From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

"Cross Road Blues"

Photo of original 78 record label showing "Vocalion" in stylized lettering with
"Cross Road Blues", "Vocal Blues with Guitar Acc[ompaniment]", and "Robert Johnson"
as identifiers along with catalog numbers, "Made in USA", etc.
Original 78 record label
Single by Robert Johnson
Released May 1937
Recorded November 27, 1936
Studio Gunter Hotel, San Antonio, Texas
Genre Blues
Length 2:39
Label Vocalion
Songwriter(s) Robert Johnson
Producer(s) Don Law
"Cross Road Blues" (commonly known as "Crossroads") is a song written by the
American blues artist Robert Johnson. He performed it solo with his vocal and
acoustic slide guitar in the Delta blues–style. The song has become part of the
Robert Johnson mythology as referring to the place where he supposedly sold his
soul to the Devil in exchange for his musical talent. This is based largely on
folklore of the American South that identifies a crossroads as the site where such
pacts are made, although the lyrics do not contain any references to Satan or a
Faustian bargain.

"Cross Road Blues" may have been in Johnson's repertoire since 1932 and, in 1936,
he recorded two performances. One was released in 1937 as a single that was heard
mainly in the Mississippi Delta area. The second, which reached a wider audience,
was included on King of the Delta Blues Singers, a compilation album of some of
Johnson's songs released in 1961 during the American folk music revival.

Over the years, several bluesmen have recorded versions of the song, usually as
ensemble pieces with electrified guitars. Elmore James' recordings in 1954 and
1960–1961 have been identified as perhaps the most significant of the earlier
renditions. Guitarist Eric Clapton and the British rock group Cream popularized the
song as "Crossroads" on their 1968 Wheels of Fire album, and their fiery blues rock
interpretation became one of their best-known songs and inspired many cover
versions.

Both Johnson and Cream's recordings of the song have received accolades from
various organizations and publications. Both have also led the song to be
identified as a blues standard as well as an important piece in the repertoires of
blues-inspired rock musicians. Clapton continues to be associated with the song,
and has used the name for the Crossroads Centre he founded on Antigua to help
people recover from addictions, and the Crossroads Guitar Festivals he organised to
raise money for it.

Recording
Color photo of multi-floor building taken from street level
Gunter Hotel, San Antonio, Texas, in 2010
In October 1936, Johnson auditioned for the talent scout H. C. Speir in Jackson,
Mississippi. Speir recommended Johnson to Ernie Oertle, then a representative for
ARC Records.[1] After a second audition, Oertle arranged for Johnson to travel to
San Antonio for a recording session.[2] Johnson recorded 22 songs for ARC over
three days from November 23 to 27, 1936.[3] During the first session, he recorded
his most commercially appealing songs.[4] They mostly represented his original
pieces and reflected current, piano-influenced musical trends.[5][6][7] The songs
include "Terraplane Blues" (his first single and most popular record)[2] along with
"Sweet Home Chicago" and "I Believe I'll Dust My Broom", which became blues
standards after others recorded them.[8][9]
A second and third recording date took place in San Antonio after a two-day break.
[10] Johnson reached back into his long-standing repertoire for songs to record.[7]
The material reflects the styles of country blues performers Charley Patton and Son
House, who influenced Johnson in his youth[11] and are among Johnson's most
heartfelt and forceful.[6]

"Cross Road Blues" was recorded on Friday, November 27, 1936, during Johnson's
third session in San Antonio.[12] The recordings continued at an improvised studio
in Room 414 at the Gunter Hotel. ARC producer Don Law supervised the recording,[13]
but it is unknown what input, if any, he had into Johnson's selection of material
to record or how to present it.[14] Two somewhat similar takes of the song were
recorded.[15]

Lyrics and interpretation

Map of the Mississippi Delta area
Major landmarks in Johnson's later life are located in the northern part of the
Delta region.[16]
A crossroads or an intersection of rural roads is one of the few landmarks in the
Mississippi Delta, a flat featureless plain between the Mississippi and Yazoo
rivers.[17] It is part of the local iconography and several businesses use the
name, such as gas stations, banks, and retail shops.[18] A crossroads is also where
cars are more likely to slow down or stop, thus presenting the best opportunity for
a hitchhiker.[19] In the simplest reading, Johnson describes his grief at being
unable to catch a ride at an intersection before the sun sets.[20] Many see
different levels of meaning, and some have attached a supernatural significance to
the song.[20]

Both versions of the song open with the protagonist kneeling at a crossroads to ask
God's mercy; the second section tells of his failed attempts to hitch a ride.[21]
In the third and fourth sections, he expresses apprehension at being stranded as
darkness approaches and asks that his friend Willie Brown be advised that "I'm
sinkin' down".[22][23] The first take of the song, which was used for the single,
includes a fifth verse that is not included in the second take. In it he laments
not having a "sweet woman" in his distress.[24]

According to authors Bruce Conforth and Gayle Dean Wardlow, "many blues fans and
even some scholars [have attempted] to link this song to some Satanic or Faustian
bargain", as an explanation for how quickly Johnson progressed from being an
average musician to an accomplished one.[25] Folklore of the southern United States
identifies a crossroads or graveyard as the site of a pact with the Devil,[26]
which music writer Elijah Wald identifies as a likely source of the myth.[27]
Another source may be Delta bluesman Tommy Johnson (no relation to Robert), who
promoted himself as having made a deal with the Devil.[26] Wald writes:

As for "Cross Road Blues", the satanic connection has to be made by first citing
the Tommy Johnson story, tracing it through the ancient beliefs in a dark spirit
who appears at the meeting of pathways, then jury-rigging it to fit a song that
never suggests any such theme.[27]

Although "Cross Road Blues" does not contain any references to Satan or a Faustian
bargain,[21][28][29] Robert Johnson later recorded two songs that include such
themes: "Hellhound on My Trail" tells of trying to stay ahead of the demon hound
that is pursuing him and in "Me and the Devil Blues" he sings, "Early this mornin'
when you knocked upon my door, and I said 'Hello Satan I believe it's time to go'".
[30][31] These songs contribute to the Faustian myth, but how much Johnson promoted
the idea is debated.[32] Music historian Ted Gioia believes that the use of satanic
themes and imagery generated much needed publicity for blues musicians who were
struggling through the Great Depression.[32]
Blues historian Samuel Charters sees the song as having elements of protest and
social commentary.[33] The second verse includes "the sun goin' down now boy, dark
gon' catch me here", a reference to the "sundown laws" or curfew during racial
segregation in the United States.[33] Johnson, as an African American, may be
expressing a real fear of loitering charges or even lynching.[34] Others suggest
that the song is about a deeper and more personal loneliness.[35][36] Writers Barry
Lee Pearson and Bill McCulloch feel that the fifth verse in the single version
captures the essence of the song: "left alone, abandoned, or mistreated, he stands
at the crossroad, looking this way or that for his woman".[24]

Composition
"Cross Road Blues" reflects Johnson's Delta blues roots and may have been in his
repertoire since 1932.[37] It is the first recording to show his mastery of his
mentor Son House's style, particularly in his slide guitar work.[38][a] Music
historian Edward Komara identifies parts of "Straight Alky Blues" by Leroy Carr and
Scrapper Blackwell (1929) along with Roosevelt Sykes' subsequent adaptation as
"Black River Blues" (1930) as melodic precedents.[40] Johnson infuses their relaxed
urban approach with a more forceful rural one.[41] Komara terms Johnson's guitar
playing a "blues harp style".[42] It contrasts with Johnson's finger-picking "piano
style", which uses a boogie-style accompaniment on the bass strings while
incorporating melody and harmony on the higher strings.[43] Harp-style playing
employs percussive accents on the bass strings (an imitation of the sharp draw used
by harmonica players) and allows Johnson to explore different chord voicings and
fills.[44][b] Johnson uses this technique for "Terraplane Blues", which shares many
elements in common with "Cross Road Blues".[46][47]

The song's structure differs from a well-defined twelve-bar blues. The verses are
not consistent and range from fourteen to fifteen bars in length.[48] The harmonic
progression is often implied rather than stated (full IV and V chords are not
used).[48] Johnson uses a Spanish or open G tuning with the guitar tuned to the key
of B.[40] This facilitates his use of slide guitar, which is as prominent in the
song as the vocal.[49] The slide parts function more as an "answer" to the vocal
than as accompaniment, the tension underscoring the dark turmoil of the lyrics.[50]
Charters characterizes the song's rhythm as ambiguous, imparting both a 4
4 and 8
8 feel.[46] Music writer Dave Headlam elaborates on Johnson's rhythm:

Meter itself is a compositional and performance device which comes in and out of
focus in response to the fluid rhythms and changing accents in the lower beats. The
irregular groupings extend to smaller beat divisions, with an interplay between
triplet 'swing' and duple divisions of the beat ... Johnson's irregular rhythms and
variation in support of the metric beat suggest a more personal, idiosyncratic
vision.[51]

The two takes of the song are performed at moderate, but somewhat different tempos.
[15] Both begin slowly and speed up; the first is about 106 beats per minute (bpm);
the second is about 96 bpm.[15] Johnson prepares to go into the fifth section for
the slower second take, but the engineer apparently cut him off because of the time
limits of ten-inch 78 rpm records.[52] Along with the slower tempo, Johnson sings
the verses at a lower pitch, although both takes are in the same key.[53] This
allows for greater variation and nuance in the vocal.[53][c] Together with
refinements to some guitar parts, the differences serve to help further distinguish
the second take from "Terraplane Blues" and give it more of its own character.[49]

Releases
Photo of patrons sitting around a table in a juke joint in Clarksdale, Mississippi,
in 1939
Patrons at a juke joint in Clarksdale, Mississippi, in 1939
ARC and Vocalion Records issued the first take of "Cross Road Blues" in May 1937 on
the then standard 78 rpm record.[12] With the flip side "Ramblin' on My Mind", it
was the third of eleven singles released during Johnson's lifetime.[12] Vocalion's
budget labels Perfect Records and Romeo Records also released the single for sale
by dime stores.[55] Although sales figures are not available, the record was
"widely heard in the Delta", and Johnson's tunes were found in jukeboxes in the
region.[56]

As with most of Johnson's recordings, the single version of "Cross Road Blues"
remained out of print after its initial release until The Complete Recordings box
set in 1990.[12] The second take was released in 1961, in the later days of the
American folk music revival.[57] Producer Frank Driggs substituted it for the
original on Johnson's first long-playing record album compilation King of the Delta
Blues Singers.[58] This take was also included on the 1990 Complete Recordings (at
2:29, it is 10 seconds shorter than the original 2:39 single version).[59] King of
the Delta Blues Singers sold around 12,000 copies; The Complete Recordings sold
over one million and received a Grammy Award for Best Historical Album in 1991.[60]

Elmore James versions

American blues singer and guitarist Elmore James, who popularized Robert Johnson's
"Dust My Broom", recorded two variations on "Cross Road Blues".[46] Author James
Perone describes James' adaptation as "perhaps the most substantial post-Johnson
recording [of a Johnson song] before the 1960s".[61] Both titled "Standing at the
Crossroads", they feature James' trademark "Dust My Broom" amplified slide-guitar
figure and a backing ensemble; the lyrics focus on the lost-love aspect of the
song:[46]

Well I was standin' at the crossroad, and my baby not around (2×)
Well I begin to wonder, "Is poor Elmore sinkin' down"

James first recorded the song in August 1954 at Modern Records' new studio in
Culver City, California.[62] Maxwell Davis supervised the session and a group of
professional studio musicians provided the backup.[62] The song was produced in a
newer style that Modern used successfully for B.B. King, and James' slide guitar
was placed further back in the mix.[62] Flair Records, another of the Bihari
brothers' Modern labels, released the single, backed with "Sunny Land".[62] The
song became a regional hit, but did not reach the national charts.[62] Releases
associated with Modern included "Standing at the Crossroads" on several James
compilation albums, such as Blues After Hours (Crown), The Blues in My Heart – The
Rhythm in My Soul (Custom Records), and Original Folk Blues (Kent Records).[63]

