominance. Anti-
humanism, understood as a refusal of transcendence, is not therefore a negation of
revolutionary potential but “the condition of possibility of thinking this immanent
power, an anarchic basis of philosophy: ‘Ni Dieu, ni maître, ni l’homme’” (Hardt
and Negri, 2000, p92).
to defend our traditional human rights from a principled position because they
are vital to the preservation of a free society. The focus in defending human
rights in recent years has been on free speech. This is appropriate as free speech
is arguably our most fundamental right. Without free speech the capacity to
defend all other human rights is diluted.
(Wilson, 2013)
But for Indigenous and Muslim Australians subject to increasing levels of racial
vilification, this insistence on freedom of speech as more fundamental than the right
not to be racially abused looked very different.
Meanwhile, in early 2016 Phillip Ruddock was appointed Australian Special
Envoy on Human Rights to the UN. His goal was to focus on advancing what were
seen as Australia’s human rights priorities, such as good governance and freedom of
expression, while actively promoting Australia’s candidacy for membership of the
Human Rights Council for the 2018–20 term. Phillip Ruddock, as Minister for
Immigration and Multicultural Affairs from 1996 to 2003 (subsequently Attorney
General7 from 2003 to 2007), designed and implemented the Pacific Solution:
the incarceration of asylum seekers (including women and children) in offshore
detention centres. Ruddock has long been a member of Amnesty International – the
organization asked him not to wear their badge, which can often be seen on his
lapel – yet clearly these detention camps breach a number of human rights (the right
to seek asylum, the right against arbitrary detention, the right to legal access, the rights
of the child). For some, including himself and a conservative government, Ruddock is
a human rights champion; for others (including much of the UN), he is not.
The fact that there are different views on what constitutes human rights, or which
rights should take precedence over others, does not constitute an argument against
such rights. Like many aspects of moral philosophy or criminal or constitutional law,
the question is always one of interpretation. The idea of human rights, however,
depends on a notion of universal humanity that is itself questionable, while the
implementation of human rights depends largely on their application through local
legal frameworks. The struggle over human rights is not just a dispute over where
The strange humanist subject 29
the lines should be drawn, for example, between freedom of speech and safeguards
against racial vilification, but more broadly a struggle over what it means to be
human: is one’s vision based on an individualistic account of the free individual or a
more social account of social responsibility and inequality? Does one’s account of
humanity include unborn children on the one hand or gay, lesbian and transgendered
people on the other? Does it incorporate an understanding of inequality that renders
freedom of speech relative to forms of discrimination? And violations of human
rights are not necessarily dependent on whether countries are signatories to inter-
national agreements: many asylum seekers to Australia, a signatory to the human
right to seek asylum, are incarcerated in offshore camps with the threat of indefinite
incarceration, resettlement in the region or refoulement.
One might still argue that this is an argument in favour of human rights and that it
is the violation of such rights that is the problem. One can also argue that the fact that
the recognition of certain forms of crime against humanity have been slow and
selective – it is only relatively recently (1993) that systematic rape of women as a
tool of war has been recognized as a crime against humanity (Sexual Violence and
Armed Conflict, 1998) – is nonetheless the result of the constant pressure for uni-
versality to mean everyone. The fact that human rights are so widely violated or
disputed by no means renders them invalid; indeed it points to the need for a better-
implemented framework of human rights. There are nonetheless good reasons why
we should be cautious about proclaiming humans rights the great emancipatory
politics of late modernity. For all the talk of universality, rights “remain essentially
individualistic and litigious” (Bourke, 2011, p159). Abstract notions of equality
only make sense when they are realized in concrete social and political contexts.
We should indeed strive to develop better means of protecting children, preventing
torture, demanding access to education, food and clean water, but we should not do
so under the banner of universal humanity. The notion of the human and of human
nature presupposed by human rights discourse generalizes specifically Western
historical experience at the expense of other ways of understanding humanity. The
tendency to view humanity along abstract, individual or universal lines rather than in
historical, communal, cultural or material terms renders this notion of the human at
odds with other cultural traditions (Holleman, 1987; Peterson, 1990).
The notion of human universality on which human rights are based has all too
often rested on the same notions of human exclusivism that constrain humanism
more generally. It is based on a projection of a particular way of thinking about
humans, and indeed, as Douzinas argues, has played an important role in the
development of thinking about humans more generally: “Human rights construct
humans” (Douzinas, 2000, p371). From a moral philosophical point of view,
MacIntyre (2007, p70) suggests that natural or human rights are “fictions” devel-
oped in the eighteenth-century Enlightenment project to reclaim morality from a
secular vantage point. Like utilitarianism and moral philosophy, rights discourse is
one of the “unsuccessful attempts to rescue the autonomous moral agent from the
predicament in which the failure of the Enlightenment project of providing him with
a secular, rational justification for his moral allegiances had left him” (MacIntyre,
2007, p68). The problems at the heart of the humanist project – the insistence on a
30 The strange humanist subject
radical individualism that depends on the rational, autonomous, self-disciplining
subject of the Enlightenment dream (that starts to look like a very particular kind of
individual) – emerges again here in combination with the claims to certainty and
universality, leading MacIntyre (2007, p69) to argue that “there are no such rights,
and belief in them is one with belief in witches and unicorns”.
It is not just that human rights are a contested domain, but rather that they are a
site of struggle because the notion of what constitutes a human is also a site of
struggle. To suppose a transcendent panhuman agreement on what it means to be
human is arguably to deny what it means to be human, to extend a particular vision
of the human to all humans. The notion of human rights is subject to many of the
same questions that a notion of universal humanity has to face. Current “English
language traditions of political theory emphasize individual liberty and individual
rights. Human beings are thought of as self-subsistent atoms who enter into
relationships with other human beings” (Hacking 1999, p15). Humanity, Douzinas
(2000, p372) argues, is a “graded and ranked status with many shades and tiers
between the ‘superhuman’ Western, white, heterosexual male at the one end and the
non-human, the concentration camp inmates or the fleeing refugee, at the other”.
From the point of view of critical legal theory, therefore, the institutional practices
of human rights.
often express the imagination of the one and homogenous world society,
in which the extension of formal equality and negative freedom and the
globalisation of Western capitalism and consumerism will equate society with
its ‘ideal’ picture drawn by governments and international law experts.
(Douzinas, 2000, p375)
It was on related grounds that I argued (Pennycook, 1998a) for an idea of situated
language ethics rather than language rights. The language rights movement employs
a problematic vision of both language and of rights. As Pupavac (2012, p20) notes,
“assertions of global law in a world of international inequalities are problematic for
emancipatory politics”. The advocacy of “highly prescriptive” regimes of govern-
ance (p25) that assume rights of intervention by global elites, the applicability of
global governance to local contexts, the importance of language preservation over
human emancipation and the reification of languages as unitary entities all raise
questions for any language rights movement that operates under the banner of
human and linguistic universality (Abdelhay et al., 2017). One of the effects of a
posthuman turn, Braidotti (2013, p53) suggests, is to displace the idea of “Europe as
the cradle of Humanism”. This in turn means displacing European conceptions of
language, humanity and rights, or at the very least seeing them in their cultural
specificities. So just as I have argued that posthumanism may be centrally a chal-
lenge to human hubris, so a posthumanist turn may imply not a wholesale rejection
of the idea of rights but rather a more grounded, localized understanding of situated
ethics that is less sure about the projection of Euro-American universalism as the
human norm. To propose a transcendent panhuman understanding of language use is
arguably to deny what it means to use language.
The strange humanist subject 31
New materialisms
One of the key debates in human rights discourse is over the distinction between
freedom from (torture, imprisonment, slavery) and freedom to (speech, education,
food, water). In terms of language rights, we can distinguish between freedom from
oppressive language regimes (where languages are proscribed, in classrooms that
insist on the use of only English, for example) and the freedom to use and be
educated in a language of choice. But rather than drawing on those philosophical
traditions in which concepts of autonomy and freedom – central concerns for
understanding agency – have been conceptualized in relation to the deprivatory
power of the dominant or oppressive Other (a dialectical framework that derives
from Hegel via Marx), others have sought an alternative politics based around
different understandings of the subject and materiality. Elizabeth Grosz (2010) turns
to a conceptual framing that allows for a more positive understanding of freedom to,
of freedom as the capacity for action. Rather than thinking in terms of debates in
political philosophy between liberalism, historical materialism and postmodernism
over agency as freedom in terms of “reason, rights and recognition” (2010, p140),
Grosz seeks an understanding of life and the capacity to act.
Looking away from the constraints and counter-struggles of much contemporary
thought on feminism and agency, she argues, is not a depoliticization of the subject
but an attempt to find other ways of thinking about the subject and politics. The
problem, she suggests, “is not how to give women more adequate recognition (who
is it that women require recognition from?), more rights, or more of a voice but how
to enable more action, more making and doing, more difference” (Grosz, 2010,
p154). The challenge is not so much to enable women to gain a more equal place
within existing frameworks but rather to “enable women to partake in the creation of
a future unlike the present” (p154). One way forward here is to take up a new form of
politics based around an alternative understanding of our relation to the world,
understanding matter in a less hierarchical and more dynamic manner, presenting
“human and nonhuman actants on a less vertical plane” (Bennett, 2010a, pix). What
would happen to our politics, asks Bennett (2010b, p47), if we took more seriously
“the idea that technological and natural materialities” (she uses the example of a
power blackout) were “themselves actors alongside and within us – were vitalities,
trajectories, and powers irreducible to the meanings, intentions, or symbolic values
humans invest in them”?
This is to engage with the new materialism, with new ways of thinking about what
matters. Key here is Barad’s (2003, 2007) development of posthumanist perfor-
mativity. Taking issue with claims that performativity as developed in the work of
Butler (1993, 1997; and Pennycook, 2004a, 2007a) is an overextension of post-
structuralist discursive power, Barad (2007, p133) insists that it “is not an invitation
to turn everything (including material bodies) into words; on the contrary, perfor-
mativity is precisely a contestation of the excessive power granted to language to
determine what is real”. We need to understand the relation between discursive
practices and materialization. Discourse, Barad insists, should not be reduced to a
notion of language (this would be to fall into the representational trap) and material
32 The strange humanist subject
should not be seen as some inanimate world of objects out there waiting to be
described. Rather, following Butler’s (1993) critique of both social constructionist
(gender is a discursive production) and pre-discursive (sex is a pregiven materiality)
accounts of the body, she argues that we need to understand the dynamic process of
materialization though discursive practices. As Bucholtz and Hall (2016, p181)
explain, this understanding of the “very real material consequences of discursive
regimes” has implications for many areas of sociolinguistics – not just language,
gender and sexuality but also other categories where an embodied understanding of
language is important, such as race, health and disability.
For Barad, like Thrift (2007), one of the problems we need to overcome is the
representational assumption that there are things out there and words that represent
them. Language, suggests Barad,
has been granted too much power. The linguistic turn, the semiotic turn, the
interpretative turn, the cultural turn: it seems that at every turn lately every
“thing” – even materiality – is turned into a matter of language or some other
form of cultural representation.
(Barad, 2007, p132)
From an applied linguistic point of view, this might seem an unlikely line of thought
to pursue: isn’t part of the struggle faced by linguists to make the central role of
language in social life clearer to all those who see it as a transparent medium or who
believe that anyone has a right to pronounce on language and what it is and what it
should be? The argument I shall be developing in the following chapters, however, is
not to cut language out of the picture but to complexify language and its relation to
the world. As Bucholtz and Hall (2016, p187) suggest, although it was tempting to
celebrate the linguistic or discursive turn in critical theory as making a case for the
importance of socio- or applied linguistics, a challenge to the dichotomy between
discourse and materiality may equally allow for a broader role for social semiotics
and sociocultural linguistics in an understanding of the relations among language,
bodies and the world.
Materiality, Hayles (2012, p91) argues, unlike physicality, is “an emergent
property. It cannot be specified in advance, as though it existed ontologically as a
discrete entity”. Barad (2003, p808) proposes “a specifically posthumanist notion
of performativity” that “incorporates important material and discursive, social
and scientific, human and nonhuman, and natural and cultural factors”. The post-
humanist part of this account questions the assumed distinctions between the human
and non-human, while the performative aspect “shifts the focus from questions of
correspondence between descriptions and reality (e.g. do they mirror nature or
culture?) to matters of practices, doings and actions” (Barad, 2007, p135). The shift
that these accounts allow is a move from “radical constructivism” to “posthuman
intra-relationality” (Lather, 2015, p99). By reclaiming materiality and realism from
the negative space that constructionism had for them, by focusing on assemblages
and relationality, we can come to understand how the social and the real, objects
and people are intertwined. What is new here, suggests Lather (2015, p100), is
The strange humanist subject 33
“the ontological insistence on the weight of the material and a relational ontology
that transverses binaries”.