In 1959, producer Bobby Robinson signed James to his Fury/Fire/Enjoy group of

labels.[64] Along with new material, Robinson had James revisit several of his
older songs, including "Standing at the Crossroads".[65] James re-recorded it at
Beltone Studios in New York City in late 1960 or early 1961 during one of his last
sessions.[65] Studio musicians again provided the backup and the horn section
included baritone saxophone by Paul Williams.[65] Bell Records' subsidiary labels
released the song after James' death in 1965 – Flashback Records released a single
with a reissue of "The Sky Is Crying" and Sphere Sound Records included it on a
James compilation album also titled The Sky Is Crying.[66] Both the 1954 and 1960–
1961 versions appear on later James compilations, such as Elmore James: The Classic
Early Records 1951–1956 (1993, Virgin America/Flair)[67] and Elmore James: King of
the Slide Guitar (1992, Capricorn).[68]

Eric Clapton/Cream interpretation

Background
In early 1966, while still with John Mayall's Bluesbreakers, Eric Clapton adapted
the song for a recording session with an ad hoc studio group, dubbed Eric Clapton
and the Powerhouse.[69] Elektra Records producer Joe Boyd brought together Steve
Winwood on vocals, Clapton on guitar, Jack Bruce on bass guitar, Paul Jones on
harmonica, Ben Palmer on piano, and Pete York on drums for the project.[70] Boyd
recalled that he and Clapton reviewed potential songs; Clapton wanted to record
Albert King's "Crosscut Saw", but Boyd preferred to adapt an older country blues.
[71] Their attention turned to Robert Johnson songs and Boyd proposed "Crossroads",
[d] though Clapton favored "Traveling Riverside Blues".[73][e] For the recording,
Clapton developed an arrangement that drew on both songs.[75]

Biographer Michael Schumacher describes the Powerhouse's performance as slower and

more blues-based than Cream's.[76] Elektra released the 2:32 recording, titled
"Crossroads", on the compilation album What's Shakin' in June 1966.[77] The song
was later included on The Finer Things, a 1995 box set spanning Winwood's career.
[77] After the Powerhouse session, Clapton continued playing with Mayall.[70]
Author Marc Roberty lists "Crossroads" in a typical set for the Bluesbreakers in
the earlier part of 1966.[70]

Cream version
"Crossroads"
Photo of 1969 Italian picture sleeve with "Cream" in large stylized letters with
"Crossroads" and "Passing the Time" beneath and smaller separate photos of Eric
Clapton, Ginger Baker, and Jack Bruce playing their insruments
1969 Italian picture sleeve
Song by Cream
from the album Wheels of Fire
Released August 1968
Recorded March 10, 1968 (1st show)
Venue Winterland Ballroom, San Francisco
Genre
Hard rockblues rock
Length 4:13
Label
Polydor (UK)Atco (US)
Songwriter(s) Robert Johnson
Producer(s) Felix Pappalardi
"Crossroads" became a part of Cream's repertoire when Clapton began performing with
Jack Bruce and Ginger Baker in July 1966. Their version features a prominent guitar
riff with hard-driving, upbeat instrumental backing and soloing.[78] Clapton
previously recorded "Ramblin' on My Mind" with Mayall and "From Four Until Late"
with Cream using arrangements that followed Johnson's original songs more closely.
[79] He envisioned "Crossroads" as a rock song:

It became, then, a question of finding something that had a riff, a form that could
be interpreted, simply, in a band format. In 'Crossroads' there was a very definite
riff. He [Johnson] was playing it full-chorded with the slide as well. I just took
it on a single string or two strings and embellished it. Out of all of the songs it
was the easiest for me to see as a rock and roll vehicle.[80]

Clapton simplifies Johnson's guitar line and sets it to a straight eighth-note or

rock rhythm.[80] He and Bruce on bass continuously emphasize the riff throughout
the song to give it a strong and regular metric drive combined with Baker's
drumming.[81] Johnson's irregular measures are also standardized to typical twelve-
bar sections in which the I–IV–V blues progression is clearly stated.[81] Clapton
does not adapt Johnson's slide guitar technique or open tuning; instead he follows
the electric guitar soloing approach of B.B. King and Albert King.[81] He also
employs a Johnson guitar innovation, the duple shuffle pattern or boogie bass line,
while singing (Johnson only used it for two bars in "Cross Road Blues").[81][f]

Clapton also simplifies and standardizes Johnson's vocal lines.[81] Schumacher

calls Clapton's vocal on "Crossroads" his best and most assured with Cream.[79] As
well as using Johnson's opening and closing lyrics, he twice adds the same section
from "Traveling Riverside Blues":[83]

I'm going down to Rosedale, take my rider by my side (2×)

You can still barrelhouse baby, on the riverside

During the instrumental break, Cream takes an improvisational approach

characteristic of their later live performances.[51] Bruce's bass lines blend
rhythm and harmony, and Baker adds fills and more complex techniques typical of
drummers in jazz trios.[51] The momentum is never allowed to dissipate and is
constantly reinforced.[51] Cash Box called it "a new winner" for Cream and added
"the blazing instrumental break gives this track a luster which will bring home the
sales".[84]

Clapton's appraisal
Clapton's guitar solo is praised by critics and fans, but in interviews, he
expressed reservations about his performance. In 1985, he explained:

I really haven't heard that song in so long—and I really don't like it, actually. I
think there's something wrong with it. [I]f I hear the solo, and think, "God, I'm
on the 2 and I should be on the 1", then I can never really enjoy it. And I think
that's what happened with "Crossroads". It is interesting, and everyone can pat
themselves on the back that we all got out of it at the same time. But it rankles
me a little bit.[85]

In 2004, he repeated his problem with finding the beat and added:

I certainly put that one to bed quickly! I actually have about zero tolerance for
most of my old material. Especially "Crossroads". The popularity of that song with
Cream has always been mystifying to me. I don't think it's very good ... So, I
never really revisit my old stuff. I won't even go there.[86]

Recording and releases

Cream recorded the song on November 28, 1966, for broadcast on the BBC Guitar Club
radio program.[87] At under two minutes in length, it was released in 2003 on BBC
Sessions.[87] On March 10, 1968, Cream recorded it again during a concert at the
Winterland Ballroom in San Francisco.[88] The song became the opening number on the
live half of Cream's Wheels of Fire double album, released in August 1968 by
Polydor Records in the UK and Atco Records in the US.[89] After the group's
breakup, Atco issued the song as a single in January 1969,[90] which reached number
28 on the US Billboard Hot 100 chart[91] and 17 on Cashbox.[92] Both the original
album and single credit the songwriter as Robert Johnson or R. Johnson, although
Clapton and Cream extensively reworked the song.[93][94]

Cream played "Crossroads" during their final concert at the Royal Albert Hall on
November 26, 1968. The expanded version of Cream's Farewell Concert film released
in 1977 contains the performance.[95] During their 2005 reunion, Cream revisited
the song at the Royal Albert Hall and it is included on the Royal Albert Hall
London May 2-3-5-6, 2005 album and video.[96] After Cream's breakup in 1968,
Clapton continued to perform "Crossroads" in a variety of settings,[80] although in
a more relaxed, understated style.[97] Live recordings appear on Live at the
Fillmore (with Derek and the Dominos),[98] Crossroads 2: Live in the Seventies,[99]
The Secret Policeman's Other Ball (with Jeff Beck).[100]

Possible editing on album version

Clapton biographer Schumacher writes: "Given the passion of the solo performances
on 'Crossroads,' it seems almost miraculous that Cream is able to return to the
song itself."[101] Several music writers have explained that Cream's recording for
Wheels of Fire was edited from a much longer performance that was typical for the
trio – in the notes for Clapton's Crossroads box set, Anthony DeCurtis credits the
trimming to engineer Tom Dowd,[102] but critic Stephen Thomas Erlewine attributes
the editing to producer Felix Pappalardi, who "cut together the best bits of a
winding improvisation to a tight four minutes", to allow the song's drive more
continuity.[103]

When asked if the recording had been edited, Clapton replied: "I can't remember ...
I wouldn't be at all surprised if we weren't lost at that point in the song,
because that used to happen a lot."[104] Barry Levenson, who produced Cream's 1997
box set Those Were the Days, commented:

It's not edited, and I've got an audience tape from the same show which verifies
that [it] was a typical performance of the song. I've listened to a lot of tapes,
and all of the 'Cross Road Blues (Crossroads)' that I've heard come in at four
minutes and change. They never seemed to expand it beyond that.[105]

Recognition and influence

In 1986, Robert Johnson's "Cross Road Blues" was inducted into the Blues Foundation
Hall of Fame in the "Classic of Blues Recording – Single or Album Track" category.
[106] Writing for the foundation, Jim O'Neal said that "Regardless of mythology and
rock 'n' roll renditions, Johnson's record was indeed a powerful one, a song that
would stand the test of time on its own."[107] In 1998, it received a Grammy Hall
of Fame Award to acknowledge its quality and place in recording history.[108]
Rolling Stone magazine ranked "Cross Road Blues" at number 481 on its 2021 list of
the "500 Greatest Songs of All Time".[109] In 1995, the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame
listed both Johnson and Cream's renditionFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"Cross Road Blues"
Photo of original 78 record label showing "Vocalion" in stylized lettering with
"Cross Road Blues", "Vocal Blues with Guitar Acc[ompaniment]", and "Robert Johnson"
as identifiers along with catalog numbers, "Made in USA", etc.
Original 78 record label
Single by Robert Johnson
Released May 1937
Recorded November 27, 1936
Studio Gunter Hotel, San Antonio, Texas
Genre Blues
Length 2:39
Label Vocalion
Songwriter(s) Robert Johnson
Producer(s) Don Law
"Cross Road Blues" (commonly known as "Crossroads") is a song written by the
American blues artist Robert Johnson. He performed it solo with his vocal and
acoustic slide guitar in the Delta blues–style. The song has become part of the
Robert Johnson mythology as referring to the place where he supposedly sold his
soul to the Devil in exchange for his musical talent. This is based largely on
folklore of the American South that identifies a crossroads as the site where such
pacts are made, although the lyrics do not contain any references to Satan or a
Faustian bargain.

"Cross Road Blues" may have been in Johnson's repertoire since 1932 and, in 1936,
he recorded two performances. One was released in 1937 as a single that was heard
mainly in the Mississippi Delta area. The second, which reached a wider audience,
was included on King of the Delta Blues Singers, a compilation album of some of
Johnson's songs released in 1961 during the American folk music revival.

Over the years, several bluesmen have recorded versions of the song, usually as
ensemble pieces with electrified guitars. Elmore James' recordings in 1954 and
1960–1961 have been identified as perhaps the most significant of the earlier
renditions. Guitarist Eric Clapton and the British rock group Cream popularized the
song as "Crossroads" on their 1968 Wheels of Fire album, and their fiery blues rock
interpretation became one of their best-known songs and inspired many cover
versions.

Both Johnson and Cream's recordings of the song have received accolades from
various organizations and publications. Both have also led the song to be
identified as a blues standard as well as an important piece in the repertoires of
blues-inspired rock musicians. Clapton continues to be associated with the song,
and has used the name for the Crossroads Centre he founded on Antigua to help
people recover from addictions, and the Crossroads Guitar Festivals he organised to
raise money for it.

Recording
Color photo of multi-floor building taken from street level
Gunter Hotel, San Antonio, Texas, in 2010
In October 1936, Johnson auditioned for the talent scout H. C. Speir in Jackson,
Mississippi. Speir recommended Johnson to Ernie Oertle, then a representative for
ARC Records.[1] After a second audition, Oertle arranged for Johnson to travel to
San Antonio for a recording session.[2] Johnson recorded 22 songs for ARC over
three days from November 23 to 27, 1936.[3] During the first session, he recorded
his most commercially appealing songs.[4] They mostly represented his original
pieces and reflected current, piano-influenced musical trends.[5][6][7] The songs
include "Terraplane Blues" (his first single and most popular record)[2] along with
"Sweet Home Chicago" and "I Believe I'll Dust My Broom", which became blues
standards after others recorded them.[8][9]

A second and third recording date took place in San Antonio after a two-day break.
[10] Johnson reached back into his long-standing repertoire for songs to record.[7]
The material reflects the styles of country blues performers Charley Patton and Son
House, who influenced Johnson in his youth[11] and are among Johnson's most
heartfelt and forceful.[6]

"Cross Road Blues" was recorded on Friday, November 27, 1936, during Johnson's
third session in San Antonio.[12] The recordings continued at an improvised studio
in Room 414 at the Gunter Hotel. ARC producer Don Law supervised the recording,[13]
but it is unknown what input, if any, he had into Johnson's selection of material
to record or how to present it.[14] Two somewhat similar takes of the song were
recorded.[15]

Lyrics and interpretation

Map of the Mississippi Delta area
Major landmarks in Johnson's later life are located in the northern part of the
Delta region.[16]
A crossroads or an intersection of rural roads is one of the few landmarks in the
Mississippi Delta, a flat featureless plain between the Mississippi and Yazoo
rivers.[17] It is part of the local iconography and several businesses use the
name, such as gas stations, banks, and retail shops.[18] A crossroads is also where
cars are more likely to slow down or stop, thus presenting the best opportunity for
a hitchhiker.[19] In the simplest reading, Johnson describes his grief at being
unable to catch a ride at an intersection before the sun sets.[20] Many see
different levels of meaning, and some have attached a supernatural significance to
the song.[20]

Both versions of the song open with the protagonist kneeling at a crossroads to ask
God's mercy; the second section tells of his failed attempts to hitch a ride.[21]
In the third and fourth sections, he expresses apprehension at being stranded as
darkness approaches and asks that his friend Willie Brown be advised that "I'm
sinkin' down".[22][23] The first take of the song, which was used for the single,
includes a fifth verse that is not included in the second take. In it he laments
not having a "sweet woman" in his distress.[24]

According to authors Bruce Conforth and Gayle Dean Wardlow, "many blues fans and
even some scholars [have attempted] to link this song to some Satanic or Faustian
bargain", as an explanation for how quickly Johnson progressed from being an
average musician to an accomplished one.[25] Folklore of the southern United States
identifies a crossroads or graveyard as the site of a pact with the Devil,[26]
which music writer Elijah Wald identifies as a likely source of the myth.[27]
Another source may be Delta bluesman Tommy Johnson (no relation to Robert), who
promoted himself as having made a deal with the Devil.[26] Wald writes:

As for "Cross Road Blues", the satanic connection has to be made by first citing
the Tommy Johnson story, tracing it through the ancient beliefs in a dark spirit
who appears at the meeting of pathways, then jury-rigging it to fit a song that
never suggests any such theme.[27]

Although "Cross Road Blues" does not contain any references to Satan or a Faustian
bargain,[21][28][29] Robert Johnson later recorded two songs that include such
themes: "Hellhound on My Trail" tells of trying to stay ahead of the demon hound
that is pursuing him and in "Me and the Devil Blues" he sings, "Early this mornin'
when you knocked upon my door, and I said 'Hello Satan I believe it's time to go'".
[30][31] These songs contribute to the Faustian myth, but how much Johnson promoted
the idea is debated.[32] Music historian Ted Gioia believes that the use of satanic
themes and imagery generated much needed publicity for blues musicians who were
struggling through the Great Depression.[32]

Blues historian Samuel Charters sees the song as having elements of protest and
social commentary.[33] The second verse includes "the sun goin' down now boy, dark
gon' catch me here", a reference to the "sundown laws" or curfew during racial
segregation in the United States.[33] Johnson, as an African American, may be
expressing a real fear of loitering charges or even lynching.[34] Others suggest
that the song is about a deeper and more personal loneliness.[35][36] Writers Barry
Lee Pearson and Bill McCulloch feel that the fifth verse in the single version
captures the essence of the song: "left alone, abandoned, or mistreated, he stands
at the crossroad, looking this way or that for his woman".[24]

Composition
"Cross Road Blues" reflects Johnson's Delta blues roots and may have been in his
repertoire since 1932.[37] It is the first recording to show his mastery of his
mentor Son House's style, particularly in his slide guitar work.[38][a] Music
historian Edward Komara identifies parts of "Straight Alky Blues" by Leroy Carr and
Scrapper Blackwell (1929) along with Roosevelt Sykes' subsequent adaptation as
"Black River Blues" (1930) as melodic precedents.[40] Johnson infuses their relaxed
urban approach with a more forceful rural one.[41] Komara terms Johnson's guitar
playing a "blues harp style".[42] It contrasts with Johnson's finger-picking "piano
style", which uses a boogie-style accompaniment on the bass strings while
incorporating melody and harmony on the higher strings.[43] Harp-style playing
employs percussive accents on the bass strings (an imitation of the sharp draw used
by harmonica players) and allows Johnson to explore different chord voicings and
fills.[44][b] Johnson uses this technique for "Terraplane Blues", which shares many
elements in common with "Cross Road Blues".[46][47]

The song's structure differs from a well-defined twelve-bar blues. The verses are
not consistent and range from fourteen to fifteen bars in length.[48] The harmonic
progression is often implied rather than stated (full IV and V chords are not
used).[48] Johnson uses a Spanish or open G tuning with the guitar tuned to the key
of B.[40] This facilitates his use of slide guitar, which is as prominent in the
song as the vocal.[49] The slide parts function more as an "answer" to the vocal
than as accompaniment, the tension underscoring the dark turmoil of the lyrics.[50]
Charters characterizes the song's rhythm as ambiguous, imparting both a 4
4 and 8
8 feel.[46] Music writer Dave Headlam elaborates on Johnson's rhythm:

Meter itself is a compositional and performance device which comes in and out of
focus in response to the fluid rhythms and changing accents in the lower beats. The
irregular groupings extend to smaller beat divisions, with an interplay between
triplet 'swing' and duple divisions of the beat ... Johnson's irregular rhythms and
variation in support of the metric beat suggest a more personal, idiosyncratic
vision.[51]

The two takes of the song are performed at moderate, but somewhat different tempos.
[15] Both begin slowly and speed up; the first is about 106 beats per minute (bpm);
the second is about 96 bpm.[15] Johnson prepares to go into the fifth section for
the slower second take, but the engineer apparently cut him off because of the time
limits of ten-inch 78 rpm records.[52] Along with the slower tempo, Johnson sings
the verses at a lower pitch, although both takes are in the same key.[53] This
allows for greater variation and nuance in the vocal.[53][c] Together with
refinements to some guitar parts, the differences serve to help further distinguish
the second take from "Terraplane Blues" and give it more of its own character.[49]

Releases
Photo of patrons sitting around a table in a juke joint in Clarksdale, Mississippi,
in 1939
Patrons at a juke joint in Clarksdale, Mississippi, in 1939
ARC and Vocalion Records issued the first take of "Cross Road Blues" in May 1937 on
the then standard 78 rpm record.[12] With the flip side "Ramblin' on My Mind", it
was the third of eleven singles released during Johnson's lifetime.[12] Vocalion's
budget labels Perfect Records and Romeo Records also released the single for sale
by dime stores.[55] Although sales figures are not available, the record was
"widely heard in the Delta", and Johnson's tunes were found in jukeboxes in the
region.[56]

As with most of Johnson's recordings, the single version of "Cross Road Blues"
remained out of print after its initial release until The Complete Recordings box
set in 1990.[12] The second take was released in 1961, in the later days of the
American folk music revival.[57] Producer Frank Driggs substituted it for the
original on Johnson's first long-playing record album compilation King of the Delta
Blues Singers.[58] This take was also included on the 1990 Complete Recordings (at
2:29, it is 10 seconds shorter than the original 2:39 single version).[59] King of
the Delta Blues Singers sold around 12,000 copies; The Complete Recordings sold
over one million and received a Grammy Award for Best Historical Album in 1991.[60]

Elmore James versions

American blues singer and guitarist Elmore James, who popularized Robert Johnson's
"Dust My Broom", recorded two variations on "Cross Road Blues".[46] Author James
Perone describes James' adaptation as "perhaps the most substantial post-Johnson
recording [of a Johnson song] before the 1960s".[61] Both titled "Standing at the
Crossroads", they feature James' trademark "Dust My Broom" amplified slide-guitar
figure and a backing ensemble; the lyrics focus on the lost-love aspect of the
song:[46]

Well I was standin' at the crossroad, and my baby not around (2×)
Well I begin to wonder, "Is poor Elmore sinkin' down"

James first recorded the song in August 1954 at Modern Records' new studio in
Culver City, California.[62] Maxwell Davis supervised the session and a group of
professional studio musicians provided the backup.[62] The song was produced in a
newer style that Modern used successfully for B.B. King, and James' slide guitar
was placed further back in the mix.[62] Flair Records, another of the Bihari
brothers' Modern labels, released the single, backed with "Sunny Land".[62] The
song became a regional hit, but did not reach the national charts.[62] Releases
associated with Modern included "Standing at the Crossroads" on several James
compilation albums, such as Blues After Hours (Crown), The Blues in My Heart – The
Rhythm in My Soul (Custom Records), and Original Folk Blues (Kent Records).[63]

In 1959, producer Bobby Robinson signed James to his Fury/Fire/Enjoy group of

labels.[64] Along with new material, Robinson had James revisit several of his
older songs, including "Standing at the Crossroads".[65] James re-recorded it at
Beltone Studios in New York City in late 1960 or early 1961 during one of his last
sessions.[65] Studio musicians again provided the backup and the horn section
included baritone saxophone by Paul Williams.[65] Bell Records' subsidiary labels
released the song after James' death in 1965 – Flashback Records released a single
with a reissue of "The Sky Is Crying" and Sphere Sound Records included it on a
James compilation album also titled The Sky Is Crying.[66] Both the 1954 and 1960–
1961 versions appear on later James compilations, such as Elmore James: The Classic
Early Records 1951–1956 (1993, Virgin America/Flair)[67] and Elmore James: King of
the Slide Guitar (1992, Capricorn).[68]

Eric Clapton/Cream interpretation

Background
In early 1966, while still with John Mayall's Bluesbreakers, Eric Clapton adapted
the song for a recording session with an ad hoc studio group, dubbed Eric Clapton
and the Powerhouse.[69] Elektra Records producer Joe Boyd brought together Steve
Winwood on vocals, Clapton on guitar, Jack Bruce on bass guitar, Paul Jones on
harmonica, Ben Palmer on piano, and Pete York on drums for the project.[70] Boyd
recalled that he and Clapton reviewed potential songs; Clapton wanted to record
Albert King's "Crosscut Saw", but Boyd preferred to adapt an older country blues.
[71] Their attention turned to Robert Johnson songs and Boyd proposed "Crossroads",
[d] though Clapton favored "Traveling Riverside Blues".[73][e] For the recording,
Clapton developed an arrangement that drew on both songs.[75]

Biographer Michael Schumacher describes the Powerhouse's performance as slower and

more blues-based than Cream's.[76] Elektra released the 2:32 recording, titled
"Crossroads", on the compilation album What's Shakin' in June 1966.[77] The song
was later included on The Finer Things, a 1995 box set spanning Winwood's career.
[77] After the Powerhouse session, Clapton continued playing with Mayall.[70]
Author Marc Roberty lists "Crossroads" in a typical set for the Bluesbreakers in
the earlier part of 1966.[70]

Cream version
"Crossroads"
Photo of 1969 Italian picture sleeve with "Cream" in large stylized letters with
"Crossroads" and "Passing the Time" beneath and smaller separate photos of Eric
Clapton, Ginger Baker, and Jack Bruce playing their insruments
1969 Italian picture sleeve
Song by Cream
from the album Wheels of Fire
Released August 1968
Recorded March 10, 1968 (1st show)
Venue Winterland Ballroom, San Francisco
Genre
Hard rockblues rock
Length 4:13
Label
Polydor (UK)Atco (US)
Songwriter(s) Robert Johnson
Producer(s) Felix Pappalardi
"Crossroads" became a part of Cream's repertoire when Clapton began performing with
Jack Bruce and Ginger Baker in July 1966. Their version features a prominent guitar
riff with hard-driving, upbeat instrumental backing and soloing.[78] Clapton
previously recorded "Ramblin' on My Mind" with Mayall and "From Four Until Late"
with Cream using arrangements that followed Johnson's original songs more closely.
[79] He envisioned "Crossroads" as a rock song:

It became, then, a question of finding something that had a riff, a form that could
be interpreted, simply, in a band format. In 'Crossroads' there was a very definite
riff. He [Johnson] was playing it full-chorded with the slide as well. I just took
it on a single string or two strings and embellished it. Out of all of the songs it
was the easiest for me to see as a rock and roll vehicle.[80]

Clapton simplifies Johnson's guitar line and sets it to a straight eighth-note or

rock rhythm.[80] He and Bruce on bass continuously emphasize the riff throughout
the song to give it a strong and regular metric drive combined with Baker's
drumming.[81] Johnson's irregular measures are also standardized to typical twelve-
bar sections in which the I–IV–V blues progression is clearly stated.[81] Clapton
does not adapt Johnson's slide guitar technique or open tuning; instead he follows
the electric guitar soloing approach of B.B. King and Albert King.[81] He also
employs a Johnson guitar innovation, the duple shuffle pattern or boogie bass line,
while singing (Johnson only used it for two bars in "Cross Road Blues").[81][f]

Clapton also simplifies and standardizes Johnson's vocal lines.[81] Schumacher

calls Clapton's vocal on "Crossroads" his best and most assured with Cream.[79] As
well as using Johnson's opening and closing lyrics, he twice adds the same section
from "Traveling Riverside Blues":[83]

I'm going down to Rosedale, take my rider by my side (2×)

You can still barrelhouse baby, on the riverside

During the instrumental break, Cream takes an improvisational approach

characteristic of their later live performances.[51] Bruce's bass lines blend
rhythm and harmony, and Baker adds fills and more complex techniques typical of
drummers in jazz trios.[51] The momentum is never allowed to dissipate and is
constantly reinforced.[51] Cash Box called it "a new winner" for Cream and added
"the blazing instrumental break gives this track a luster which will bring home the
sales".[84]

Clapton's appraisal
Clapton's guitar solo is praised by critics and fans, but in interviews, he
expressed reservations about his performance. In 1985, he explained:

I really haven't heard that song in so long—and I really don't like it, actually. I
think there's something wrong with it. [I]f I hear the solo, and think, "God, I'm
on the 2 and I should be on the 1", then I can never really enjoy it. And I think
that's what happened with "Crossroads". It is interesting, and everyone can pat
themselves on the back that we all got out of it at the same time. But it rankles
me a little bit.[85]

In 2004, he repeated his problem with finding the beat and added:

I certainly put that one to bed quickly! I actually have about zero tolerance for
most of my old material. Especially "Crossroads". The popularity of that song with
Cream has always been mystifying to me. I don't think it's very good ... So, I
never really revisit my old stuff. I won't even go there.[86]

Recording and releases

Cream recorded the song on November 28, 1966, for broadcast on the BBC Guitar Club
radio program.[87] At under two minutes in length, it was released in 2003 on BBC
Sessions.[87] On March 10, 1968, Cream recorded it again during a concert at the
Winterland Ballroom in San Francisco.[88] The song became the opening number on the
live half of Cream's Wheels of Fire double album, released in August 1968 by
Polydor Records in the UK and Atco Records in the US.[89] After the group's
breakup, Atco issued the song as a single in January 1969,[90] which reached number
28 on the US Billboard Hot 100 chart[91] and 17 on Cashbox.[92] Both the original
album and single credit the songwriter as Robert Johnson or R. Johnson, although
Clapton and Cream extensively reworked the song.[93][94]

Cream played "Crossroads" during their final concert at the Royal Albert Hall on
November 26, 1968. The expanded version of Cream's Farewell Concert film released
in 1977 contains the performance.[95] During their 2005 reunion, Cream revisited
the song at the Royal Albert Hall and it is included on the Royal Albert Hall
London May 2-3-5-6, 2005 album and video.[96] After Cream's breakup in 1968,
Clapton continued to perform "Crossroads" in a variety of settings,[80] although in
a more relaxed, understated style.[97] Live recordings appear on Live at the
Fillmore (with Derek and the Dominos),[98] Crossroads 2: Live in the Seventies,[99]
The Secret Policeman's Other Ball (with Jeff Beck).[100]

Possible editing on album version

Clapton biographer Schumacher writes: "Given the passion of the solo performances
on 'Crossroads,' it seems almost miraculous that Cream is able to return to the
song itself."[101] Several music writers have explained that Cream's recording for
Wheels of Fire was edited from a much longer performance that was typical for the
trio – in the notes for Clapton's Crossroads box set, Anthony DeCurtis credits the
trimming to engineer Tom Dowd,[102] but critic Stephen Thomas Erlewine attributes
the editing to producer Felix Pappalardi, who "cut together the best bits of a
winding improvisation to a tight four minutes", to allow the song's drive more
continuity.[103]

When asked if the recording had been edited, Clapton replied: "I can't remember ...
I wouldn't be at all surprised if we weren't lost at that point in the song,
because that used to happen a lot."[104] Barry Levenson, who produced Cream's 1997
box set Those Were the Days, commented:

It's not edited, and I've got an audience tape from the same show which verifies
that [it] was a typical performance of the song. I've listened tcle is about the
classical Greek philosopher. For other uses of Socrates, see Socrates
(disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

Part of a series on
Socrates

"I know that I know nothing"

"The unexamined life is not worth living"
GadflyTrial of Socrates
Eponymous concepts
Socratic dialogueSocratic fallacySocratic intellectualismSocratic ironySocratic
methodSocratic paradoxSocratic problemSocratic questioning
Pupils
PlatoXenophonAeschinesAntisthenesAristippus
Related topics
Academic skepticismAristotelianismBibliographyCultural
depictionsCynicismCyrenaicsMegariansPlatonismStoicismThe CloudsVirtue ethics
Category
vte
Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]
The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]
Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era
Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]
The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by
friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]
Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]
Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism
For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other uses of Socrates, see
Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]
Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.
Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates

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Category
vte
Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]
Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]
Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]
In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the
contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]
Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

Part of a series on
Socrates

"I know that I know nothing"

"The unexamined life is not worth living"
GadflyTrial of Socrates
Eponymous concepts
Socratic dialogueSocratic fallacySocratic intellectualismSocratic ironySocratic
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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]
Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]
Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He
believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]
Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]
Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]
Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]
Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era
Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]

Aristophanes and other sources

Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]
Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]

Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretcle is about the classical Greek philosopher. For other
uses of Socrates, see Socrates (disambiguation). For the Attic orator, see
Isocrates.
Socrates
A marble head of Socrates
A marble head of Socrates in the Louvre (copy of bronze head by Lysippus)
Born c. 470 BC
Deme Alopece, Athens
Died 399 BC (aged approximately 71)
Athens
Cause of death Forced suicide by poisoning
Spouse(s) Xanthippe, Myrto (disputed)
Children Lamprocles, Menexenus, Sophroniscus
Family Sophroniscus (father), Phaenarete (mother), Patrocles (half-brother)
Era Ancient Greek philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Classical Greek philosophy
Notable students
PlatoXenophonAntisthenesAristippusAlcibiadesCritias
Main interests Epistemology, ethics, teleology
Notable ideas
Social gadfly
Socratic dialogue
Socratic intellectualism
Socratic irony
Socratic method
Socratic paradox
Socratic questioning
"The unexamined life is not worth living"
Socrates (/ˈsɒkrətiːz/;[1] Greek: Σωκράτης; c. 470–399 BC) was a Greek philosopher
from Athens who is credited as the founder of Western philosophy and among the
first moral philosophers of the ethical tradition of thought. An enigmatic figure,
Socrates authored no texts and is known mainly through the posthumous accounts of
classical writers, particularly his students Plato and Xenophon. These accounts are
written as dialogues, in which Socrates and his interlocutors examine a subject in
the style of question and answer; they gave rise to the Socratic dialogue literary
genre. Contradictory accounts of Socrates make a reconstruction of his philosophy
nearly impossible, a situation known as the Socratic problem. Socrates was a
polarizing figure in Athenian society. In 399 BC, he was accused of impiety and
corrupting the youth. After a trial that lasted a day, he was sentenced to death.
He spent his last day in prison, refusing offers to help him escape.

Plato's dialogues are among the most comprehensive accounts of Socrates to survive
from antiquity. They demonstrate the Socratic approach to areas of philosophy
including epistemology and ethics. The Platonic Socrates lends his name to the
concept of the Socratic method, and also to Socratic irony. The Socratic method of
questioning, or elenchus, takes shape in dialogue using short questions and
answers, epitomized by those Platonic texts in which Socrates and his interlocutors
examine various aspects of an issue or an abstract meaning, usually relating to one
of the virtues, and find themselves at an impasse, completely unable to define what
they thought they understood. Socrates is known for proclaiming his total
ignorance; he used to say that the only thing he was aware of was his ignorance,
seeking to imply that the realization of our ignorance is the first step in
philosophizing.

Socrates exerted a strong influence on philosophers in later antiquity and has

continued to do so in the modern era. He was studied by medieval and Islamic
scholars and played an important role in the thought of the Italian Renaissance,
particularly within the humanist movement. Interest in him continued unabated, as
reflected in the works of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche. Depictions of
Socrates in art, literature, and popular culture have made him a widely known
figure in the Western philosophical tradition.

Sources and the Socratic problem

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Socrates did not document his teachings. All that is known about him comes from the
accounts of others: mainly the philosopher Plato and the historian Xenophon, who
were both his pupils; the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes (Socrates's
contemporary); and Plato's pupil Aristotle, who was born after Socrates's death.
The often contradictory stories from these ancient accounts only serve to
complicate scholars' ability to reconstruct Socrates's true thoughts reliably, a
predicament known as the Socratic problem.[2] The works of Plato, Xenophon, and
other authors who use the character of Socrates as an investigative tool, are
written in the form of a dialogue between Socrates and his interlocutors and
provide the main source of information on Socrates's life and thought. Socratic
dialogues (logos sokratikos) was a term coined by Aristotle to describe this newly
formed literary genre.[3] While the exact dates of their composition are unknown,
some were probably written after Socrates's death.[4] As Aristotle first noted, the
extent to which the dialogues portray Socrates authentically is a matter of some
debate.[5]

Plato and Xenophon

An honest man, Xenophon was no trained philosopher.[6] He could neither fully
conceptualize nor articulate Socrates's arguments.[7] He admired Socrates for his
intelligence, patriotism, and courage on the battlefield.[7] He discusses Socrates
in four works: the Memorabilia, the Oeconomicus, the Symposium, and the Apology of
Socrates. He also mentions a story featuring Socrates in his Anabasis.[8]
Oeconomicus recounts a discussion on practical agricultural issues.[9] Like Plato's
Apology, Xenophon's Apologia describes the trial of Socrates, but the works diverge
substantially and, according to W. K. C. Guthrie, Xenophon's account portrays a
Socrates of "intolerable smugness and complacency".[10] Symposium is a dialogue of
Socrates with other prominent Athenians during an after-dinner discussion, but is
quite different from Plato's Symposium: there is no overlap in the guest list.[11]
In Memorabilia, he defends Socrates from the accusations of corrupting the youth
and being against the gods; essentially, it is a collection of various stories
gathered together to construct a new apology for Socrates.[12]

Plato's representation of Socrates is not straightforward.[13] Plato was a pupil of

Socrates and outlived him by five decades.[14] How trustworthy Plato is in
representing the attributes of Socrates is a matter of debate; the view that he did
not represent views other than Socrates's own is not shared by many contemporary
scholars.[15] A driver of this doubt is the inconsistency of the character of
Socrates that he presents.[16] One common explanation of this inconsistency is that
Plato initially tried to accurately represent the historical Socrates, while later
in his writings he was happy to insert his own views into Socrates's words. Under
this understanding, there is a distinction between the Socratic Socrates of Plato's
earlier works and the Platonic Socrates of Plato's later writings, although the
boundary between the two seems blurred.[17]