One of the most significant parts of this move has been the relocation of agency,
for even though poststructuralism sought to remake the subject as discursive
product, as fragmented and in struggle (Norton, 2000), this subject was always still
susceptible to the gravitational pull of humanism, to the move that ensures the
subject is still some disembodied agent running things from inside the human
head. The new materialist subject, Braidotti argues (2013, p51), is “materialist and
vitalist, embodied and embedded, firmly located somewhere, according to the
feminist ‘politics of location’”. For Barad (2007, p226) “agential realism’s recon-
ceptualization of materiality diverges from traditional Marxist conceptions of
materiality” and “advances a new materialist understanding of naturalcultural prac-
tices that cuts across these well-worn divides”. This rethinking of the subject and
materiality is a political project, and such vital materialism, Bennett (2010b, p47)
argues, can “run parallel to a historical materialism focused more exclusively upon
economic structures of human power”. We shall return to some of these concerns in
discussions of assemblages in the following chapters and of speculative realism
(Chapter 7).
Notes
1 Although Europe’s fairly long period of relative non-violence might accord with Pinker’s
(2011) arguments in favour of the non-violent trends in human nature, the history of
European violence in the world needs to be recognized.
2 Another line of thought sees the betrayal of humanism in the focus on class, race and gender
that ignores the centrality of the individual (Good, 2001). From this point of view, human-
ism can be recouped by a return to European individualism and high culture.
3 Humani nihil alienum (from Terence) is also the motto of the Australian Academy of the
Humanities, to which I was recently elected, so I too, in some ways, am bound by this
motto. A posthumanities academy was not available.
The strange humanist subject 39
4 I am indebted to Dominique Estival for making this clear to me (while not agreeing with
some of my arguments here). As she explained (critiquing an earlier version of this
chapter), as a slave in La Martinique (freed in 1852), her great-great-grandmother (Pauline
Chalono) always had human rights. These may have been deeply violated by slavery but it
was never the case that she did not have such rights or that these rights were not granted:
rights are inalienable.
5 Profoundly conservative former Australian prime minister Tony Abbott found it a good
place to air his views on marriage in January 2016.
6 Wilson was appointed by the Attorney General, Senator George Brandis, who argued in the
senate that “[p]eople do have a right to be bigots” (Griffiths, 2014). Wilson resigned in early
2016 to seek election to the Australian parliament.
7 Ruddock introduced the Marriage Legislation Amendment Bill in 2004, which defined
marriage as between a man and a woman, thus pre-empting possible court rulings in favour
of same-sex marriage or civil union.
8 Linguists may no longer use the structuralist label, having invented almost as many schools
of thought as there are supposedly languages, but this is surely what they still are as they
construct systems within which they can look for answers (McNamara, 2015).
9 It’s a pity that Widdowson’s (2015, p127) trenchant critique of O’Regan’s (2014) “epis-
temological intolerance” and absence of “responsible critical thinking” in his discussion of
English as a lingua franca misses the point that O’Regan’s understanding of politics and
poststructuralist thought represents a far more sophisticated understanding than many other
recent accounts.
3 Distributed language, spatial
repertoires and semiotic
assemblages
Once underwater, there are many different factors involved. One obvious nav-
igational tool is a compass: at its simplest, taking bearings in one direction and
reversing in the other (though a dive is usually more complex). The timing of the
dive and monitoring of air pressure is another navigational element (20 minutes in
one direction, or until the tank pressure is at 100 bar, and then return). A dive console
typically provides these important pieces of information: length of dive (watch or
dive computer), air pressure (pressure guage) and direction (compass). Distance
may also be calculated using a knowledge of how far one travels with each kick of
one’s fins. These calculations of distance and time are compounded by current,
which may be observable (fish typically face into the current, while weed, soft coral
and other items can be seen to move with the current) or also felt in a more bodily
manner (finning is harder in one direction than another). One of the most obvious
navigational aids is the underwater topography: particular features in the underwater
environment, such as rock and coral formations, patches of weed or bommies (an
Australian diver and surfer term from the Indigenous bombora for an area where
waves are breaking over a shallow rock or coral outcrop). Fish are less reliable as
navigational aids, since, like divers, they are interested in checking out their
surrounds.
Navigating according to physical features is itself made more complex by the
variability of the environment (sand, rocks and seaweed can be harder to differen-
tiate than a section of a coral wall) and visibility (in clear water with 20 meters’
42 Distributed language
visibiity, it ought to be hard to go wrong; in murky, stirred-up water, with less than
5 meters’ visibility, disorientation is easy). Also important is the fact that we always
dive at least in pairs (with a buddy), and thus although communication is fairly
limited underwater (nonverbal), we navigate together. We also use sound, which
carries further underwater and is better for attracting attention (we often carry
devices that produce sound under water, or use a hard object to bang on the air tank).
Diving at night (only for the experienced), we use lights instead. Navigation while
diving – and all sorts of problems may ensue if you don’t make it back to where you
started – thus involves a range of practices that include relocalizing a diagram
or description into a physical environment, using a series of instruments and
measurements (time, air pressure, depth, direction), observing and remembering
topographical features (rocks, coral outcrops, sand patches), using one’s knowledge
of reef structure (seaward and landward sides of a reef crest, for example, will
generally have different features), orienting in a bodily fashion (feeling the current,
sensing water temperature (thermoclynes), gauging speed through the water) and
staying in touch with and communicating with other divers (watching, sending
signals, attracting attention, monitoring problems).
Navigation comes up at various points in this book (we will consider the nav-
igational feats of birds and other animals in Chapter 5), since it provides a significant
example of how humans and other animals operate in relation to their environment.
Some of the most complex and fascinating navigation is that of Micronesian sailors
who have navigated across wide expanses of the Pacific without charts. Once out of
sight of land, they imagine that their canoe is stationary in relation to the stars while
the islands around them move. By superimposing the imagined movement of an
island in relation to the star bearings, navigators create a model of the voyage that
they can then manipulate from their own standpoint on the deck of the boat or canoe.
The organization of different Western and Micronesian models of navigation “relies
on both the organization of conceptual content and on the structural opportunities
presented by the material world” (Hutchins, 2005, p1569). Hutchins’ analysis helps
us see that a dichotomy between “conceptual models” and “material resources for
thinking” is unhelpful: some elements of our conceptual model (the position of stars,
for example) may be material resources that exist independently.
Our cognition, and particularly when we are engaged in activities such as nav-
igation, includes these material anchors. When we’re diving, of course, the
materiality of the ship’s anchor, nestled between rocks 20 meters down from the
safety of the boat, is often a welcome recognition that we have safely completed our
return journey. But the point here is about how these material anchors become part of
our cognition. As Hutchins (2005) points out, it would be a mistake to assume that a
compass needle, for example, is the crucial player; rather it is the compass rose
(the markings indicating directions) that plays the more important role. As navi-
gators we use this compass rose as part of our thinking: one basic navigational
technique while sailing is to work out the bearings of parts of the ship as seen from
the vantage of the person at the helm (next to the binnacle, holding the compass). We
choose various items – stanchions or a winch or shroud – and mark their compass
bearings so that we know that, say, a boat passing behind the port shroud is at
Distributed language 43
roughly 320 degrees relative to the ship’s heading. Such material anchors are in a
sense a secondary form of the compass rose. This in turn is a very different kind of
mind extension than, say, the GPS and charting software on the computer.
While researchers in the fields of extended and distributed cognition rarely, if
ever, connect their work to posthumanist thought, the argument I wish to make here
is that to understand language and cognition as distributed in our surrounds helps us
decentralize the human brain in processes of thought. The “heavy interaction of
internal and external structure”, Hutchins (1995, p288) argues, “suggests that the
boundary between inside and outside, or between individual and context, should be
softened”. The apparent necessity of drawing such a boundary between inside and
outside, he goes on, “is in part a side effect of the attempt to to deal with the indi-
vidual as an isolated unit of cognitive analysis without first locating the individual in
a culturally constructed world” (Hutchins, 1995, p288). Thinking from this point of
view is spatial: the humanist conception of thought being locked away in a mind
(in there) that is separate from a world (out there), as Latour (1999) puts it, is
challenged by framing cognition – and language – as distributed.
This relates to arguments in the new materialism, or in Actor Network Theory
(ANT) (Latour, 2005), that it may be useful to think of things having agency (being
actants), or to think in terms of “distributive agency” (Bennett, 2010a, p21). The
seeds of this thinking, Bennett (2010a) suggests, can be seen in the structure–agency
debates of the social sciences (the limits on human agency enacted by various social
forces), but these structures remain too abstract to be seen as actors in themselves.
Instead we need to move to the level of assemblages (to which we shall return) and
an understanding of the ways in which agency may be “distributed across an
ontologically heterogeneous field, rather than being a capacity localized in a human
body or in a collective produced (only) by human efforts” (Bennett, 2010a, p23).
This is a broader challenge to the humanist conception of agency than work that
seeks mainly to acknowledge that agency may be distributed among different
people, that agency should not be assumed to coincide with the individual (Enfield,
2017). From a posthumanist point of view, we can start to think of language, cog-
nition and agency not merely as distributed across different people but rather as
distributed beyond human boundaries and as playing an active role in a world that is
not limited to human activity alone.
Such a proposition, where objects are seen as agential, may seem a step too far. For
Schatzki (2002), the notion of agency has been paradigmatically applied to humans,
and to start to extend it to other objects may obscure rather than assist the point that
objects play an active role in human life. For Schatzki (2002, p201), the proliferation
of agency in, for example, ANT does little more than correct “a misguided
humanism that proclaims people the sole agents”. Rather than running the danger of
assuming intentionality alongside agency, Schatzki (2002, p200) proposes that “the
language of doing” can accomplish the same thing and is “applicable without
prejudice to humans and nonhumans alike”. One might on the other hand contend
that to think of objects having agency is to change what is typically meant by the idea
of agency. Extended mind, for example, implies an extended self and “agents
themselves as spread into the world” (Clark and Chalmers, 2008, p232). If there are
44 Distributed language
good reasons to question the idea that only humans have agency, we also need to be
cautious not to apply a humanistic account of agency (implying intentionality) to
actants more broadly. Whether through Schatzki’s focus on practices (Schatzki,
1996, 2001; and Pennycook, 2010) or Bennett’s (2010a) on distributed agency,
we can start to see that things may be part of the action.
Distributed language
Once we take the idea of a spatial repertoire seriously – the idea that linguistic and
other semiotic resources are not contained in someone’s head, nor just choices
available within a speech community, but are spatially distributed – we can start to
explore an understanding of language not just as a tool for extended cognition to
reach out beyond the human head, to do things that “onboard devices” cannot
achieve (Clark and Chalmers, 2008, p232), but as a concept with much broader
implications. The focus on spatial repertoires allows us to return to the notion of
distributed language, a concept that challenges the idea of languages as internalized
systems or individual competence and suggests instead an understanding of
language as embodied, embedded and distributed across people, places and time.
This focus emerged, in Cowley’s (2012) account, by linking integrational linguistics
(Harris, 1998, 2009) with distributed cognition (Hutchins, 1995).
Integrational linguists have been arguing for something akin to a distributed view
of language for some time. Instead of standard linguistic assumptions – that the
linguistic sign is arbitrary, that words have meanings, that grammar has rules, that
languages exist, that we need to speak the same language to communicate – Harris
(2009) and others have argued for a wider and more distributed version of language,
which places communication (broadly understood) at the core and suggests
languages are not necessarily central to this process. Linguistics, Harris (1990, p45)
points out, “does not need to postulate the existence of languages as part of its
theoretical apparatus”. This urges us to rethink what is at stake when we look at
language, since it is unclear whether “the concept of ‘a language,’ as defined by
orthodox modern linguistics, corresponds to any determinate or determinable object
of analysis at all, whether social or individual, whether institutional or psycho-
logical” (Harris, 1990, p45).
The point here is not merely that language serves communicative purposes but
rather that language is part of a much broader set of semiotic possibilities. The
central goal of integrational linguistics is to reject the segregational view of
language, by which we assume that communication is a process of choosing among
a predetermined set of linguistic options, and instead to embrace the radical inde-
terminacy of the sign and to see that communication is a set of open-ended oppor-
tunities (Harris, 1996). This is akin in various ways to Canagarajah’s (2013, p6)
understanding of translingual practices, suggesting that “communication transcends
individual languages” and “communication transcends words and involves diverse
semiotic resources and ecological affordances”. Harris (2004) himself, however, saw
little value in the idea of distributed language, pointing to the limited theories of
language that underpin extended and distributed cognition and reiterating the
importance of integration rather than distribution: “integrating mind” might work
instead, since “the notion that one’s mental activities are indeed jointly integrated with
52 Distributed language
one’s bodily activities and one’s environment is at the core of the integrationist
approach” (Harris, 2004, p738).