Xenophon's and Plato's accounts differ in their presentations of Socrates as a

person. Xenophon's Socrates is duller, less humorous and less ironic than Plato's.
[7][18] Xenophon's Socrates also lacks the philosophical features of Plato's
Socrates—ignorance, the Socratic method or elenchus—and thinks enkrateia (self-
control) is of pivotal importance, which is not the case with Plato's Socrates.[19]
Generally, logoi Sokratikoi cannot help us to reconstruct the historical Socrates
even in cases where their narratives overlap, as authors may have influenced each
other's accounts.[20]
Aristophanes and other sources
Writers of Athenian comedy, including Aristophanes, also commented on Socrates.
Aristophanes's most important comedy with respect to Socrates is The Clouds, in
which Socrates is a central character.[21] In this drama, Aristophanes presents a
caricature of Socrates that leans towards sophism,[22] ridiculing Socrates as an
absurd atheist.[23] Socrates in Clouds is interested in natural philosophy, which
conforms to Plato's depiction of him in Phaedo. What is certain is that by the age
of 45, Socrates had already captured the interest of Athenians as a philosopher.
[24] It is not clear whether Aristophanes's work is useful in reconstructing the
historical Socrates.[25]

Other ancient authors who wrote about Socrates were Aeschines of Sphettus,
Antisthenes, Aristippus, Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Euclid of Megara, Phaedo and
Aristotle, all of whom wrote after Socrates's death.[26] Aristotle was not a
contemporary of Socrates; he studied under Plato at the latter's Academy for twenty
years.[27] Aristotle treats Socrates without the bias of Xenophon and Plato, who
had an emotional tie with Socrates, and he scrutinizes Socrates's doctrines as a
philosopher.[28] Aristotle was familiar with the various written and unwritten
stories of Socrates.[29] His role in understanding Socrates is limited. He does not
write extensively on Socrates; and, when he does, he is mainly preoccupied with the
early dialogues of Plato.[30] There are also general doubts on his reliability on
the history of philosophy.[31] Still, his testimony is vital in understanding
Socrates.[32]

The Socratic problem

Main article: Socratic problem
In a seminal work titled "The Worth of Socrates as a Philosopher" (1818), the
philosopher Friedrich Schleiermacher attacked Xenophon's accounts; his attack was
widely accepted.[33] Schleiermacher criticized Xenophon for his naïve
representation of Socrates. Xenophon was a soldier, argued Schleiermacher, and was
therefore not well placed to articulate Socratic ideas. Furthermore, Xenophon was
biased in his depiction of his former friend and teacher: he believed Socrates was
treated unfairly by Athens, and sought to prove his point of view rather than to
provide an impartial account. The result, said Schleiermacher, was that Xenophon
portrayed Socrates as an uninspiring philosopher.[34] By the early 20th century,
Xenophon's account was largely rejected.[35]

The philosopher Karl Joel, basing his arguments on Aristotle's interpretation of

logos sokratikos, suggested that the Socratic dialogues are mostly fictional:
according to Joel, the dialogues' authors were just mimicking some Socratic traits
of dialogue.[36] In the mid-20th century, philosophers such as Olof Gigon and
Eugène Dupréel, based on Joel's arguments, proposed that the study of Socrates
should focus on the various versions of his character and beliefs rather than
aiming to reconstruct a historical Socrates.[37] Later, ancient philosophy scholar
Gregory Vlastos suggested that the early Socratic dialogues of Plato were more
compatible with other evidence for a historical Socrates than his later writings,
an argument that is based on inconsistencies in Plato's own evolving depiction of
Socrates. Vlastos totally disregarded Xenophon's account except when it agreed with
Plato's.[37] More recently, Charles H. Kahn has reinforced the skeptical stance on
the unsolvable Socratic problem, suggesting that only Plato's Apology has any
historical significance.[38]

Biography

Battle of Potidaea (432 BC): Athenians against Corinthians (detail). Scene of

Socrates (center) saving Alcibiades. 18th century engraving. According to Plato,
Socrates participated in the Battle of Potidaea, the retreat of Battle of Delium
and the battle of Amphipolis (422 BC).[39]
Socrates was born in 470 or 469 BC to Sophroniscus and Phaenarete, a stoneworker
and a midwife, respectively, in the Athenian deme of Alopece; therefore, he was an
Athenian citizen, having been born to relatively affluent Athenians.[40] He lived
close to his father's relatives and inherited, as was customary, part of his
father's estate, securing a life reasonably free of financial concerns.[41] His
education followed the laws and customs of Athens. He learned the basic skills of
reading and writing and, like most wealthy Athenians, received extra lessons in
various other fields such as gymnastics, poetry and music.[42] He was married twice
(which came first is not clear): his marriage to Xanthippe took place when Socrates
was in his fifties, and another marriage was with a daughter of Aristides, an
Athenian statesman.[43] He had three sons with Xanthippe.[44] Socrates fulfilled
his military service during the Peloponnesian War and distinguished himself in
three campaigns, according to Plato.[45]

Another incident that reflects Socrates's respect for the law is the arrest of Leon
the Salaminian. As Plato describes in his Apology, Socrates and four others were
summoned to the Tholos and told by representatives of the Thirty Tyrants (which
began ruling in 404 BC) to arrest Leon for execution. Again Socrates was the sole
abstainer, choosing to risk the tyrants' wrath and retribution rather than to
participate in what he considered to be a crime.[46]

Socrates attracted great interest from the Athenian public and especially the
Athenian youth.[47] He was notoriously ugly, having a flat turned-up nose, bulging
eyes and a large belly; his friends joked about his appearance.[48] Socrates was
indifferent to material pleasures, including his own appearance and personal
comfort. He neglected personal hygiene, bathed rarely, walked barefoot, and owned
only one ragged coat.[49] He moderated his eating, drinking, and sex, although he
did not practice full abstention.[49] Although Socrates was attracted to youth, as
was common and accepted in ancient Greece, he resisted his passion for young men
because, as Plato describes, he was more interested in educating their souls.[50]
Socrates did not seek sex from his disciples, as was often the case between older
and younger men in Athens.[51] Politically, he did not take sides in the rivalry
between the democrats and the oligarchs in Athens; he criticized both.[52] The
character of Socrates as exhibited in Apology, Crito, Phaedo and Symposium concurs
with other sources to an extent that gives confidence in Plato's depiction of
Socrates in these works as being representative of the real Socrates.[53]

Socrates died in Athens in 399 BC after a trial for impiety and the corruption of
the young.[54] He spent his last day in prison among friends and followers who
offered him a route to escape, which he refused. He died the next morning, in
accordance with his sentence, after drinking poison hemlock.[55] According to the
Phaedo, his last words were: “Crito, we owe a rooster to Asclepius. Don't forget to
pay the debt.”[56]

Trial of Socrates
Main article: Trial of Socrates
See also: The unexamined life is not worth living
In 399 BC, Socrates was formally accused of corrupting the minds of the youth of
Athens, and for asebeia (impiety), i.e. worshipping false gods and failing to
worship the gods of Athens.[57] At the trial, Socrates defended himself
unsuccessfully. He was found guilty by a majority vote cast by a jury of hundreds
of male Athenian citizens and, according to the custom, proposed his own penalty:
that he should be given free food and housing by the state for the services he
rendered to the city,[58] or alternatively, that he be fined one mina of silver
(according to him, all he had).[58] The jurors declined his offer and ordered the
death penalty.[58]

Socrates was charged in a politically tense climate.[59] In 404 BC, the Athenians
had been crushed by Spartans at the decisive naval Battle of Aegospotami, and
subsequently, the Spartans laid siege to Athens. They replaced the democratic
government with a new, pro-oligarchic government, named the Thirty Tyrants.[59]
Because of their tyrannical measures, some Athenians organized to overthrow the
Tyrants—and, indeed, they managed to do so briefly—until a Spartan request for aid
from the Thirty arrived and a compromise was sought. When the Spartans left again,
however, democrats seized the opportunity to kill the oligarchs and reclaim the
government of Athens.[59]

The accusations against Socrates were initiated by a poet, Meletus, who asked for
the death penalty in accordance with the charge of asebeia.[59] Other accusers were
Anytus and Lycon. After a month or two, in late spring or early summer, the trial
started and likely went on for most of one day.[59] There were two main sources for
the religion-based accusations. First, Socrates had rejected the anthropomorphism
of traditional Greek religion by denying that the gods did bad things like humans
do. Second, he seemed to believe in a daimonion—an inner voice with, as his
accusers suggested, divine origin.[59]

Plato's Apology starts with Socrates answering the various rumours against him that
have given rise to the indictment.[60] First, Socrates defends himself against the
rumour that he is an atheist naturalist philosopher, as portrayed in Aristophanes's
The Clouds; or a sophist.[61] Against the allegations of corrupting the youth,
Socrates answers that he has never corrupted anyone intentionally, since corrupting
someone would carry the risk of being corrupted back in return, and that would be
illogical, since corruption is undesirable.[62] On the second charge, Socrates asks
for clarification. Meletus responds by repeating the accusation that Socrates is an
atheist. Socrates notes the contradiction between atheism and worshipping false
gods.[63] He then claims that he is "God's gift" to the Athenians, since his
activities ultimately benefit Athens; thus, in condemning him to death, Athens
itself will be the greatest loser.[64] After that, he says that even though no
human can reach wisdom, seeking it is the best thing someone can do, implying money
and prestige are not as precious as commonly thought.[65]

The Death of Socrates, by Jacques-Louis David (1787). Socrates was visited by

friends in his last night at prison. His discussion with them gave rise to Plato's
Crito and Phaedo.[66]
Socrates was given the chance to offer alternative punishments for himself after
being found guilty. He could have requested permission to flee Athens and live in
exile, but he did not do so. According to Xenophon, Socrates made no proposals,
while according to Plato he suggested free meals should be provided for him daily
in recognition of his worth to Athens or, more in earnest, that a fine should be
imposed on him.[67] The jurors favoured the death penalty by making him drink a cup
of hemlock (a poisonous liquid).[68] In return, Socrates warned jurors and
Athenians that criticism of them by his many disciples was inescapable, unless they
became good men.[58] After a delay caused by Athenian religious ceremonies,
Socrates spent his last day in prison. His friends visited him and offered him an
opportunity to escape, which he declined.[69]

The question of what motivated Athenians to convict Socrates remains controversial

among scholars.[70] There are two theories. The first is that Socrates was
convicted on religious grounds; the second, that he was accused and convicted for
political reasons.[70] Another, more recent, interpretation synthesizes the
religious and political theories, arguing that religion and state were not separate
in ancient Athens.[71]

The argument for religious persecution is supported by the fact that Plato's and
Xenophon's accounts of the trial mostly focus on the charges of impiety. In those
accounts, Socrates is portrayed as making no effort to dispute the fact that he did
not believe in the Athenian gods. Against this argument stands the fact that many
skeptics and atheist philosophers during this time were not prosecuted.[72]
According to the argument for political persecution, Socrates was targeted because
he was perceived as a threat to democracy. It was true that Socrates did not stand
for democracy during the reign of the Thirty Tyrants and that most of his pupils
were against the democrats.[73] The case for it being a political persecution is
usually challenged by the existence of an amnesty that was granted to Athenian
citizens in 403 BC to prevent escalation to civil war after the fall of the Thirty.
However, as the text from Socrates's trial and other texts reveal, the accusers
could have fuelled their rhetoric using events prior to 403 BC.[74]

Philosophy
Socratic method
Main article: Socratic method

The Debate of Socrates and Aspasia by Nicolas-André Monsiau. Socrates's discussions

were not limited to a small elite group; he engaged in dialogues with foreigners
and with people from all social classes and of all genders.[75]
A fundamental characteristic of Plato's Socrates is the Socratic method, or the
method of refutation (elenchus).[76] It is most prominent in the early works of
Plato, such as Apology, Crito, Gorgias, Republic I, and others.[77] The typical
elenchus proceeds as follows. Socrates initiates a discussion about a topic with a
known expert on the subject, usually in the company of some young men and boys, and
by dialogue proves the expert's beliefs and arguments to be contradictory.[78]
Socrates initiates the dialogue by asking his interlocutor for a definition of the
subject. As he asks more questions, the interlocutor's answers eventually
contradict the first definition. The conclusion is that the expert did not really
know the definition in the first place.[79] The interlocutor may come up with a
different definition. That new definition, in turn, comes under the scrutiny of
Socratic questioning. With each round of question and answer, Socrates and his
interlocutor hope to approach the truth. More often, they continue to reveal their
ignorance.[80] Since the interlocutors' definitions most commonly represent the
mainstream opinion on a matter, the discussion places doubt on the common opinion.
[81]

Socrates also tests his own opinions through the Socratic method. Thus Socrates
does not teach a fixed philosophical doctrine. Rather, he acknowledges his own
ignorance while searching for truth with his pupils and interlocutors.[81]

Scholars have questioned the validity and the exact nature of the Socratic method,
or indeed if there even was a Socratic method.[82] In 1982, the scholar of ancient
philosophy Gregory Vlastos claimed that the Socratic method could not be used to
establish the truth or falsehood of a proposition. Rather, Vlastos argued, it was a
way to show that an interlocutor's beliefs were inconsistent.[83] There have been
two main lines of thought regarding this view, depending on whether it is accepted
that Socrates is seeking to prove a claim wrong.[84] According to the first line of
thought, known as the constructivist approach, Socrates indeed seeks to refute a
claim by this method, and the method helps in reaching affirmative statements.[85]
The non-constructivist approach holds that Socrates merely wants to establish the
inconsistency between the premises and conclusion of the initial argument.[86]

Socratic priority of definition

Socrates starts his discussions by prioritizing the search for definitions.[87] In
most cases, Socrates initiates his discourse with an expert on a subject by seeking
a definition—by asking, for example, what virtue, goodness, justice, or courage is.
[88] To establish a definition, Socrates first gathers clear examples of a virtue
and then seeks to establish what they had in common.[89] According to Guthrie,
Socrates lived in an era when sophists had challenged the meaning of various
virtues, questioning their substance; Socrates's quest for a definition was an
attempt to clear the atmosphere from their radical skepticism.[90]
Some scholars have argued that Socrates does not endorse the priority of definition
as a principle, because they have identified cases where he does not do so.[91]
Some have argued that this priority of definition comes from Plato rather than
Socrates.[92] Philosopher Peter Geach, accepting that Socrates endorses the
priority of definition, finds the technique fallacious. Αccording to Geach, one may
know a proposition even if one cannot define the terms in which the proposition is
stated.[93]

Socratic ignorance

Ruins of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, where Pythia was sited. The Delphic
aphorism Know thyself was important to Socrates, as evident in many Socratic
dialogues by Plato, especially Apology.[94]
Plato's Socrates often claims that he is aware of his own lack of knowledge,
especially when discussing ethical concepts such as arete (i.e., goodness, courage)
since he does not know the nature of such concepts.[95] For example, during his
trial, with his life at stake, Socrates says: "I thought Evenus a happy man, if he
really possesses this art (technē), and teaches for so moderate a fee. Certainly I
would pride and preen myself if I knew (epistamai) these things, but I do not know
(epistamai) them, gentlemen".[96] In some of Plato's dialogues, Socrates appears to
credit himself with some knowledge, and can even seem strongly opinionated for a
man who professes his own ignorance.[97]

There are varying explanations of the Socratic inconsistency (other than that
Socrates is simply being inconsistent).[98] One explanation is that Socrates is
being either ironic or modest for pedagogical purposes: he aims to let his
interlocutor to think for himself rather than guide him to a prefixed answer to his
philosophical questions.[99] Another explanation is that Socrates holds different
interpretations of the meaning of "knowledge". Knowledge, for him, might mean
systematic understanding of an ethical subject, on which Socrates firmly rejects
any kind of mastery; or might refer to lower-level cognition, which Socrates may
accept that he possesses.[100] In any case, there is consensus that Socrates
accepts that acknowledging one's lack of knowledge is the first step towards
wisdom.[101]

Socrates is known for disavowing knowledge, a claim encapsulated in the saying "I
know that I know nothing". This is often attributed to Socrates on the basis of a
statement in Plato's Apology, though the same view is repeatedly found elsewhere in
Plato's early writings on Socrates.[102] In other statements, though, he implies or
even claims that he does have knowledge. For example, in Plato's Apology Socrates
says: "...but that to do injustice and disobey my superior, god or man, this I know
to be evil and base..." (Apology, 29b6–7).[103] In his debate with Callicles, he
says: "...I know well that if you will agree with me on those things which my soul
believes, those things will be the very truth..."[103]

Whether Socrates genuinely thought he lacked knowledge or merely feigned a belief

in his own ignorance remains a matter of debate. A common interpretation is that he
was indeed feigning modesty. According to Norman Gulley, Socrates did this to
entice his interlocutors to speak with him. On the other hand, Terence Irwin claims
that Socrates's words should be taken literally.[104]

Gregory Vlastos argues that there is enough evidence to refute both claims. On his
view, for Socrates, there are two separate meanings of "knowledge": Knowledge-C and
Knowledge-E (C stands for "certain", and E stands for elenchus, i.e. the Socratic
method). Knowledge-C is something unquestionable whereas Knowledge-E is the
knowledge derived from Socrates's elenchus.[105] Thus, Socrates speaks the truth
when he says he knows-C something, and he is also truthful when saying he knows-E,
for example that it is evil for someone to disobey his superiors, as he claims in
Apology.[106] Not all scholars have agreed with this semantic dualism. James H.
Lesher has argued that Socrates claimed in various dialogues that one word is
linked to one meaning (i.e. in Hippias Major, Meno, and Laches).[107] Lesher
suggests that although Socrates claimed that he had no knowledge about the nature
of virtues, he thought that in some cases, people can know some ethical
propositions.[108]

Socratic irony
There is a widespread assumption that Socrates was an ironist, mostly based on the
depiction of Socrates by Plato and Aristotle.[109] Socrates's irony is so subtle
and slightly humorous that it often leaves the reader wondering if Socrates is
making an intentional pun.[110] Plato's Euthyphro is filled with Socratic irony.
The story begins when Socrates is meeting with Euthyphro, a man who has accused his
own father of murder. When Socrates first hears the details of the story, he
comments, "It is not, I think, any random person who could do this [prosecute one's
father] correctly, but surely one who is already far progressed in wisdom". When
Euthyphro boasts about his understanding of divinity, Socrates responds that it is
"most important that I become your student".[111] Socrates is commonly seen as
ironic when using praise to flatter or when addressing his interlocutors.[112]

Scholars are divided on why Socrates uses irony. According to an opinion advanced
since the Hellenistic period, Socratic irony is a playful way to get the audience's
attention.[113] Another line of thought holds that Socrates conceals his
philosophical message with irony, making it accessible only to those who can
separate the parts of his statements which are ironic from those which are not.
[114] Gregory Vlastos has identified a more complex pattern of irony in Socrates.
On Vlastos's view, Socrates's words have a double meaning, both ironic and not. One
example is when he denies having knowledge. Vlastos suggests that Socrates is being
ironic when he says he has no knowledge (where "knowledge" means a lower form of
cognition); while, according to another sense of "knowledge", Socrates is serious
when he says he has no knowledge of ethical matters. This opinion is not shared by
many other scholars.[115]

Socratic eudaimonism and intellectualism

For Socrates, the pursuit of eudaimonia motivates all human action, directly or
indirectly.[116] Virtue and knowledge are linked, in Socrates's view, to
eudaimonia, but how closely he considered them to be connected is still debated.
Some argue that Socrates thought that virtue and eudaimonia are identical.
According to another view, virtue serves as a means to eudaimonia (the "identical"
and "sufficiency" theses, respectively).[117] Another point of debate is whether,
according to Socrates, people desire what is in fact good—or, rather, simply what
they perceive as good.[117]

Moral intellectualism refers to the prominent role Socrates gave to knowledge. He

believed that all virtue was based on knowledge (hence Socrates is characterized as
a virtue intellectualist). He also believed that humans were guided by the
cognitive power to comprehend what they desire, while diminishing the role of
impulses (a view termed motivational intellectualism).[118] In Plato's Protagoras
(345c4–e6), Socrates implies that "no one errs willingly", which has become the
hallmark of Socratic virtue intellectualism.[119] In Socratic moral philosophy,
priority is given to the intellect as being the way to live a good life; Socrates
deemphasizes irrational beliefs or passions.[120] Plato's dialogues that support
Socrates's intellectual motivism—as this thesis is named—are mainly the Gorgias
(467c–8e, where Socrates discusses the actions of a tyrant that do not benefit him)
and Meno (77d–8b, where Socrates explains to Meno his view that no one wants bad
things, unless they do not know what is good and bad in the first place).[121]
Scholars have been puzzled by Socrates's view that akrasia (acting because of one's
irrational passions, contrary to one's knowledge or beliefs) is impossible. Most
believe that Socrates left no space for irrational desires, although some claim
that Socrates acknowledged the existence of irrational motivations, but denied they
play a primary role in decision-making.[122]

Religion

Henri Estienne's 1578 edition of Euthyphro, parallel Latin and Greek text.
Estienne's translations were heavily used and reprinted for more than two
centuries.[123] Socrates's discussion with Euthyphro still remains influential in
theological debates.[124]
Socrates's religious nonconformity challenged the views of his times and his
critique reshaped religious discourse for the coming centuries.[125] In Ancient
Greece, organized religion was fragmented, celebrated in a number of festivals for
specific gods, such as the City Dionysia, or in domestic rituals, and there were no
sacred texts. Religion intermingled with the daily life of citizens, who performed
their personal religious duties mainly with sacrifices to various gods.[126]
Whether Socrates was a practicing man of religion or a 'provocateur atheist' has
been a point of debate since ancient times; his trial included impiety accusations,
and the controversy has not yet ceased.[127]

Socrates discusses divinity and the soul mostly in Alcibiades, Euthyphro, and
Apology.[128] In Alcibiades Socrates links the human soul to divinity, concluding
"Then this part of her resembles God, and whoever looks at this, and comes to know
all that is divine, will gain thereby the best knowledge of himself."[129] His
discussions on religion always fall under the lens of his rationalism.[130]
Socrates, in Euthyphro, reaches a conclusion which takes him far from the age's
usual practice: he considers sacrifices to the gods to be useless, especially when
they are driven by the hope of receiving a reward in return. Instead he calls for
philosophy and the pursuit of knowledge to be the principal way of worshipping the
gods.[131] His rejection of traditional forms of piety, connecting them to self-
interest, implied that Athenians should seek religious experience by self-
examination.[132]

Socrates argued that the gods were inherently wise and just, a perception far from
traditional religion at that time.[133] In Euthyphro, the Euthyphro dilemma arises.
Socrates questions his interlocutor about the relationship between piety and the
will of a powerful god: Is something good because it is the will of this god, or is
it the will of this god because it is good?[134] In other words, does piety follow
the good, or the god? The trajectory of Socratic thought contrasts with traditional
Greek theology, which took lex talionis (the eye for an eye principle) for granted.
Socrates thought that goodness is independent from gods, and gods must themselves
be pious.[135]

Socrates affirms a belief in gods in Plato's Apology, where he says to the jurors
that he acknowledges gods more than his accusers.[136] For Plato's Socrates, the
existence of gods is taken for granted; in none of his dialogues does he probe
whether gods exist or not.[137] In Apology, a case for Socrates being agnostic can
be made, based on his discussion of the great unknown after death,[138] and in
Phaedo (the dialogue with his students in his last day) Socrates gives expression
to a clear belief in the immortality of the soul.[139] He also believed in oracles,
divinations and other messages from gods. These signs did not offer him any
positive belief on moral issues; rather, they were predictions of unfavorable
future events.[140]

In Xenophon's Memorabilia, Socrates constructs an argument close to the

contemporary teleological intelligent-design argument. He claims that since there
are many features in the universe that exhibit "signs of forethought" (e.g.,
eyelids), a divine creator must have created the universe.[137] He then deduces
that the creator should be omniscient and omnipotent and also that it created the
universe for the advance of humankind, since humans naturally have many abilities
that other animals do not.[141] At times, Socrates speaks of a single deity, while
at other times he refers to plural "gods". This has been interpreted to mean that
he either believed that a supreme deity commanded other gods, or that various gods
were parts, or manifestations, of this single deity.[142]

The relationship of Socrates's religious beliefs with his strict adherence to

rationalism has been subject to debate.[143] Philosophy professor Mark McPherran
suggests that Socrates interpreted every divine sign through secular rationality
for confirmation.[144] Professor of ancient philosophy A. A. Long suggests that it
is anachronistic to suppose that Socrates believed the religious and rational
realms were separate.[145]

Socratic daimonion

Alcibiades Receiving Instruction from Socrates, a 1776 painting by François-André