Yet while Harris was right in his critique of the limited vision of language in
extended and distributed cognition, his insistence on integration – the mind is
integrated with the body and its surrounds – fails to take the more radical step of
exteriority that suggests the mind is not just integrated with but part of that exterior
world. Steffensen’s (2012) and Cowley’s (2012) melding of distributed cognition
and integrational linguistics takes us into a more helpful space than integrational
linguistics alone: language cannot be reduced to a notion of system, is bound up
with real-time activity and plays a role in socially moulded cognitive and linguistic
niches rather than individual cognition. From this perspective, “far from being a
synchronic ‘system,’ language is a mode of organization that functions by linking
people with each other, external resources and cultural traditions” (Cowley, 2012,
p2). The focus on language-as-system located in the mind-in-the-body of single
organisms masks the “interdependency of voices, gestures and artifacts” (Cowley,
2012, p2), overlooks the centrality of activity and practice and “excludes real-time
dynamics” (p3).
The shift away from a Cartesian view of a mind engaged in symbol processing
involves an understanding that humans are metabolic before they are symbolic.
From this point of view, language and cognition are on the one hand embodied,
embedded and enacted (far more than representational activity in the mind) and on
the other hand extended, distributed and situated (involving the world outside the
head) (Steffensen, 2012). The spatial repertoire of a market therefore may include
not only multiple languages, dialects, registers, gesture, mime, dress, posture and
physical performance (Blackledge et al., 2016) – the embodied, embedded and
enacted aspects of distributed language – but also artefacts, space and sensory
domains – the extended, distributed and situated domains of distributed language.
While language can still be understood as a human capacity (an issue to which I shall
return in greater depth in Chapter 5), its operation and distribution are not limited to
a process occurring in and between humans.
Assemblages describe the way things are brought together and function in new
ways, and they provide a way of thinking about how consciousness (Pepperell,
2003), agency (Bennett, 2010a), cognition (Hutchins, 1995) and language (Cowley,
2012) can all be understood as distributed beyond any supposed human centre.
An understanding of semiotic assemblages (Pennycook, 2017; Pennycook and
Otsuji, 2017) gives us a way to address the complexity of things that come together
in the vibrant, changeable exchanges of everyday life. Rather than viewing language
in segregational terms as linguistic choices made by people in various contexts, this
allows for an appreciation of a much wider range of linguistic, artefactual, historical
and spatial resources brought together in particular assemblages in particular
moments of time and space. It also decentres the human actor and pushes language
outside the head. The point here is not to suggest that humans and human heads are
not involved at all in semiotic activity – it remains hard to see what this could mean –
but rather to position them in a different relationship to place, object and meaning.
Looking at language use in relation to distributed language and semiotic assem-
blages gives us a way to think in much more inclusive terms than individualistic
Distributed language 55
accounts of linguistic or communicative competence or notions such as language in
context. The focus, rather, moves away from the humanist concern with individuals
and systems in their heads and looks at a greater totality of interacting objects, places
and alternative forms of semiosis.
Note
1 The term assemblage in English is the most commonly used translation of the French
agencement, meaning something like arrangement; it is the particular arrangement of
things and ideas that give them their meaning. Deleuze and Guattari do not use the French
term assemblage (which, it should be noted, operates in a different register from the English
assemblage) in this way in their work. The distance between the notion of agencement –
with its connections to ideas such as becoming – and assemblage – with its different
connections to domains such as dynamic-systems theory – has been discussed in more
detail by Phillips (2006).
4 The human hierarchy of senses
Locating smell
Smell is often regarded as the least important of our senses (Classen et al., 1994, p2):
“In spite of its importance to our emotional and sensory lives, smell is probably the
most undervalued sense in the modern West”. Aside from the long history of out-
sourcing our senses to other animals (particularly smell and hearing to our close
canine companions), and the concomitant deterioration of the human sense of smell,
we need an explanation for this. The origins of the value we give to different senses
can be traced back through philosophical traditions (and that value is therefore very
different in different cultural traditions) dealing with the question of where our
knowledge comes from (Ree, 1999): did our knowledge, as Plato, Descartes and
Leibniz (the rationalists) argued, derive primarily from our intellect, or did it, as
58 The human hierarchy of senses
Epicurus, Aristotle and Locke (the empiricists) maintained, come from our senses?
Aristotle’s argument that all knowledge was based on the five senses – that there was
nothing in our intellect that was not first in the senses – held sway through medieval
times but received a major challenge from Descartes in the seventeenth century.
For Descartes, the senses were physical, bodily attributes that were entirely
secondary to the working of the intellect, to “ideas”. This argument, while also much
disputed by the next generation of European philosophers – Locke, Hume, Kant –
set in motion one of the basic divides that has only been convincingly challenged in
more recent times: the divide between mind and body. Meanwhile, the debate
continued, with Locke arguing for a division between Sensation (experience derived
from the senses) and Reflection (intellectual work on such experience). It was
Immanuel Kant who claimed to solve the problem, arguing in his Critique of Pure
Reason that our knowledge does not need to conform to objects but rather objects
conform to our knowledge. From this point of view, our senses cannot relate to the
world without the prior operation of the intellect, or, put another way, the way we
understand the world is shaped by how we think. I shall take up some of the
implications of this argument in Chapter 7, in a discussion of discourse and reality,
exploring further why recent thinkers such as Meillassoux (2008) reject this cor-
relationist proposition, which Bogost (2012, p4) terms the “the tradition of human
access that seeps from the rot of Kant”.
The question I want to return to is what happened to smell in all this? The problem
goes back to Plato and the elevation of the higher senses (sight and hearing) over the
other three. Although the other senses were part of these debates – Aristotle saw
smell as one of the three “nobler senses” along with sound and sight (Ree, 1999,
p347), and touch was seen as important in the eighteenth-century debates about how
we understand shapes – smell was commonly relegated to the lower senses: touch,
taste and smell. So here we have an equally important history, not so much the
question of how the mind experiences the world, but how humans, the senses and
bodies were divided up in very particular ways. The mind/body division in European
thought not only allocated particular roles to the senses but also particular senses to
particular bodies, so that the eyes and ears were invited to accompany the mind (eyes
and ears becoming, strangely, disembodied), while the mouth, nose and skin were
assigned to the body. One of the legacies of the European Enlightenment was
therefore an idealization of the senses deemed to be involved with language and
thought (sight and sound) and a relegation of the lesser senses that involved the body
(touch, taste and smell). This division needs to be brought back into an under-
standing of the social, physical and material world from which these ideas emerged
(and from which they tried to escape).
The philosophical position that could argue for a mind separated from the world
stems from the same “Enlightenment ideology in which language, and especially
written language, is the condition of rationality, civilization and progress, attaining
its apotheosis in the alphabetic writing of the West” (Finnegan, 2015, p18). The
linguistics that developed in this tradition through the work of Saussure, Hjelmslev
and Chomsky, with its focus on language as a system “threw linguistics into a lar-
gescale sensory deprivation experiment” that excluded many significant aspects of
The human hierarchy of senses 59
language and the senses (Steffensen and Fill, 2014, p7). What this account is missing
is all the relations between bodies and the world, bodies and objects, the tactile,
affective and sensual elements of human life. The philosophical tradition that gave
us a mind separated from a body was a gendered, classed and racialized one, and the
linguistics that emerged in this tradition was similarly narrow, excluding all those
bodily aspects of life that only some people can afford to ignore.
The finer intellectual senses (sight and hearing) were linked to men (or more
particularly white, upper-middle-class men), while the more bodily sensual and less
controllable senses (touch, taste and smell) were linked to women (Classen, 2005).
As Bourke (2011, p7) explains, “what tied humans to the rest of the animal kingdom
was feminine, while what distinguished humans from other animals was masculine.
Woman is an animal; man is the exemplary human”. The Cartesian subject, as
Barrett notes, is
This is the same WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic)
human (Henrich et al., 2010), or SWEME (Straight White Educated Male Elite) (see
Chapter 1), around which the universality of humanity is proclaimed.
The humanist subject that emerged in eighteenth-century Europe did not smell,
neither actively smelling the environment as part of his philosophical investigations,
nor giving off odours as a result of manual work. Part of the gendered and racial
hierarchies of the time, bodily senses were linked to animals, women and other races,
while the higher senses were linked to the peak of social and biological evolution
(White Man). And as with other processes of occidentalist colonial construction
(Pennycook, 1998b), as the colonies started to smell bad, so the West became
odourless. “For a society to become civilized and modern,” Low (2009, p167)
suggests, “sanitary wars have been and are staged to combat dirt and foul scents,
regarded as emblems of disorder.” Groups deemed inferior to white, odourless,
bourgeois men – women, working people, ethnic minorities, the elderly, rural
workers – were increasingly seen both as a source of smell and as more sensorily
engaged with smells as part of their less refined ways of living (Cockayne, 2007).
The hotel is 10 minutes’ walk through the busy streets of Sandakan from the large
market down on the harbour front, where stacked high in several stalls near the
entrance are a wide variety of dried fish: ikan putih, ikan sulit, ikan keropok, ikan
kurau, ikan tenggir, and the ubiquitous small dried anchovies, or ikan bilis.
At the far end of the market, near the rusting fishing boats pulled up at the wharf,
gleam a range of fresh fish, crabs, prawns and shellfish. In between there are stalls of
fruit and vegetables: the enticing rambutan, long an, duku (langsat) bananas, pine-
apple, star fruit, pomelo, calamansi, a range of local vegetables as well as varieties of
edible seaweed, spice stalls offering ginger, garlic, onions, cinnamon, star anise, chilli,
cardamom, lemon grass, cumin, turmeric and more (many of the ingredients for the
beef rendang for sale at stalls around the corner from the market). Odours of discarded
remnants from the market stalls, from fish to rotting fruit and vegetables, mix with the
sweet smell of kretek, the clove cigarettes smoked widely across Indonesia. But taking
precedent over all other smells are the pungent fruit: tarap (its scientific name gives us
a clue: Artocarpus odoratissimus), cempedak and durian. The upmarket tourist hotel
on the waterfront has no such sign, not because they would be happy to have tarap and
ikan bilis in the rooms, but because they assume their clients are not the kind of people
who would bring such goods from the market. But for the other hotel in Sandakan,
keeping its rooms relatively sweet-smelling is a struggle, located where it is in a town
with lively markets, uncontrolled migration and vibrant multilingualism. We shall
return to multilingual, multimodal and multisensory relations below.
The human hierarchy of senses 63
Smells thus become a terrain of struggle since they “often carry particular social
weight due to the transgressive qualities of odour and its associations with ethnic
identify and physical hygiene” (Howes and Classen, 2014, p88). Smell plays an
ambivalent role in modern societies: relegated to a lower level of perception, to a
bodily encounter with the environment, it has become tied to the negative counter-
constructions of the humanist subject, that supposedly universal rational person, who
turns out to be classed, raced and gendered. While upmarket smells such as scents in
the perfume industry (a product designed both to disguise certain smells and to attract
with expensive odours) or bouquets in the wine industry have positive connotations,
the very idea that something smells is often assumed to be a negative judgement
(he, she, it smells). Smell is one of the lower senses (touch, taste and smell), relegated
to non-language (and the kitchen, the workhouse, the slums and all those places where
embodied Others dwell). Smells are connected to those others whose humanity is less
than full: women, animals, immigrants, working people. In the next section I look at
the relation of smells to linguistic domains, asking how we can start to incorporate a
sense of smell into our semiotic inventory. This will be followed by a discussion of the
other side of this picture – the issue for the Deaf community of having to perform
language in a bodily medium rather than via auditory channels. The struggles over
cochlear implants – that transhuman enhancement that divides the Deaf community –
will also be a focus of this discussion. Finally I shall explore how we can start to bring
smells together into a broader posthumanist semiotic assemblage.
Multisensory assemblages
Smell does a lot of important semiotic work, particularly in its interpellative and
associational capacities: it evokes memories, people, activities and places. These
may also have linguistic correlates – people, language and places are closely
intertwined – but the mobility of such resources suggests we should treat these
connections with caution. Of greater interest are the complexity of relations among
the diversity of language and everyday activities (buying, eating, fishing, growing,
selling and cooking) and the larger linguistic and sensory scapes within geopolitical,
economic and historical settings. Smells are an important part of how we make sense
of our surrounds and how we interpret, associate and invoke relations of culture and
taste, as well as assumptions about gender, class, background and development. And
just as linguistic proscriptions (against Singlish in Singapore, for example) tell us a
great deal about language, language ideologies, governmentality and politics, so
smell proscriptions (smelly fruit and dried fish) tell us a lot about smells, smell
ideologies, places, people and aspirations.