Vincent, depicting Socrates's daimon[146]
In several texts (e.g., Plato's Euthyphro 3b5; Apology 31c–d; Xenophon's
Memorabilia 1.1.2) Socrates claims he hears a daimōnic sign—an inner voice heard
usually when he was about to make a mistake. Socrates gave a brief description of
this daimonion at his trial (Apology 31c–d): "...The reason for this is something
you have heard me frequently mention in different places—namely, the fact that I
experience something divine and daimonic, as Meletus has inscribed in his
indictment, by way of mockery. It started in my childhood, the occurrence of a
particular voice. Whenever it occurs, it always deters me from the course of action
I was intending to engage in, but it never gives me positive advice. It is this
that has opposed my practicing politics, and I think its doing so has been
absolutely fine."[147] Modern scholarship has variously interpreted this Socratic
daimōnion as a rational source of knowledge, an impulse, a dream or even a
paranormal experience felt by an ascetic Socrates.[148]

Virtue and knowledge

Socrates's theory of virtue states that all virtues are essentially one, since they
are a form of knowledge.[149] For Socrates, the reason a person is not good is
because they lack knowledge. Since knowledge is united, virtues are united as well.
Another famous dictum—"no one errs willingly"—also derives from this theory.[150]
In Protagoras, Socrates argues for the unity of virtues using the example of
courage: if someone knows what the relevant danger is, they can undertake a risk.
[149] Aristotle comments: " ... Socrates the elder thought that the end of life was
knowledge of virtue, and he used to seek for the definition of justice, courage,
and each of the parts of virtue, and this was a reasonable approach, since he
thought that all virtues were sciences, and that as soon as one knew [for example]
justice, he would be just..."[151]

Love

Socrates and Alcibiades, by Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg, 1813–1816

Some texts suggest that Socrates had love affairs with Alcibiades and other young
persons; others suggest that Socrates's friendship with young boys sought only to
improve them and were not sexual. In Gorgias, Socrates claims he was a dual lover
of Alcibiades and philosophy, and his flirtatiousness is evident in Protagoras,
Meno (76a–c) and Phaedrus (227c–d). However, the exact nature of his relationship
with Alcibiades is not clear; Socrates was known for his self-restraint, while
Alcibiades admits in the Symposium that he had tried to seduce Socrates but failed.
[152]

The Socratic theory of love is mostly deduced from Lysis, where Socrates discusses
love[153] at a wrestling school in the company of Lysis and his friends. They start
their dialogue by investigating parental love and how it manifests with respect to
the freedom and boundaries that parents set for their children. Socrates concludes
that if Lysis is utterly useless, nobody will love him—not even his parents. While
most scholars believe this text was intended to be humorous, it has also been
suggested that Lysis shows Socrates held an egoistic view of love, according to
which we only love people who are useful to us in some way.[154] Other scholars
disagree with this view, arguing that Socrates's doctrine leaves room for non-
egoistic love for a spouse; still others deny that Socrates suggests any egoistic
motivation at all.[155] In Symposium, Socrates argues that children offer the false
impression of immortality to their parents, and this misconception yields a form of
unity among them.[156] Scholars also note that for Socrates, love is rational.[157]

Socrates, who claims to know only that he does not know, makes an exception (in
Plato's Symposium), where he says he will tell the truth about Love, which he
learned from a 'clever woman'. Classicist Armand D'Angour has made the case that
Socrates was in his youth close to Aspasia, and that Diotima, to whom Socrates
attributes his understanding of love in Symposium, is based on her;[158] however,
it is also possible that Diotima really existed.

Socratic philosophy of politics

While Socrates was involved in public political and cultural debates, it is hard to
define his exact political philosophy. In Plato's Gorgias, he tells Callicles: "I
believe that I'm one of a few Athenians—so as not to say I'm the only one, but the
only one among our contemporaries—to take up the true political craft and practice
the true politics. This is because the speeches I make on each occasion do not aim
at gratification but at what's best."[159] His claim illustrates his aversion for
the established democratic assemblies and procedures such as voting—since Socrates
saw politicians and rhetoricians as using tricks to mislead the public.[160] He
never ran for office or suggested any legislation.[161] Rather, he aimed to help
the city flourish by "improving" its citizens.[160] As a citizen, he abided by the
law. He obeyed the rules and carried out his military duty by fighting wars abroad.
His dialogues, however, make little mention of contemporary political decisions,
such as the Sicilian Expedition.[161]

Socrates spent his time conversing with citizens, among them powerful members of
Athenian society, scrutinizing their beliefs and bringing the contradictions of
their ideas to light. Socrates believed he was doing them a favor since, for him,
politics was about shaping the moral landscape of the city through philosophy
rather than electoral procedures.[162] There is a debate over where Socrates stood
in the polarized Athenian political climate, which was divided between oligarchs
and democrats. While there is no clear textual evidence, one widely held theory
holds that Socrates leaned towards democracy: he disobeyed the one order that the
oligarchic government of the Thirty Tyrants gave him; he respected the laws and
political system of Athens (which were formulated by democrats); and, according to
this argument, his affinity for the ideals of democratic Athens was a reason why he
did not want to escape prison and the death penalty. On the other hand, there is
some evidence that Socrates leaned towards oligarchy: most of his friends supported
oligarchy, he was contemptuous of the opinion of the many and was critical of the
democratic process, and Protagoras shows some anti-democratic elements.[163] A less
mainstream argument suggests that Socrates favoured democratic republicanism, a
theory that prioritizes active participation in public life and concern for the
city.[164]

Yet another suggestion is that Socrates endorsed views in line with liberalism, a
political ideology formed in the Age of Enlightenment. This argument is mostly
based on Crito and Apology, where Socrates talks about the mutually beneficial
relationship between the city and its citizens. According to Socrates, citizens are
morally autonomous and free to leave the city if they wish—but, by staying within
the city, they also accept the laws and the city's authority over them.[165] On the
other hand, Socrates has been seen as the first proponent of civil disobedience.
Socrates's strong objection to injustice, along with his refusal to serve the
Thirty Tyrants' order to arrest Leon, are suggestive of this line. As he says in
Critias, "One ought never act unjustly, even to repay a wrong that has been done to
oneself."[166] Ιn the broader picture, Socrates's advice would be for citizens to
follow the orders of the state, unless, after much reflection, they deem them to be
unjust.[167]

Legacy
Hellenistic era

Carnelian gem imprint representing Socrates, Rome, 1st century BC–1st century AD
(left); Wall painting at a house depicting Socrates, 1st–5th century AD, Museum of
Ephesus (right)
Socrates's impact was immense in philosophy after his death. With the exception of
the Epicureans and the Pyrrhonists, almost all philosophical currents after
Socrates traced their roots to him: Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, the
Cynics, and the Stoics.[168] Interest in Socrates kept increasing until the third
century AD.[169] The various schools differed in response to fundamental questions
such as the purpose of life or the nature of arete (virtue), since Socrates had not
handed them an answer, and therefore, philosophical schools subsequently diverged
greatly in their interpretlues" was inducted into the Blues Foundation Hall of Fame
in the "Classic of Blues Recording – Single or Album Track" category.[106] Writing
for the foundation, Jim O'Neal said that "Regardless of mythology and rock 'n' roll
renditions, Johnson's record was indeed a powerful one, a song that would stand the
test of time on its own."[107] In 1998, it received a Grammy Hall of Fame Award to
acknowledge its quality and place in recording history.[108] Rolling Stone magazine
ranked "Cross Road Blues" at number 481 on its 2021 list of the "500 Greatest Songs
of All Time".[109] In 1995, the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame listed both Johnson and
Cream's renditionndeed a powerful one, a song that would stand the test of time on
its own."[107] In 1998, it received a Grammy Hall of Fame Award to acknowledge its
quality and place in recording history.[108] Rolling Stone magazine ranked "Cross
Road Blues" at number 481 on its 2021 list of the "500 Greatest Songs of All Time".
[109] In 1995, the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame listed both Johnson and Cream's
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Universo

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Herramientas
Para otros usos de este término, véase Universo (desambiguación).
Universo

La imagen de luz visible más profunda del cosmos, el Campo Ultra Profundo del
Hubble.
Edad 13 799±21 millones de años calculados
Diámetro Al menos 93 000 millones de años luz
Masa (materia ordinaria) Al menos 1053 kg
Densidad media 4.5x10−31 g/cm³
Temperatura media 2.72548 K
Contenidos principales Materia ordinaria (bariónica) (4.9 %)
Materia oscura (26.8 %)
Energía oscura (68.3 %)
Forma Plano, con un margen de error de 0.4 %
vte
Cosmología física

Big Bang y evolución del universo

Artículos
Universo primitivo Teoría del Big Bang · Inflación cósmica · Bariogénesis ·
Nucleosíntesis primordial · Creacionismo
Expansión Expansión métrica del espacio · Expansión acelerada del universo · Ley
de Hubble · Corrimiento al rojo
Estructura Forma del universo · Espacio-tiempo · Materia bariónica · Universo ·
Materia oscura · Energía oscura
Experimentos Planck (satélite) · WMAP · COBE
Científicos Albert Einstein · Edwin Hubble · Georges Lemaître · Stephen Hawking ·
George Gamow - Mustapha Ishak-Boushaki
Portales
Principal Cosmología
Otros Física · Astronomía · Exploración espacial · Sistema Solar
El universo es el conjunto de todas las entidades físicamente detectables que
interactúan entre ellas dentro del espacio-tiempo de acuerdo a las leyes físicas
definidas. Sin embargo, el término también se utiliza informalmente en sentidos
contextuales ligeramente diferentes y alude a conceptos como cosmos, mundo,
naturaleza o realidad.1 Su estudio, en las mayores escalas, es el objeto de la
cosmología, disciplina basada en la astronomía y la física, en la cual se describen
todos los aspectos de este universo con sus fenómenos. Las ciencias físicas
modelizan el universo como un sistema cerrado que contiene energía y materia
adscritas al espacio-tiempo y que se rige fundamentalmente por principios causales.
Basándose en observaciones del universo observable, los físicos intentan describir
el continuo espacio-tiempo en el que nos encontramos, junto con toda la materia y
energía existentes en él.

Los experimentos sugieren que el universo se ha regido por las mismas leyes
físicas, constantes a lo largo de su extensión e historia. Es homogéneo e
isotrópico. La fuerza dominante en distancias cósmicas es la gravedad, y la
relatividad general es actualmente la teoría más exacta para describirla. Las otras
tres fuerzas fundamentales, y las partículas en las que actúan, son descritas por
el modelo estándar.

El universo tiene por lo menos tres dimensiones de espacio y una de tiempo, aunque
experimentalmente no se pueden descartar dimensiones adicionales. El espacio-tiempo
parece estar conectado de forma sencilla, y el espacio tiene una curvatura media
muy pequeña o incluso nula, de manera que la geometría euclidiana es, como norma
general, exacta en todo el universo.