Understanding the city smellscape can be crucial for appreciating the role of
different people, foods, restaurants and shops in any urban mixture. Companies,
small businesses and manufacturers of various kinds (not just soap and perfume
makers) are very aware of the potential of smell to attract buyers. Smell is
playing an ever more important role in the design of products, services and
commercial environments, and odours are destined to spill out into city streets
in the form of commercial scenting activities at an increasing rate over the years
to come.
(Henshaw, 2013, p221)
Animal smarts
Unlike a number of the writers on humans and animals (Haraway, 2008; Safina,
2015; Morell, 2014) who, alongside powerfully martialled arguments for under-
standing this relationship differently, can’t resist a picture of their dog and a slippage
into an argument along the lines that “of course s/he’s part of the family”, I do not
start from any such position. I don’t have a dog; nor do I see myself in any particular
way as an animal lover.1 As a scuba diver and volunteer for an organization working
to save reefs in the Philippines, however, I do have a knowledge and admiration of
fish (including sharks; see Appleby and Pennycook, 2017; and see front cover). As
my work to maintain the quality of Philippine reefs has also made very clear, caring
about reefs is about more than endeavouring to halt the destruction caused by cli-
mate change, overfishing, dynamite fishing and the collecting of fish, shellfish and
other creatures for aquariums. It is also about more than ensuring that local fish
stocks are maintained so that people can live sustainably from the local environment,
or ensuring that reef quality can ensure a local tourist industry. It is about a much
more integrated and entangled set of relations between humans and non-humans,
reefs and the land, religion and poverty.
Animals and language 75
If you have seen a rock-mover wrasse (Novaculichthys taeniourus) shifting
stones and other debris out of the way so that its partner (they often work in pairs)
can grab some prey, or if you have seen the remarkable sand patterns created by
the white-spotted pufferfish (Torquigener albomaculosus – only ‘discovered’ in
2014) – possibly the most complex construction produced by any non-human
animal – you will know that fish can do more than you might have expected
(Balcombe, 2016). The much maligned and misunderstood shark is also far more
interesting and intelligent than popular discourse allows (Appleby and Penny-
cook, 2017). The octopus and the other cephalopods (cuttlefish and squid) –
“‘evolutions’ only experiment in big brains outside of the vertebrates” (Godfrey-
Smith, 2017, p160) – meanwhile, have remarkable intellectual capacities that
shed new light on the idea of embodied cognition (see Chapter 3): “The octopus is
suffused with nervousness; the body is not a separate thing that is controlled by
the brain or nervous system” (Godfrey-Smith, 2017, p75). And if you have had the
privilege to spend time watching a giant cuttlefish (Sepia apama) – a creature with
“considerable brainpower” (Godfrey-Smith, 2017, p197) – off Sydney Heads,
moving across different substrata (rocks, sand, seaweed, sponges) and changing
its colour accordingly in fractions of a second – giant cuttlefish use chromato-
phore cells to change colour – you will know that animals can do things that
humans cannot.
At least since Aristotle, as Tomasello (2014) notes, humans have speculated on
their relation to animals, a project limited for many centuries by the lack of non-
human primates as a point of comparison in Europe, making it easier to posit reason
or free will as distinguishing markers. Although a “defining trait” of what it means to
be human has been “a connection with animals” going back over millions of years
(Shipman, 2011, p13), human exceptionalism (emphasizing a distinction between
humans and animals) has been the “the default view” (Cook, 2015, p591). That form
of human exceptionalism that emphasizes the superiority of humans over other
animals was perhaps most amusingly described in a famous passage from The
Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy:
Man had always assumed that he was more intelligent than dolphins because he
had achieved so much – the wheel, New York, wars, and so on – while all the
dolphins had ever done was muck about in the water having a good time. But
conversely, the dolphins had always believed that they were far more intelligent
than man – for precisely the same reasons.
(Adams, 1979, p159)
Sometime after our ancestors left Africa and met up with American canids, a special
relationship started to evolve between humans and wolves, in some ways the animal
closest to us (not biologically but in terms of our shared history, flexibility, forming
of pair bonds and relation to changing hierarchical social structures). The story we
like to imagine is of an early human taking in a young wolf cub (Rudyard Kipling’s
1894 story of Mowgli in reverse) and starting the process of domestication. But
this account, like so many of our animal stories, suffers from an anthropocentric
76 Animals and language
assumption that it is humans that do the domestication. Safina (2015, p223)
suggests, by contrast, that “wolves unintentionally domesticated themselves to
humans” – that is to say, it was not so much the case that humans picked up a wolf
cub and started the process of domestication but rather that wolves found it useful to
hang around humans and changed their behaviour accordingly. But this process
went both ways: humans also changed in response to this canine presence. In
becoming reliant on humans, dogs made humans reliant on them: “We became like
each other” (Safina, 2015, p225). Human relationships to other animals, particularly
dogs, have changed what it means to be human. As I suggested in the previous
chapter, dogs – sheep dogs, guide dogs, sniffer dogs – now do all sorts of work for
humans, so that dogs have become an extended part of our senses and cognition.
Viewed historically, we have, in a sense, outsourced some of our capacities (smelling,
hearing, barking, running, biting) to dogs, who have in turn outsourced some of
their needs to us (shelter, food, exercise).
Two immediate problems present themselves when we try to deal with other
animals: the first is the tendency towards anthropomorphic thinking: we map
human ideas and emotions onto animals and try to understand them according to
our own ways of thinking rather than in their own terms. As Sealey and Oakley’s
(2013, p143) study of the language of wildlife documentaries shows, they are
often replete with anthropomorphizing discourses, from the use of gendered
pronouns that promote “individualized, active, and ‘socially’ contextualized”
portrayals of different creatures to suggestions of intentionality, motivation or
causality that cannot be appropriately apportioned to the animals’ observed
behaviour. There is often a double loop of thinking here, whereby we map human
gendered relations onto animals (many otherwise respectable wildlife docu-
mentaries assume a male-centric world) and then map this back onto humans (see,
this is how nature works).
As Safina (2015) points out, an accusation of anthropomorphism was the flag
raised to warn those studying animals not to confuse human and animal
behaviours. Particularly from a behaviourist perspective, it contravened scient-
ific norms of observation. Although there is indeed much to be wary of here, the
strength of this concern meant that discussion of animal feelings or awareness
were utterly taboo.2 “By banning what was considered anthropomorphic,”
he suggests (Safina, 2015, p27), behaviourist biologists “helped institutionalize
the all-too-human notion that only humans are conscious and can feel anything.”
The real challenge when we deal with animals is not to assume that they think
like us, they understand us, or any similar foolishness, but to attempt to under-
stand in terms of profound difference. Just as humanist universalism has tended
to bring all humans into the same framework – we have underlying cognitive
structures and a universal language capacity – so a rethinking of animal–human
relations runs the danger of a new universalism that includes animals. The
problem therefore
The second problem is that because some humans have quite deep emotional
relationships with their animals – particularly cats and dogs – there is a tendency not
only to anthropomorphize (my cat understands me) but also to idealize and sen-
timentalize the relationship between humans and pets. As Pierce (2016) observes,
human treatment of their pets – or companion animals, as they are commonly known
these days – ranges from the overindulgent (much greater sums lavished on the dogs
of the wealthy than on the children of the poor) to the incredibly cruel, neither of
which is very good for the animals themselves. From the remarkably high figures of
bestiality – described elsewhere as interspecies sexual assault (Beirne, 2000) – which
Pierce notes is a key and much ignored problem for domestic animals, or childhood
cruelty to animals (which is a good predictor of subsequent sexual assault), to the
problem that those who seek out animal comfort are often the least able to provide
comfort for their animals, human relations with animals reveal much of what it is to be
human – cruel, ugly, vicious and abusive, as well as loving, caring and capable of
bonding with other species more strongly than we do at times with our own.
Animals, we have come to understand, are smarter than we thought, forming
social groups and developing cultural behaviours. Sperm whales form clans which
pass on distinctive dialects of sonar clicks to each other, enabling them to syn-
chronize diving and feeding (Whitehead and Rendell, 2015). Female sperm whales
share the care of the young of their clan by staying at the surface with a young whale
while its mother dives for food. Like elephants, sperm whales appear to have the
capacity to memorize large social networks. Orcas, meanwhile, form groups based
in part on different diets (salmon or marine mammals, for example), refusing to mix
with others, interbreed or change diet. Like sperm whales, these clans have dis-
tinctive vocalizations that facilitate coordination of their hunting (driving humpback
whales into Twofold Bay, for example) and caring for each other (Whitehead and
Rendell, 2015). And the number of studies showing the remarkable capabilities of
birds is growing all the time. Crows have diverse tool-using capabilities (they will
drop pebbles into a water container to raise the water level, for example) and an
ability to solve quite complex tool-using tasks, suggesting a capacity for problem
solving and abstract thought that has largely been considered only to exist in the
realm of great apes and humans. There are accounts of brown falcons and black kites
in Australia picking up burning sticks from bushfires and dropping them into dry
grass to flush out animals hiding there (Derla, 2016).3 Studies have now shown birds
capable of “toolmaking, culture, reasoning, the ability to remember the past and
think about the future, to adopt another’s perspective, to learn from one another”
(Ackerman, 2016, p11). Many of our “cherished forms of intellect”, Ackerman
suggests (2016, p11), “appear to have evolved in birds quite separately and artfully
right alongside our own”.
And all this before we even get to dogs and the great apes (discussed in part in the
next section). One further consideration when we try to understand the cognitive
78 Animals and language
capacities of animals is to bring in an understanding of extended or distributed
cognition. If suggesting that a dog’s cognition is extended by taking a human for a
walk (or that dogs have traded their sense of smell for human’s broader cognitive
capacities, akin in some ways to Douglas Adams’ dolphins enjoying the sea) is a step
too far, an alternative consideration is to look at cognitive systems as a whole, and
the way that, say, a colony of ants may operate (Morell, 2014). The issue is not
to suggest that ants think in human terms or have a theory of mind, but rather
that they operate collectively in a way that resembles a thinking organism. The
different subsystems of an ant colony (with different types of ant, different means
for signalling information) provide an overall structure that enables “an organism to
be ‘intelligent’ in any reasonable sense of the word” (Hofstadter, 1970, p324). The
collective whole, the multilayered structure, the internal modes of communication
make it possible to draw an analogy between the human brain and an ant colony as
producing collective ways of thinking. Like Hutchins’ Chinese Room (Chapter 3),
the point is not whether the process inside the colony resembles processes of
understanding in human terms but how the collective whole operates.
Humans have a long and complex relationship with other animals, and human
evolution is closely linked with our relationship to animals (Shipman, 2011). The
Jungle Book story of Mowgli (brought up by wolves and befriended by Bagheera,
the black panther, who has been reared by humans) points to another important
aspect of the relations between humans and animals: our stories and religions and
rituals have been filled with different creatures. They turn up everywhere: the ox and
ass in the nativity in the Christian tradition (often seen as standing for obedience,
docility or innocence; hundreds of years of iconography and interpretation have
given many layers of meaning to this scene, though they’re not in the original
gospels); the serpent representing the devil in the Christian Bible, turning up in many
other myths and religions as a guardian figure (the Buddha protected by a naga, or
cobra, in the carvings at Angkor Wat, for example), a symbol of medicine and other
diverse roles in Amazonian cultures (see the 2015 Colombian film, El abrazo de la
serpiente; and see also de Souza, 2002; snake symbols and meanings are so wide-
spread it is impossible to do more than touch on them here); the winged horse Al-
Buraq ( ﺍﻟُﺒﺮﺍﻕlightning) – similar in many ways to Pegasus in Greek legend (though
often portrayed with a human face) – who is said to have carried Prophet Muhammad
from Mecca to the seven heavens and back (via the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem)
during the Isra and Mi’raj, or Night Journey. From the Hindu Ganesha (with the head
of an elephant) or the Egyptian sphinx (body of a lion) to the Greek minotaur (head
of a bull), human and animal have often been mixed together.
Birds have “been prominent in art, literature and sculpture, have been accredited
with supernatural powers, have played a role in songs, ceremony and dance, as well
as day-to-day existence, and have been linked to both death and some of life’s
greatest challenges” (Tidemann et al., 2010, pp5–6). Many birds, from kingfishers
through eagles, emus and ostriches to cockatoos and parrots, occur widely in the
stories told to children or the narratives of adulthood. From Ancient Egyptian
depictions of hoopoe or ibis to Maori spiritual guardianship of kereru and tı tı
(muttonbird, sooty shearwater, or Puffinus griseus, depending on your point of
Animals and language 79
view), from images of peacocks in paintings and jewellery to stories of doves as
birds of peace or romance, from the use of birdsong in music to the keeping of
songbirds in cages, from the use of bird feathers in headdresses to the role of bird
heads and beaks in ceremonies, from stories of migrating birds as metaphors of
travel and journeying souls to stories of birds such as the red-backed kingfisher
making fires that became coal deposits in Adnyamathanha (central Australia)
mythology, humans have long used birds as part of the way in which they understand
and relate to the world. Through centuries of philosophy, literature and art humans
have tried to work out their relation to animals, to reconcile the animal in the human
(passions, instincts) and the human in the animal (loyalty, understanding) and then to
ask again whether these qualities are human or animal. Agamben (2004, p80)
suggests that “the decisive political conflict, which governs every other conflict, is
that between the animality and the humanity of man. That is to say, in its origin
Western politics is also biopolitics”.
Recent studies have started to show that many animals are much smarter than we
previously acknowledged. We might interpret this to mean they are a little more
human than we had thought but that would be to fall back into our anthropocentric
and anthropomorphic ways. When we think of the navigational feats of different
animals (making the navigational feats of a scuba diver (Chapter 3) look pretty
ordinary) – arctic terns travel 70,000 kilometres from the Arctic to Antarctic and
back; sooty shearwaters (Maori tı tı ) a similar 65,000 kilometres; humpback wales
(especially now that whaling no longer occurs at Twofold Bay or elsewhere) can
travel over 20,000 kilometres from the poles to the warm equatorial seas and back;
leatherback turtles can travel 20,000 kilometres before returning to a beach in the
region in which they were born (others such as loggerhead and hawksbill sea turtles
return to the exact beach) – we are reminded that animals can do things that humans
cannot, or at least not without a lot of technological and mechanical assistance.
What we need to do is shed our human assumptions as far as possible – both those
that would denigrate navigational capacities as simply evolved biological traits and
those that would claim that crows can think like us – and to try to understand animals
on their own terms. Exploring the realm of fish, Balcombe asks (2016, p6) “what the
world looks like to fish, how they perceive, feel, and experience the world”. Whether
we are able to do this – Nagel (1974) argues that we cannot imagine what it is like to
be a bat, for example, because we are limited by our own subjective experiences of
being (Chapter 8) – is a question we need to leave open. Finally it is worth asking
why it has taken humans so long, with all our mental and scientific capacities,
to understand that the differences between humans and many other animals –
particularly elephants, dogs, great apes, orcas, dolphins and the like, and particularly
before the domestication of plants and the development of writing – was a matter of
degree rather than kind (Safina, 2015).
Notes
1 Though I do have some goldfish in a large ceramic bowl on the balcony, and I like playing
anthropomorphic games around them, telling visitors that they will answer to their names.
Stand above the bowl and call Socrates, Jean-Paul (Sartre – the one with bulging eyes) and
Simone (to keep Jean-Paul company) and they’ll come to the surface, mouths open.
2 He reports a recommendation in the journal Science not to study animal perceptions unless
you already have tenure.
3 This practice is still to be fully attested though there are many accounts by park rangers and
Indigenous Australians of these raptors starting fires. This also ties to the arguments by
Tidemann et al. (2010) that in order to learn more about animals we need to engage with
Indigenous knowledge.
6 Mutual misunderstanding
Mutual intelligibility
A common and perhaps fairly reasonable assumption in a great deal of work on
language and communication is that the purpose of language is to communicate
ideas between people, and that the general effect of such activity is to arrive at a form
of mutual comprehension. For those working in areas such as the use of English as a
lingua franca, for example, with all the threats such a notion poses when compared
with more stable forms of communication, we are often assured that mutual intel-
ligibility can still occur: “when people choose to communicate via a lingua franca”,
Seidlhofer (2011, p99) explains, “they are usually conscious of having to make
a certain effort to ensure mutual intelligibility and communicative efficiency”.
Whereas from some perspectives, mutual comprehension may only be assured by
the use of a shared and standardized form of language, the argument here is that
using English as a lingua franca, which is always a more open-ended and negotiable
process, can nonetheless arrive at a similar end point of mutual intelligibility.
Staking out a realist approach to language (Carter and Sealey, 2000) (to which we
shall return in Chapter 7) – “languages are objective and real” and “language practices
endorsed by a group have to be upheld within a linguistic and ideational environment
that is anterior to them and that will shape profoundly the sorts of practices they
uphold” (Sealey and Carter, 2013, p273) – Sealey and Carter (2013, p273) suggest that
languages “enable mutual intelligibility among their speakers”. These positions share
several similar assumptions: by communicating in the same language people can
arrive at a state of mutual comprehension; this is done by sharing a code and the ideas
that are then passed to and fro in that language; and the fact that we understand each
other or not is a demonstration of the distinctive existence of different and separate
languages (we don’t understand people who speak different languages, and we do
understand those who speak the same one). As I have argued elsewhere (Pennycook,
2007b), myths about English as an international language depend on this assumption
of understanding: since people around the world are apparently able to communicate
with each other in English, then it’s obvious that English exists. Or, from the other side
of the coin, since people around the world can’t understand each other, they must be
speaking different languages.
On the face of it these might appear reasonable arguments, but on closer inves-
tigation it becomes clear that they assume as premises what they set out to
Mutual misunderstanding 91
demonstrate. Thus to claim that we need a thing called a common language in order
to communicate successfully (assuming therefore both the successful effects of
communication as well as the grounds for its effects), or to assert that if we don’t
understand each other, we must therefore be using different languages (assuming
therefore both the unsuccessful effects of communication and the nature of the
impediments to communication), is to have already presupposed that languages
exist as distinct entities that facilitate or hinder communication, and that under-
standing is the result of speaking the same language and misunderstanding the
result of speaking different languages. Not only does this way of thinking overlook
many other ways we may understand each other – from the role of translingual
registers (Pennycook, in press) to a wider understanding of semiotic assemblages
(Pennycook, 2017) – but it also assumes that mutual understanding is both possible
and the goal generally of using language.
This view of language is also based more generally on a model of cooperative
behaviour that exists outside relations of power, inequality and antipathy. As
I suggested a number of years ago (Pennycook, 2003), while we may at some level
wish to acknowledge the usefulness of English as a language of global com-
munication, we clearly also need to acknowledge it as the language of global
miscommunication, or perhaps discommunication. This is not merely a question
of misunderstanding but rather of the role of English as a language that is linked to
inequality, injustice and the prevention of communication. It is to the topic of
human understanding and the possibility of mutual misunderstanding (Taylor,
1992) that I turn in this chapter. I shall explore first the premises that underpin
notions of language and understanding as very particular ways of thinking about
language and communication that derived from the humanist focus on talking
heads (see also Chapter 4). I shall then explore in more depth through an analysis of
metrolingual data (Pennycook and Otsuji, 2015a) how contexts of apparent mis-
understanding may shed more light on processes or communication than do
assumptions about understanding. It is to ideas of alignment or attunement that we
can more usefully turn as part of an expanded posthumanist framework of semiotic
assemblages.
A B
Excerpt 6.1
(N: Nabil, C: Customer)
Japanese italics; English plain (translations in brackets)
Here, using the Japanese words for celery (serori: セロリ) and stew (ni: 煮), Nabil
and his customer appear to have arrived at a reasonable agreement about what is
being served and eaten, even though a celery stew seems a slightly unlikely dish,
especially as a dessert. But then the customer becomes puzzled noticing the colour of
the supposed celery stew.
Excerpt 6.2
(N: Nabil, C: Customer)
Japanese italics; French bold; English plain (translations in brackets)
96 Mutual misunderstanding
1 C: Pinku. Serori. Ehhh? (Pink. Celery. Ehhh?)
2 N: Pink?
3 C: ( : : : ) Serori.
4 N: Eh?
5 C: Ahh.
6 N: Nani betterave. (What beetroot.)
7 C: Eh?
8 N: Betterave, no? Ahh. Celeri remoulade, you know? (Beetroot, no? Ahh.
Celery remoulade.)
At this point things have become rather confused. Also puzzled by the pink colour,
Nabil now explains that it’s beetroot, using the French term betterave (line 6, with
his distinctive apical [r] and shift from word-final stress). The French word for
beetroot does not appear to be of much help to his customer, however, and in any
case Nabil quickly (line 8) rejects this in favour of another option, celeri remoulade,
a common dish using grated celery root (also known as celeriac) and a remoulade
sauce (a mayonnaise-based sauce also used to accompany fish). Celeri remoulade is
a common dish (a cousin in some ways to coleslaw), which might also be served with
other crudites (traditional French appetizer), such as beetroot, hence possibly the
connections for Nabil between the pink dish he has served, celery and beetroot. But a
celery remoulade seems unlikely (it’s a fairly ordinary dish even for a bistro, and in
any case it’s neither pink nor a dessert). There is no obvious relation between his two
offerings (celeri remoulade and beetroot) – or only to the extent that they might
both be part of a plate of crudites – nor between either of these and the dish he has
served, especially as dessert. Not surprisingly, the customer continues in confused
persistence.
Excerpt 6.3
(N: Nabil, C: Customer)
Japanese italics; French bold; English plain (translations in brackets)
1 C: Pinku pinku pinku kore (.) Serori serori serori serori. (Pink pink pink this (.)
Celery, celery, celery, celery.)
2 N: Pinku? (Pink?)
3 C: Pinku pinku (Pink pink.)
4 N: Pinku:: (Pinnnk.)
5 C: ( : : : )
6 N: Ahh.
7 C: Serori serori serori. (Celery, celery, celery.)
8 N: Celeri rouge? (Red celery?)
9 C: No no.
10 N: [referring to another customer’s question about his meal] Chicchai? Koko?
: : : Sorry? Koko? (Small? This? : : : Sorry? This?)
Mutual misunderstanding 97
11 N: Chef! Chef! C’est quoi celeri rouge en France? (What’s red celery in
France?)
12 N: [referring to the other customer’s query about the size of the portion he has
been served] Il dit c’est grand. (He says it’s big.)
Here, while as always dealing with several things at once (a comment by another
customer about the size of a dish), and using his array of linguistic resources, Nabil
finally seems to sense something is wrong with both celery and beetroot as descriptors
of the dish. Recognizing the customer’s confusion, Nabil accommodates with a more
Japanese sounding pinku and even the exaggerated version, pinku:: (lines 2 and 3), by
inserting a vowel after the consonant. The word pink, which occurs in both English
and Japanese (pinku: ピンク), and is pronounced in this data section in both styles, is
one of those many terms that seems to hover between languages. Here Nabil clearly
attempts to accommodate to his customer with his extra emphasis on the final vowel of
pinku::. Nabil now tries celeri rouge (red celery) as a description of the dish, though
the customer’s apparent rejection of this suggestion (No no) may equally suggest both
the fact that he doesn’t understand celeri rouge as well as his continued struggle
against the initial suggestion that this is celery (but pink).
In response to the customer’s rejection of his attempt to convince him that it is
celeri rouge, Nabil then turns to the chef (line 10) to ask what red celery (celeri
rouge) is in French/France. After a brief pause, both cooks (Patrick, Chef 1, and
Pierre, Chef 2) chime in with rhubarbe.
Excerpt 6.4
(N: Nabil, Ch1: Chef1, Ch2: Chef 2)
French bold (translations in brackets)
At first sight, the ability of the cook to correctly decode Nabil’s question about red
celery is a remarkable piece of interpretation: celeri rouge/red celery is not a very
obvious term for rhubarb (red celery does in fact exist in its own right as a type
of celery). At second glance, however, we might suggest that the chefs’ quick
interpretation here was assisted by the fact that they prepared the rhubarb dish to start
with and may also have overheard some of this confused conversation. Rather than
translating celeri rouge as rhubarbe with only linguistic clues, they have worked
out that Nabil’s odd question about red celery in fact refers to the rhubarb tart he has
just passed to the customer. The spatial arrangements, cooking practices and spatial
repertoire contribute here to the naming of this red dish.
98 Mutual misunderstanding
Now that the missing term rhubarbe has finally been established, Nabil turns to
Pierre (Chef 2) to ask if he knows what the Japanese for rhubarb is, since it is not
clear that rhubarbe – like the earlier and mistaken betterave – has clarified things
for the customer: Rhubarbe, nihongo wa? J’ai oublie. Pierre? (Rhubarb, in
Japanese. I’ve forgotten. Pierre?).
Nabil’s Japanese question (nihongo wa?) is taken up by the other chef, Patrick.
Pierre by then has moved on to another task.
Excerpt 6.6
(N: Nabil, C: Customer, Ch1: Chef 1)
Japanese italics; French bold; English plain (translations in brackets)
While the customer continues almost to chant his confused serori refrain in the
background – he does not appear to have picked up on the revelation that it is in fact
rhubarb – the chef tries to recall the Japanese for rhubarb, and offers, a little
uncertainly, a Japanese translation (line 4) – aka serori (red celery) – of Nabil’s
earlier celeri rouge (red celery). Nabil, apparently not picking up on the custo-
mer’s continued chanting of serori and assuming instead that the customer now
knows this is in fact rhubarb, asks the customer to confirm the chef’s aka serori
(red celery) (line 6), getting the reply in line 7 that it’s the same in Japanese
(Nihongo mo serori). The customer, however, who is still puzzling over the idea of
celery, appears to be commenting only that the word for celery is more or less the
same in English or French and Japanese. But Nabil appears to think that he has
received confrmation of his chef’s claim that the Japanese for rhubarb is aka serori
(line 8).
So, finally, although Nabil has finally worked out what it is he has served the
customer – rhubarb tart – he now appears to believe that rhubarb is aka serori in
Japanese (not commonly known, the term rubaabu (ルバーブ) is in fact the most
usual). Fortunately, they return to the safer ground of discussing the taste.
Excerpt 6.7
(N: Nabil, C: Customer)
Japanese italics; French bold; English plain (translations in brackets)
Mutual misunderstanding 99
1 N: Aa, soo. Tarto sugoi oishii deshou? (Ah, right. The tart is really tasty, isn’t
it?)
2 C: Oishii. Kore oishii. (Tasty. This tastes good.)
3 N: Tarte à la rhubarbe. C’est très très bon. (Rhubarb tart. It’s very, very
good.)
Although from the outside we can work out more or less what is going on, and
although we can see various multilingual strategies at work, they generally misfire,
with a number of terms – betterave, aka serori – not registering with various of the
participants, with Nabil suggesting terms in French that don’t seem to make much
sense (from celeri rouge to celeri remoulade) and now possibly believing that aka
serori is the Japanese for rhubarb (which it isn’t), and the customer still confused
(though happy enough with the dish). Such is the way that meaning gets negotiated
across and against languages. Finally, Nabil settles the interaction by returning to a
discussion of the taste of the food, by employing his subtle metrolingual accom-
modation strategies, where, in the first line in Japanese, tart is made more Japanese
with its added ending tarto sugoi oishii deshou? and by using the capital afforded by
French and referring to French cuisine: Tarte à la rhubarbe. C’est très très bon.
There are several implications of this exchange. It should come as no surprise that
the negotiation of meaning in metrolingual contexts may be unsuccessful, partially
successful or just rather foggy (it is New Year’s Eve, after all). The particular foods
under discussion also clearly play an important mediating role here: they are part of
the action. Such foods and tastes not only mean different things to the participants as
they move in and around their attempts to establish what is on the plate, but they also
have very different meanings according to the different culinary backgrounds of the
participants. Rhubarb is an exotic vegetable (or perhaps a fruit, depending on how it
is cooked) in Japan and therefore has a very different meaning to how it may be
understood in France. This customer, however, who is also in the restaurant industry,
is persistently curious about the ingredient of the dessert dish. The mobility of
ingredients and meanings and people and linguistic resources thus come together in
this place as part of its spatial repertoire. As discussed in Chapter 3, we can then start
to see this in terms of an assemblage, a coming together of people, languages, places
and objects to provide a particular set of semiotic possibilities.
Despite what are perhaps an unusual set of linguistic resources – an unfavourably
busy context of communication late at night in a small bistro – this is what com-
munication looks like. This is not the exception – miscommunication – that proves
the rule – understanding – but rather a luminous example of the everyday ways in
which mutual misunderstanding is our communicative norm. Rather than the flat-
tened humanist vision of a common humanity where we understand each other –
where the common universal property of language enables us to reach mutual
comprehensibility – the ways we communicate are based in misunderstanding. But
misunderstanding here is not taken in its negative sense, based on the assumed
possibility of understanding as a preferred norm, but as a way of considering that
humans are not universally united in cognitive similarity, able to understand each
other as long as they speak the same language, but rather are always seeking forms of
100 Mutual misunderstanding
alignment as they work each other out. As Taylor notes, language theorists (literary
scholars, linguists, discourse analysts, semioticians, philosophers of language,
theorists of rhetoric or communication)
Thinking otherwise
One of the goals of intercultural communication is to arrive at forms of mutual
understanding that are otherwise obfuscated by our cultural frameworks. Once we
get beneath the surface of culture, our shared humanity can help us to arrive at forms
of shared understanding. Bowe et al. (2014, p1), for example, argue that an
understanding of “a wide range of factors that contribute to the interpretation of
language in context” and “how these principles interact in a given language, and in
intercultural communication, is crucial to the development of mutual understanding
in the global world”. As we go through the many stages of disorientation, confusion,
recognition or alienation that engagement with cultural difference can entail, an end
goal may be the development of an increasing awareness of oneself, of one’s own
difference, of how one may look through the eyes of others. Dealing with the
complexities of intercultural communication, according to Sercu et al. (2005, p2),
requires a range of characteristics and competencies, including not only a will-
ingness to engage with other cultures and avoid essentialist judgments but also an
“ability to look upon oneself from the outside, the ability to see the world through
others’ eyes”.
This is an appealing goal: to step out of ourselves, to shed our assumptions, to see
ourselves as others see us. To question such a possibility might seem to presuppose a
relativism that rests on cultural incommensurability: in the same way that we cannot
know what it’s like to be a bat (Chapter 8), we cannot know each other because we
are too deeply bound up with our own worldviews. This is not the argument I wish to
make, however. Rather than all people being locked inside cultural worldviews from
which there is no escape, we are nonetheless always located in social, cultural and
political ways that render any model of mutual understanding unlikely. To be human
is to be different. Too many of the premises of intercultural communication rest on
the same principles of mutual understanding discussed above. To be sure, they start
from a potentially different standpoint: this is not so much the telementational vision
of words conveying meanings from head to head as it is different groups trying to
reach understanding through the murkiness of different cultural understandings.
And yet there remains an assumption that we can know another and that we can
Mutual misunderstanding 101
know how another knows us. To suggest that one can see oneself through others’
eyes implies not only a capacity to step outside oneself, to think outside one’s own
locus of enunciation, but also to enter the position of another, to know how a cultural
other is framing the world, and in addition to know how this other is framing you.
The problem here is the assumptions of humanist commonality, of an underlying
knowability that is obscured by culture but which can also be overcome.
For Levinas, Western philosophy has consistently denied the alterity of the other,
insisting instead on similarity, on the incorporation of the Other into totalizing
frameworks of universality. Western philosophy, argues Levinas (1969/1991), has
long been caught up with the dual obsessions of Being and the Same. It has sought to
account for human ontology through an appeal to similarity. Thus in his critique of
Heidegger (whose great work Sein und Zeit (Being and Time) is directly alluded to in
Levinas’ (1979) Le temps et l’autre (Time and the Other)) Levinas insists that the
philosophical tradition that has focused on being – ontology – has failed in the
ethical demand to engage with difference. “Western philosophy,” Levinas asserts
(1969/1991, p43), “has most often been an ontology: a reduction of the other to the
same by interposition of a middle and neutral term that ensures the comprehension of
being.” We need, by contrast, a philosophy that takes otherness seriously as an
ethical concern. “The strangeness of the Other, his irreducibility to the I, to my
thoughts and my possessions, is precisely accomplished as a calling into question of
my spontaneity, as ethics” (Levinas, 1969/1991, p43).
For Levinas, central to any philosophy must be an ethics of responsibility towards
the other: how can one coexist with the other while still leaving their being, their
otherness, intact? To claim that one might be able to see the world through others’
eyes runs the risk of overlooking the location from which both the knower and the
known, and the perceived knowledge of the other’s understanding of the knower, are
enunciated. Thus Fabian (2007, p27) sees the failure of anthropological discourse as
“a failure to recognize the epistemological significance of alterity”. This failure to
engage with difference is therefore both an ontological and epistemological one, an
attempt to squeeze human difference into categories of sameness. There is no zero
point from which I can know the other, he or she can know me and I can believe to
know both. Hence, as Mignolo insists,
Tempting though a belief in seeing oneself through others’ eyes may be, we need to
do more work here to understand space, politics, ethics and the other. This is why the
decolonial politics of Mignolo and others seeks to undermine the epistemologies
of humanism and diversity, which fail to engage in otherness by assuming, in both
ethnocentric and anthropocentric ways, the centrality of particular visions of
102 Mutual misunderstanding
humanity. It is on these grounds that Mignolo (2011) argues for the importance of
starting with “I am where I do”, acknowledging one’s locus of enunciation in ways
that Descartes’ disembodied, delocalized, “je pense, donc je suis” can never do.
Mignolo (2011, p99) “flatly rejects the assumption that rational and universal truths
are independent of who presents them, to whom they are addressed, and why they
have been advanced in the first place”. As Foucault (1984a) argued, it becomes
indispensable at a certain point in life to try to think otherwise – penser autrement –
or, as Kearney (1988, 364) puts it, to take up “the ethical demand to imagine
otherwise”, if we want to continue to think and reflect usefully. If philosophy is to do
anything other than continue to rethink the already thought, we have to ask how and
how far we can start to think otherwise.
This line of thinking is what Hoy (2004) terms critical resistance. Many forms of
resistance to power and domination and many “utopian imaginings of freedom may
not be aware of the extent to which they presuppose the patterns of oppression that
they are resisting” (Hoy, 2004, p3). Hence, Mignolo (2010, p313) insists, the
decolonial option needs a process of delinking from “Eurocentric categories of
thought which carries both the seed of emancipation and the seed of regulation and
oppression”. In Maldonado-Torres’ words, the de-colonial turn
Or, put another way, the “hubris of the zero point” that Mignolo (2009, p162) alludes
to – the assumption that one can speak from an anonymous, generalizable, universal
position – brings into focus the same problem of human hubris that I have been
pursuing throughout this book.
This is the work that posthumanist thinking can do, questioning assumptions
about the commonality of humanity, the relationships among humans, animals and
things, our position in the world. As Butler (2005) puts it at the end of her discussion
of what it means to give an account of oneself:
“do their own thing,” but still communicate with each other. Not uniformity, but
alignment is more important for such communication. Each brings his or her
own language resources to find a strategic fit with the participants and purpose
of a context.
(Canagarajah, 2007a, p94)
Such processes of alignment can be seen, for example, in the ways in which Deaf
people communicate through what is known as International Sign: “a mode of
signed communication between deaf persons who do not know any sign language in
common : : : characterized by the strategic recruitment of lexical and syntactic
resources rather than a stable grammar, and thus by rampant variation” (Green,
2014, p446). As Green (2014, p446) notes, “what is particular about deaf people is
their capacity for connecting and forging commonalities with other deaf people,
rooted in and materialized through the ability to communicate in sign across
languages”. This involves “the socially expected turning of one’ s corporeal, cog-
nitive, and moral attention towards another” (Green, 2014, pp446–7) or what one
might call alignment. Just as Harris (2009, p74) observes that there is no need to
postulate that two speakers “must both know the same language in order to engage in
verbal communication”, so the practices of deaf communication suggest even more
strongly that there is no need to postulate that two signers must know the same sign
language in order to communicate. Rather, they need to know “how to integrate their
106 Mutual misunderstanding
own semiological activities with those of their interlocutor” (Harris, 2009, p75) or to
engage in practices of alignment with their co-signer.
These practices of alignment, as Gee (2015a) notes, are far more than individuals
orienting towards each other, since they involve multiple interlocking levels of talk
(accent, intonation, pragmatics), ways of interacting, language styles (registers,
social varieties), genres (textual organizations) and discursive organizations of
meaning. To this picture we also need to add a focus on bodies, clothes, artefacts
and the environment: “Our thinking cannot be complete or successful without
participation of other people, resources and things” (Canagarajah, 2013, p32). This
in turn needs processes of adaptation so that “the meaning-making potential of
language : : : emerges through processes of alignment and adaptation, and does not
reside in the system of language or cognition” (Canagarajah, 2013, p32). Suggesting
a more varied adjustment than alignment – both in terms of an expanded notion of
what we need to adapt to (people, language, objects, place) and a more delicate form
of tuning in rather than lining up with – attunement2 arguably provides a more useful
way of thinking about how we understand each other.
The idea of attunement brings a focus on “new ways of collaborating with, lis-
tening to, and granting authority to new kinds of voices, including more-than-human
life and forms of material agency” (Brigstocke and Noorani, 2016, pp1–2). It thus
brings an avowedly posthumanist slant to the discussion, urging us to attune not just
to the alterity of our interlocutors but also to the world of animals, objects and places.
From Indigenous activism that connects the decolonial critique of European uni-
versalism (Mignolo, 2011) with Indigenous understandings of the agency of place
(Larsen and Johnson, 2016) to class-oriented activism that seeks a new appeal to
interconnectedness that can provide an alternative to nationalism (Blencowe, 2016),
attunement opens a broad space of engagement with the other-than-human.
Understanding how a place speaks to us – Larsen and Johnson (2016) discuss,
for example, the Waitangi Treaty Grounds on the North Island of Aotearoa/
New Zealand, where Maori chiefs and agents of the British Crown signed the Treaty
of Waitangi in 1840 – “requires that we listen to places as a more-than-human
assembly” (Larsen and Johnson, 2016, p153).
Attunement, like alignment, allows for a more complex and diverse way of
thinking about how humans and non-humans orient towards each other than notions
of mutual understanding or intersubjective conformity. Drawing on the notion of
attunement – meaning-making occurs in relational terms rather than in linguistic or
cognitive systems – and semiotic assemblages – the coming-together of diverse
groupings of vibrant materials – we can see the importance of “the role of spirits,
animals, objects, and other actors in the coproduction of the world” (Brigstocke and
Noorani, 2016, p3). Any understanding of meaning “requires attentiveness to
contact zones, to modes of encounter and translation” (Brigstocke and Noorani,
2016, p3): “When objects, forces, and spirits that exceed the spaces and times of
human experience press themselves on us with increasing force, this creates
heightened challenges for attuning to our environments”. This focus brings together
Thurlow’s (2016) queering of CDS, with its emphasis on embodiment, materiality,
affect and performance, with the notion of semiotic assemblages as momentary
Mutual misunderstanding 107
constellations of diverse things and places and the need for processes of attunement
as a useful way to consider the complexity of mutually related meaning making.
A posthumanist applied linguistics does not assume rational human subjects
engaged in mutually comprehensible dialogue. It does not start from a premise of
human universality but instead from a point of difference, from a position that
demands we understand the alterity of the other, that “places diversity at centre
stage” of linguistic understanding (Evans and Levinson, 2009, p429). Nor does a
posthumanist applied linguistics in fact assume mutual misunderstanding – the
phrase is used here to counter the normative premises of understanding – but rather
suggests that our “interactions – and misunderstandings – take place in cultural and
sociohistorical contexts that are never neutral or natural, and they reflect and
reproduce a world that includes conflict, ambiguity and uncertainty” (Bailey, 2004,
p410). Communication involves multimodal and multisensory semiotic practices of
the everyday, including the dynamic relations between semiotic resources, activi-
ties, artefacts and space. The point is not that we never understand each other, but
rather that understanding is messy, incomplete, different, complicated and never
entirely shared.
Notes
1 For more background about this research, see Pennycook and Otsuji (2014a, 2015a).
2 While I find the notion of attunement useful, I am aware of its auditory connotations, which
might make it less suitable for discussion of deaf communication.
7 Re-engaging with reality
In a 2004 article in the New York Times, Ron Suskind quoted an unnamed advisor
(later claimed to be Karl Rove: Danner, 2007) to George W Bush who mocked the
journalist as part of “what we call the reality-based community” – that is, people
who believe that solutions emerge from the “judicious study of discernible reality”
(Suskind, 2004). The advisor went on to explain that this was not how things worked
any more. The USA was an empire that decided what counted as reality, and in any
case people were far less swayed by appeals to reality than appeals to faith, style or
presence. Fast-forward to 2016 and the election of Donald Trump as President. Part
of that story has arguably changed: claims to empire might still have been plausible
early in the twenty-first century, but a decade or so later Trump’s rallying cry to
“Make America Great Again” is so evidently a response to the decline of American
power that the emperor is starting to look rather naked. But the dismissal of a
“reality-based community” that believes in the careful study of reality has only
gained strength while the empire has weakened: a major discussion following
Trump’s election (though the issue clearly has a longer history) has been the use
of fake news and alternative facts in a post-truth era. The widespread production of
news that bears no relation to reality, the easy dismissal of news as fake and the
acceptance of the possibility that facts have alternatives is shifting the landscape of
journalism, news and ideas of reality (Amarasingam, 2011; Marchi, 2012).
Now for those of us who have been tempted over the years to place scare quotes
around ‘reality’, this raises an alarming concern. If we are not in this “reality-based
community”, since we also questioned the social construction of reality, whose
side are we on? Also noting the problem of how we relate to issues such as climate
change (a discussion that looms ever larger as we start to understand what it means
to have entered the Anthropocene), Latour (2004a) wonders how it is that a critical
philosophy of science – one that has been sceptical about scientific claims to
knowledge – can suddenly find itself apparently on the same side of a debate as a
so-called climate sceptic (both agree that we should be sceptical about claims to
scientific knowledge). How did we get to the point, Latour asks, where social
critique – work inspired by Bourdieu or Foucault, for example – starts to look a bit
like conspiracy theories? What should we make of “those mad mixtures of knee-
jerk disbelief, punctilious demands for proofs, and free use of powerful expla-
nation from the social neverland” when they start to look like “the weapons of
Re-engaging with reality 109
social critique” (Latour, 2004a, p230)? How has it come to this, when either we are
derided as members of a “reality-based community” or we find ourselves aligned
with climate change sceptics or proponents of empire?
Pointing to problems in critical literacy and critical discourse analysis, Luke
(2013, p146) argues that we need “an acknowledgement of the existence of ‘truth’
and ‘reality’ outside of the particular texts in question”. Is it useful to suggest
that “texts about the Holocaust or slavery, or about global warming constitute
yet further or more textual representations of the world?” (Luke, 2013, p146).
The problem, Luke (2013, p136) suggests, is that since the linguistic or discursive
turn, in the social sciences, the “conventional wisdom” has been that “realities are
socially constructed by human beings through discourse”. But what about “truths,
facts about history, social and material reality that they purport to represent?”
(p146). Luke goes on to argue that critical literacy or critical discourse analysis
needs “a commitment to the existence and accessibility of ‘truth’, ‘facts’ and
‘realities’ outside of the texts in question” (p146). In a similar vein, Latour argues
that
a certain form of critical spirit has sent us down the wrong path, encouraging us
to fight the wrong enemies and, worst of all, to be considered as friends by the
wrong sort of allies because of a little mistake in the definition of its main target.
(Latour, 2004a, p231)
This error, Latour argues, was that in critiquing empiricism or positivism or par-
ticular claims to truth, critical work came to focus on the ways in which truth or
reality were constructed – it moved away from reality – rather than trying to get
closer to the facts. What we need, Latour argues (2004a, p231), is to change the focus
of critique, to cultivate “a stubbornly realist attitude” through a realism that deals not
so much with “matters of fact” but with “matters of concern”.
For applied linguists, such concerns echo not only through domains such as
critical discourse analysis but also research more generally and the understanding of
what empirical inquiry is actually describing. As some argue, the discursive turn in
applied linguistics, in which “social science methodologies foregrounded the
importance of discourse as constitutive of social being”, may be responsible for the
“one gaping hole in the work of many applied linguists today”, namely the tendency
to overlook “the economic and material base of human activity and social life”
(Block et al., 2012, pp 3–4). The erasure of social class in applied linguistics is
coupled with an inability to engage with real material conditions (Block, 2014).
If we heed this call to re-engage better with reality, to develop a stubbornly realist
attitude, however, there is some difficult work to be done. Among other things,
if reality relates to materialism (one way of thinking about reality is to engage with
material conditions), we also need to consider, as Bennett (2010a) makes clear, the
relationship between old and new materialisms. That is to say, if the argument is that
one path to escape what are seen as idealistic (non-realist) conceptions of the world is
to engage more readily with forms of materialism, the question still remains as to
what approach to materialism should be given priority.
110 Re-engaging with reality
We also need to get ourselves out of the supposed opposition between relativism
and realism that is so often invoked in these discussions (constructionism, post-
modernism and so on are labelled relativist in opposition to a more solid realism).
That there was once a time when a war could be waged between “relativists,”
who claimed that language refers only to itself, and “realists,” who claimed that
language may occasionally correspond to a true state of affairs, will appear to
our descendants as strange as the idea of fighting over sacred scrolls.
(Latour, 1999, p296)
without taking part in discourse, without being (or, at least, having been) a
member of a discourse community, we have no way of “knowing” what we
114 Re-engaging with reality
experience. Only as a participant in discourse, only as someone who is (or was)
engaged in symbolic interaction, can we make sense of what we experience, can
we observe a cat at the bottom of a garden.
(Teubert, 2013, p275)
Teubert argues strongly against the fallacy of unmediated experience and indeed
starts to look quite posthumanist in his objections to what he sees as an emphasis on
the autonomy of the monadic individual: what humans believe to be “their authentic
unadulterated experience” is in fact
Notes
1 A confounding element in the scepticism of Bishop Berkeley and others (things would not
exist unless sensed by humans – esse est percipi (to be is to be perceived)) was the question
of where a Christian God fits into the picture. For Hume, the question should be side-
stepped: “To have recourse to the veracity of the supreme Being, in order to prove the
veracity of our senses, is surely making a very unexpected circuit” (Hume, 1777, x120
(1975, p153)). The dilemma is nicely captured in Ronald Knox’s (1888–1957) poem:
2 Haslanger (2012) points out, however, that this argument potentially conflates causal and
constitutive construction: we need to avoid the conflation of social kinds and social causes.
3 I recall from my own youth the idea of kitchen-table bridge (the card game), as opposed to
the more serious game played in the rather pretentiously named drawing room of my
grandparents’ farm house, on a proper felt-topped card table, with more serious play,
scoring and bidding.
4 I have avoided in this chapter the difficult relation between truth and reality; for discussion,
see Blackburn (2005).
8 Towards a posthumanist applied
linguistic commons
Entangled humans
I have pulled together a range of themes in this book under the label of post-
humanism, but it is not posthumanism ultimately that is under examination here.
The notion itself is less important than the constellation of concepts it makes
possible. It gives us a useful tool for assembling a series of interrelated ways of
thinking. Posthumanism is not a theory, or even a coherent set of propositions, but
rather a collection of projects that question the centrality of humans in relation to
other things on the planet. The central concern has been to interrogate human hubris,
to ask what is missed in the world when humans take themselves so seriously and
consider themselves the centre of all that matters. This is to question the ways
humanism has privileged the human mind as the source of knowledge and ethics
and assumed that humans were masters of their own intentions and desires, uniquely
capable of asserting agency. Posthumanism takes “humanity’s ontological pre-
cariousness” seriously (Fuller, 2011, p75), though the version of posthumanism
I have been developing here is neither drawn to a dystopic anti-humanist nihilism
that rejects humans and their place in the world, nor is seduced by utopian visions of
a transhumanist future in which humans are integrated with machines and tech-
nologies and may achieve immortality. Rather, following Bryant (2011), the goal is
to unsettle the position of humans as the monarchs of being and to see humans as
entangled and implicated in other beings.
“What’s it like to be a thing?” asks Bogost (2012, p10). For some, this might seem
a question too far, an impossible interrogation of being: we simply cannot know
what it’s like to be something else, nor can we conceive of non-sentient things that
are aware of their own being. As Thomas Nagel (1974, p439) asked in his well
known paper ‘What is it like to be a bat?’, the issue is not whether as a human one
could imagine what it’s like to hang upside down during the day, fly around at night
and sense the world through echolocation, but rather “what is it like for a bat to be a
bat”. This, he argues, we cannot know, since we are limited by our own subjective
experience. So when it comes to asking what it’s like to be a thing, even if we are
prepared to be fairly generous about where we draw the line between creatures that
have self-awareness and those that do not, surely a thing can only fall on the negative
side of this dividing line. Even if, as did Darwin (1881, p305), we believe that
A posthumanist applied linguistic commons 127
earthworms might be smarter than some think and indeed “have played a more
important part in the history of the world than most persons would at first assume”,
and even if we decided to grant them some form of agency – even if we decided this
might constitute some form of awareness and granted some form of knowing to the
wormy part of an earthworm – we would nevertheless likely draw the line at the
earthy part, at the soil itself. So if it is impossible to know what it’s like to be a bat
from a bat’s perspective, the question of what it’s like to be a thing becomes doubly
impossible.
Yet such arguments remain stuck within their own anthropocentric ways of
thinking. Nagel’s (1974) position – a refutation of reductionist or materialist argu-
ments that consciousness is the sum of its physical or bodily parts – cannot escape a
radical subjective individualism that owes much to the Kantian vision of the world
matching our perceptions. While there is good reason to be sceptical about our
capacity as humans to understand, as Derrida (2008, p9) put it, an “existence that
refuses to be conceptualized”, there is also the danger here of a form of hermetic
subjectivism that, in suggesting the unknowability of others, emphasizes the sepa-
rability and uniqueness of humans. Asking the question “What does it feel like to be an
octopus?” Godfrey-Smith (2017, p77) argues that the problem with Nagel’s (1974)
question is the search for (or denial of) similarity. What we need to examine instead is
the question of what things feel like: “How can the fact of life feeling like something
slowly creep into being?” (Godfrey-Smith, 2017, p78). The point from a posthumanist
perspective is to step outside anthropocentric ways of thinking, to question the div-
isions between humans and non-humans, to ask the question of knowability from a
different perspective. The argument in Chapter 6 – questioning the idea that we can
know each other, that we can achieve mutual understanding – might at first appear
similar to a subjective standpoint (we can’t know what it’s like to be a bat because we
can’t even know what it’s like to be someone else). Rather than a focus on inter-
subjective unknowability, however, the goal here is to explore the complexity of
relations involved when we ask what it means for persons or things to exist for each
other.
As this line of inquiry developed through the book, we touched on questions of the
senses, on the assumptions about how we believe knowledge arises in our heads and
what roles we give to bodies, things and places. Bogost’s question points us in this
alternative direction. “When we ask what it means to be something”, he suggests,
“we pose a question that exceeds our own grasp of the being of the world” (Bogost,
2012, p30). To ask what it’s like to be a thing therefore compels us to start to think
otherwise, to move away from assumptions about humans, knowledge, subjectivity
and things, and to pursue different questions about the edges of what and how
we know. To the objection that we need to maintain an ontological distinction between
humans and things in order to be able to maintain a moral distinction between different
effects of human actions (exploitation of the poor, for example), Bennett responds that
operating with a subject/object divide and a view of humanity as an end in itself does
not have a particularly good record. An alternative approach that can “raise the status
of the materiality of which we are composed” (Bennett, 2010a, p12, emphasis in
original) offers an alternative to the dominant Kantian version of morality in which
128 A posthumanist applied linguistic commons
those who “do not conform to a particular (Euro-American, bourgeois, theocentric, or
other) model of personhood” routinely suffer (p13).
The challenges posed by posthumanist thought emerge from many directions.
Perhaps the most alarming derive from the very real concerns about what we, as
humans, have done to the planet. Of course in the long run we know humanity will
almost certainly fizzle out: life and planets and suns and stars come and go over time.
The problem is that we seem to be hastening our demise and quite a lot of other species
along with us (or in many cases before us) rather more quickly than necessary. While
the environment might have been seen as a rather soft political issue in the past, the
awareness that the planet itself is under serious threat has shifted the urgency of
zek, 2010). As Klein (2015) argues, the solution cannot be
environmental politics (Zi
through capitalist-based forms of intervention since it is the very mechanisms of
capitalism – finding and exploiting resources – that are at the heart of the problem. In the
age of the Anthropocene, where we can see that it is not just the long stretch of geo-
logical time but also the effects of humans that matter, we are urged to stop and think.
Some of these concerns may still push us in useful, human-oriented directions:
if we don’t all pull together and forget our petty differences, the planet will continue
to warm at alarming rates and we (and other animals and plants) are going to have
to face serious consequences. From Klein’s (2015) point of view, to limit the damage
of climate change we need forms of collective action based on forms of cooperation
far greater than anything capital and state governments can achieve. This might take
us towards a humanism that renders our collective action the only means of saving
the planet, but such reflections may also take us in alternative directions. What does
it mean to be human when we have become a force of nature? What do we make of
history when the Anthropocene – the geological period defined by human effects on
the planet – becomes as viable an era of study as, say, the Napoleonic Wars, the
voyages of Zheng He or the age of empire? Can we still hold on to our distinctions
between humanity and nature, when they are evidently part of each other? The
question that emerges here is whether a sustained belief in humanity as both problem
and solution to global crises is still convincing, or whether we need to rethink the
relation between humans and the world.
Other challenges to what it means to be human flow from these concerns.
Alongside threats posed by human destructiveness, environmental degradation and
diminishing resources, there is a renewed interest in how we relate to animals and the
other inhabitants of this planet. Posthumanism can be understood as a form of
species cosmopolitanism (Nayar, 2014). What has it been about, this process of
constantly dividing humans from other animals, of emphasizing that human
language is so distinct from animal communication that it must have leapt into
existence in an unlikely moment of evolutionary extravagance? Why do we police
the notion of the human so insistently and carefully? And why have we come to
make the distinctions we do between humans and the world, not just humans and
other animals but humans and objects, that world that surrounds us but which we
have so meticulously separated ourselves from? Perhaps it is time to question what is
seen as inside and outside, what is assumed to happen within or without our heads,
where the boundary is assumed to lie between the body and the rest.
A posthumanist applied linguistic commons 129
From this point of view, humans are no longer set apart from the world – distinct,
inalienable creatures who control the environment – but part of it, interwoven into
this fabric of things. And these things themselves play a role in our lives, are even
considered as agents or actants in some versions of this story, as part of a network that
may or may not include a human interactant, as assemblages where different things
and people and places and discourses come together. “That things are is not a matter
of debate”, Bogost (2012, p30) points out, taking us back to the discussion of the
previous chapter. It is important to be able to acknowledge not only the reality of the
world (which includes the reality of socially constructed things) but also the question
of how things exist in relation to each other: “What it means that something in
particular is for another thing that is: this is the question that interests me” (Bogost,
2012, p30, emphasis in original). The notion of assemblages, discussed at numerous
points in the book, suggests a useful way to consider how things exist for each other,
how the relations between things, semiotic resources, people and space matter.
Many other social changes are underway that render human life precarious, in
particular the undermining of supports that once provided food, clothing, medicine
or education. Indeed another take on posthumanism in neoliberal times – or populist
national xenophobic times, if indeed the political climate is changing again – might
suggest that the humanism that developed in eighteenth-century Europe and perhaps
reached its apotheosis after the shame and devastation of the Second World War –
when refugee treaties were signed, international human rights were promoted, social
welfare and greater equality were championed, greater rights for women and people
of colour were achieved, former colonies gained their independence and goals were
set for assisting countries to rise out of poverty – has been wound back in the late
twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Whatever gains had been made by an
emphasis on a shared humanity and escape from religious and autocratic authority,
we have started going backwards, returning to the folds of religious faith, nationalist
protectionism, xenophobia and the acceptance of the inevitability of inequality.
When Foucault (1966) suggested that the idea of Man was a recent invention that
had perhaps served its time, he was referring particularly to the way humans had
been constructed by the human sciences, those academic disciplines that produced
humans as a coherent object of study. But he might equally, had he lived, been
talking of the ways in which this humanist ideal seemed no longer to count for what it
once had. Yet I do not wish to suggest that posthumanism leads us only down this
pessimistic path to a dystopian world. Technological advances present a rather
mixed story: from some perspectives – utopian to some, dystopian to others – our
only way out is if we can merge with the machines we have created. In this trans-
humanist line of thought, the focus is on human enhancement, on the ways in which
humans are overcoming deficits and disabilities and producing new and improved
versions of humanity. From a different perspective again, Stables (2012) suggests
that a posthuman perspective might present not so much a negative description of a
species and an era but rather an ideal, something we can still aspire to even if we
are unlikely to ever attain it. I want to take a different line, however, and look at
forms of critical and politically engaged research and action that open up alternative
directions.
130 A posthumanist applied linguistic commons
As Brigstocke and Noorani suggest, critical work is often conceived in terms of
“giving voice to marginalized subjects”; but what happens, they ask,
I loved sitting down with a glass of wine beside me, opening up a file and
clattering the keys with my two index fingers and one thumb. I loved seeing the
words appear on the screen and to be immersed in the world I was creating out of
my imagination and memory and physically with my hands. To do anything else
wouldn’t feel like writing.
(cited in Turnbull, 2017)
Notes
1 Kohn’s (2013) project, however, is not to generalize to all forests but rather to understand
the relations between the forest and the Avila Runa of Amazonian Ecuador.
2 The NSW state government had recently changed local electoral laws to give business
owners two votes instead of one in an effort to unseat her; it later backfired – she was
re-elected with an increased majority.
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McGill, D 143 117; flattened hierarchy 12, 119;
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material schematism 53; materiality peace linguistics 7, 18 n.
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Index 167
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polylanguaging 116 Rymes, B 48
pointing 16, 83–7
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post-anthropocentrism 38 scapes: linguistic landscapes 64, 131;
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134; critical posthumanism 38, 144; 69–70
critical posthumanist realism 17, 125; Schatzki, T 13, 22, 43–4
defined 2, 6, 30, 33, 128 see also Scollon, R and Scollon, S W 8–9, 70,
humanism 133–4
postmodernism 11, 31, 34–5, 110, 124 Sealey, A ix, 17, 76, 77, 90, 103, 113,
post-secularism 25–6 115–17, 123, 140
poststructuralism 20, 118; and Searle, J 44, 53, 94
posthumanism 33–7 secular humanism 25
Power, D 68 second language acquisition 36
practices: of engagement 122, 133; of Segerdahl, P 85, 115
language 10, 47, 50, 70, 124, 130–4, 142; segregational view 51, 54, 87–8, 116
social 47, 49, 53, 121, 132; translingual Seidlhofer, B 90
51, 143 semiotic: assemblages 48, 54, 64, 91, 106,
Pratt, M L 103 131; ecosystem 9, 46, 133–4;
precariat 4 landscapes 65–6, 71; resources 48–9, 51,
Pupavac, V 15, 30, 134 64–5, 107
Serres, M 65–6, 121
race: 5, 13, 22, 24, 32, 37 n., 60, 63, 93, 118, sharks 11, 71–2, 74–5
123, 144; racial discrimination 11; Racial Shipman, P 12, 56, 73, 75, 78
Discrimination Act (Australia) 28 see also Shohamy, E ix, 64, 133
gender and class sign languages 16, 25, 67–8, 71, 83
racism 3, 24, 59, 119 Silverstein, M 64
radical discontinuity 81–2 Singapore 60–3
radical indeterminacy 116 Singer, P 37
Rampton, B ix Skinner, B 7
rationalism 8, 26, 81; rationality 58, 69, 104 Sloterdijk, P 6
realism: critical posthumanist 17, 121, 125; smell: scapes 56, 60, 65–6, 69–70;
critical social 17, 110, 118, 123; linguistic walking 70
116, 123; speculative 117, 119, 124 sociolinguistics 11, 32, 47, 67, 69–70, 82,
reality: enhanced 12; resisting 118; as social 103, 117, 131–2
construction 9, 108–13, 117 somatic niche 4
Reddy, M 93 spatial repertoires see repertoires
Ree, J 57–8 Spracherleben 36
religion: atheism 23, 26; Christianity 20, speech community 47, 49, 51, 92–3, 103
24–5; immanence 17, 26–7 see also Spinoza, B 9, 27
post-secular and secular humanism Steffensen, S 26, 46, 52, 59, 105, 123,
relocalization 40 134, 140
repertoires: communicative 48, 104; vs. Steinberg, R 143
reservoir 47; spatial 47, 50–2, 64, 66, 97, Stengers, I 143
99, 132; verbal 47; virtual 49 Stephen, L 23
168 Index
Stibbe, A 140 Turing, A 44
Street, B 132 Twofold Bay 72–3, 77, 79
Sultana, S x, 48–9
Sundberg, J 11 universalism 35–6, 76, 83, 86, 88
Süskind, P 59 Urry, J 6, 60
Swain, M 53 USA 17, 108
SWEEME (straight, white, educated
European male elites) 15, 23 Van Leeuwen, T ix, 64
Sydney 49–50, 66, 72, 75, 136 Van Lier, L 9
Vitruvian man 37 see also cyborgs
tables 14, 111–12, 117, 120–5 Vygotsky, L 130–1
Tallis, R 83–4
Taylor, C 19 Wade, N 71
Taylor, T 91–3, 100, 103 Wardaugh, R 47
technology: converging 38; intelligent Waters, D 26, 52, 82
machines 5, 44 Weedon, C 35–6
telementation 92–4, 100 WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized,
Teubert, W 17, 113–17 Rich, and Democratic) 3, 23, 59 see also
Thorne, S ix, 9, 49, 131 SWEEME
Thrift, N 12, 32, 53, 94, 136 whales 72–3, 77, 83; whaling 10, 72, 79
Thurlow, C ix, 65, 104, 106, 135–6, 141 Whitehead, H 77
Todd, Z viii, 143 Wilkins, D 86
Tokyo 49–50, 95 Williams, C 34
Tomasello, M 16, 75, 82, 84–7 Williams, G 132
Toolan, M 93 Wohlleben, P 137
transhumanism 10 wolves 75–6, 78, 85
translanguaging 34, 68, 130;
translingual negotiation 94; translingual xenophobia 1, 129 see also Trump, D
practices 51
trees 136–7 see also Kohn, E Zheng He 128
Trump, D 3, 17, 108 zek, S 36, 128
Zi