La teoría actualmente más aceptada sobre la formación del universo fue teorizada
por el canónigo belga Georges Lemaître, a partir de las ecuaciones de Albert
Einstein. Lemaître concluyó (en oposición a lo que pensaba Einstein) que el
universo no era estacionario, sino que tenía un origen. Este es el modelo del Big
Bang, que describe la expansión del espacio-tiempo a partir de una singularidad
espaciotemporal. El universo experimentó un rápido periodo de inflación cósmica que
arrasó todas las irregularidades iniciales. A partir de entonces el universo se
expandió y se convirtió en estable, más frío y menos denso. Las variaciones menores
en la distribución de la masa dieron como resultado la segregación fractal en
porciones, que se encuentran en el universo actual como cúmulos de galaxias.
Las observaciones astronómicas indican que el universo tiene una edad de 13 799±21
millones de años (entre 13 778 y 13 820 millones de años con un intervalo de
confianza del 68%) y por lo menos 93 000 millones de años luz de extensión.2

Debido a que, según la teoría de la relatividad especial, la materia no puede

moverse a una velocidad superior a la velocidad de la luz, puede parecer paradójico
que dos objetos del universo puedan haberse sepCorea

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Coordenadas: 38°19′00″N 127°14′00″E (mapa)
Corea
한국 (coreano) (Corea del Sur)
조선 (coreano) (Corea del Norte)

Bandera
Lema: 홍익인간 / 弘益人間
Hong-ik-in-gan
(en coreano: «Beneficiar ampliamente a la humanidad» o «Devoción por el bienestar
humano») (Corea del Sur)
강성대국
Kangsŏngtaeguk
(en coreano: «Fuerte y gran nación») (Corea del Norte)
Himno: 애국가 / 愛國歌
Aegukga
(en coreano: «La canción patriótica») (Corea del Sur)
애국가
Aegukka
(en coreano: «La canción patriótica») (Corea del Norte)

Capital Seúl (Corea del Sur)

Pionyang (Corea del Norte)
38°19′00″N 127°14′00″E Ver y modificar los datos en Wikidata
Ciudad más poblada Seúl
Idioma oficial Coreano
Gentilicio Coreano, -na
Forma de gobierno En disputa entre Corea del Sur y Corea del Norte
• Presidente de Corea del Sur Yoon Suk-yeol
• Líder Supremo de Corea del Norte Kim Jong-un
• Primer ministro de Corea del Sur Han Duck-soo
• Premier de Corea del Norte Kim Tok-hun
Superficie
• Total 223 155 km²
Población total
• Censo (2017) 77 000 000 hab.
• Densidad 349,06 hab./km²
Moneda Won surcoreano (Corea del Sur)
Won norcoreano (Corea del Norte) (₩)
Huso horario KST (UTC+9) (Corea del Sur)
PYT (UTC+8) (Corea del Norte)
Código ISO 410 / KOR / KR (Corea del Sur)
408 / PRK / KP (Corea del Norte)
Dominio internet .kr (Corea del Sur)
.kp (Corea del Norte)
Prefijo telefónico +82 (Corea del Sur)
+850 (Corea del Norte)
Prefijo radiofónico D7A-D9Z, HLA-HLZ, DSA-DTZ, 6KA-6NZ (Corea del Sur)
P5A-P9Z / HMA-HMZ (Corea del Norte)
Siglas país para aeronaves HL (Corea del Sur)
P (Corea del Norte)
Siglas país para automóviles ROK (Corea del Sur)
KP (Corea del Norte)
[editar datos en Wikidata]
Para otros usos de este término, véase Corea (desambiguación).
Corea

Coordenadas 38°19′00″N 127°14′00″E

Localización administrativa
País Imperio del Japón, Dinastía Joseon, Imperio de Corea, Goryeo, Silla
unificada, Tres Reinos Tardíos y Tres Reinos de Corea
[editar datos en Wikidata]
Corea (escrito en Corea del Sur como Hanguk [en hangul, 한국; en hanja, 韓國;
McCune-Reischauer, Han'kuk; literalmente, «Pueblo de los Han»] y en Corea del Norte
como Chosŏn [en chosŏn'gŭl, 조선; en hancha, 朝鮮, romanización revisada, Joseon])
es una región de Asia Oriental. En la historia moderna, hace referencia a Corea del
Sur (República de Corea) y a Corea del Norte (República Popular Democrática de
Corea).1 En la historia moderna y contemporánea, se aplicó al Imperio coreano
establecido por Gojong en 1897. En un sentido amplio, Corea es un término colectivo
para muchas naciones coreanas establecidas en la península después de la dinastía
Joseon. De esta palabra se derivan nombres para la nación o pueblo Hanminjok,
Hanguk-in, Hanguksaram (한민족/한국인/한국사람?, 韓民族/韓國人/韓國사람?) o Chosŏnminjok,
Chosŏnin, Chosŏnsaram (조선민족/조선인/조선사람?, 朝鮮民族/朝鮮人/朝鮮사람?,
Joseonminjok/Joseonin/JoseonsaramRR), la lengua Hangugeo (한국어?, 韓國語?) o
Chosŏnmal (조선말?, 朝鮮말?, JoseonmalRR) y el rasgo geográfico Hanbando (한반도?, 韓半
島?) o Chosŏnbando (조선반도?, 朝鮮半島?, JoseonbandoRR).

El territorio comprende la península de Corea, que se extiende a lo largo de 1000

km de norte a sur. La península limita al norte con China y Rusia. Al este se
encuentra el mar de Japón, después del cual se halla el vecino Japón. Además de la
península, Corea cuenta con alrededor de 3200 islas, siendo la más grande Jeju. La
cadena montañosa de Taebaeksan corre a lo largo de la costa oriental, donde las
grandes olas del mar de Japón han esculpido enormes acantilados e islotes rocosos.
Las laderas del sur y del oeste presentan un relieve suave, que forma llanuras y
una multitud de pequeñas islas con caletas. La cumbre más alta es la montaña
Baekdusan o monte Paektu, en Corea del Norte, que se eleva 2744 m s. n. m., en la
frontera septentrional que colinda con China.

A la región cultural de Corea, también se suele incluir a la región histórica de

Jiandao, y específicamente la Prefectura autónoma coreana de Yanbian, perteneciente
a la República Popular China.

Historia
Artículo principal: Historia de Corea
Véanse también: Historia de Corea del Norte e Historia de Corea del Sur.
La República de Corea (Corea del Sur) y la República Popular Democrática de Corea
(Corea del Norte) han mantenido una relación bastante frágil desde que se separaron
en 1948, manteniendo una relación de guerra y de constantes discusiones por el
control y la estabilidad de Corea. Desde ese año de 1948 están separadas por su
frontera en el Paralelo 38, acuerdo que puso fin al estado de guerra, pero en 2013
se rompió esta tregua dando inicio a una nueva crisis.

Seúl ha sido la capital de Corea durante 600 años, desde los tiempos de la dinastía
Joseon (1392-1910). Por aquel entonces Seúl tenía el nombre de “Han Yang”, pero
después de la liberación de Japón en 1945, la nueva República de Corea adoptó el
nombre de Seúl para su ciudad capital. Seúl se desarrolló rápidamente en una
metrópoli, cumpliendo el papel de centro de las cuestiones políticas, económicas,
sociales y culturales.

Superficie : 605,52 km²

Población: 25.000.000 habitantes (estadística de 2020).
Go-Joseon (2333 a. C.-37 a. C.)
Según el Samguk Yusa (escrito en el siglo 13 d. C.), la primera dinastía de Corea
fue Hwarang. La segunda dinastía fue Gojoseon (entre el siglo IV y el siglo II a.
C.) fue creada por Tangun o Dangun en el sur de Manchuria y norte de Corea.
Recientes estudios indican que el pueblo de Go-Joseon pertenecía a la familia
lingüística de los tunguses.[cita requerida]

Era de los Tres Reinos (37 a. C.-668 d. C.) y Balhae (713-926)

Artículo principal: Tres Reinos de Corea

Gruta de Sokkuram.
Los estudiosos, en general, creen que los primeros reinos o Estados en la península
coreana empezaron a formarse durante la Edad de Bronce (1000-300 a. C.). De ellos,
el reino supuestamente fundado por Zu-a, conocido generalmente por Gojoseon o
Joseon Antiguo, pronto surgió como el más poderoso y consolidó su poder al inicio
del siglo ii a. C.

Ante el poder emergente de Joseon Antiguo, China comenzó a preocuparse más y más.
El emperador chino Han Wuti lanzó una invasión en el 109 a. C. Destruyó el reino al
siguiente año y estableció cuatro colonias militares para administrar la parte
norteña, mitad de la península. Sin embargo, después de un siglo, emergió un nuevo
reino llamado Goguryeo (37 a. C.-668 d. C.) en la parte norteña de la península
Goguryeo. Era una nación de guerreros guiados por reyes agresivos y valientes como
el rey Gwanggaeto (que reinó entre el 391 y el 410). Conquistó a tribus vecinas una
tras otra, y expandió prácticamente su reino en todas las direcciones. Finalmente
expulsó a los chinos de su última colonia militar, Nangnang (Lo-lang en chino) en
el 313. En su apogeo, su territorio se extendía hasta el interior de Manchuria, y
al sur llegaba hasta la mitad sureña de la península coreana.

Cheomseongdae en Gyeongju.
Un nuevo reino llamado Baekje (18 a. C. .-660 d. C.) se desarrolló al sur del río
Hanggang (parte del Seúl actual). Los de Baekje eran más pacíficos que los feroces
guerreros de Goguryeo y emigraron al sur huyendo de la amenaza de su rival norteño.
En el siglo i, Baekje se estableció firme como un Estado próspero y civilizado,
haciendo intenso comercio con sus vecinos de ultramar. En realidad, Baekje sirvió
como puente importante para la transmisión de la cultura continental a Japón: les
pasó el budismo, la escritura china y sus sistemas políticos y sociales. El doctor
Wang In fue maestro del príncipe de Japón.

Silla (57 a. C.-668 d. C.), el más lejano a China, al principio era el reino más
débil y menos desarrollado de los tres. Fue el último en aceptar ideas y credos
extranjeros, y su sociedad estaba marcadamente dividida en clases sociales. Sin
embargo, Silla creció rápidamente gracias a los recursos de su singular Cuerpo de
Hwarang (‘flor de juventud’) y de las enseñanzas budistas.

A mediados del siglo vii, Silla consolidó su poder y territorio, formó una alianza
militar con T'ang de China para someter Goguryeo y Baekje. Las fuerzas aliadas de
Silla y T'ang tuvieron éxito, y la península fue unificada por primera vez en el
año 668. Después de eso, los sobrevivientes del reino Goguryeo expulsaron a las
fuerzas de T'ang de Manchuria y de la parte septentrional de la península, y
fundaron allí el reino de Balhae en el año 698.

Aunque políticamente estaban separados, los tres reinos de Goguryeo, Baekje y Silla
estaban relacionados étnica y lingüísticamente. Cada uno de ellos desarrolló una
sofisticada estructura política y adoptó la ética confuciana y la fe budista.

Silla Unificada (668-935) y Balhae

Véanse también: Silla (Corea) y Balhae.

La Corona de Shilla en Museo Nacional de Corea.

Durante dos siglos y medio, Silla disfrutó de paz y estabilidad. Liberado de las
preocupaciones de luchas internas y de invasiones externas, originó el rápido
florecimiento del arte, la religión, el comercio, la educación y otras disciplinas.
La capital de Silla, en la actualidad Gyeongju, tenía una población de más de un
millón de habitantes y se ufanaba de sus magníficos palacios reales y templos
budistas.

El budismo floreció bajo la protección de la nobleza y la corte, y ejerció una gran

influencia en los asuntos del Estado, en el arte y la moral. Algunos de los
monumentos históricos más sobresalientes de Corea se atribuyen al genio creativo y
fervor religioso de los artistas de aquella época. Entre ellos podemos citar el
templo Bulguksa y la gruta de Seokguram, ambos en las cercanías de Gyeongju.

Silla alcanzó el apogeo de su prosperidad y poderío a mediados del siglo ¥•,

después entró en lenta decadencia. Se intensificaron los conflictos entre los
nobles; los líderes rebeldes reclamaban el derecho a la sucesión de los reinos
derrocados, Goguryeo y Baekje. En el año 935 el rey dejó las riendas del Estado en
manos de Wang Geon (rey Taejo, su nombre posterior), fundador de la dinastía
Goryeo.

Después de la caída de Goguryeo, Dae Jayeong, un exgeneral de Goguryeo, formó un

ejército con gente de Goguryeo y de Malgal (una tribu de Tungus), y emigró al
territorio controlado por China. Finalmente se establecieron cerca de Jilin en
Manchuria, allí Dae Joyeong fundó un Estado que al principio se llamó Chin, pero en
713 fue redenominado como Balhae (Bolhai, en chino). Balhae pronto recuperó el
territorio antiguo de Goguryeo. La mayoría de la clase gobernante de Balhae era
gente de Goguryeo. Balhae se declaró como sucesor de Goguryeo, y a veces era
llamado por Goryeoguk (Estado de Goryeo).

El sistema político de Balhae era semejante al de Tang, y su capital Sanggyeong

tenía por modelo la capital de Tang, Chan-an. Su cultura distintiva tenía
influencia de Tang y Goguryeo. Cuando Balhae fue invadido por Khitan en los
primeros años del siglo X, su clase dominante se refugió en el nuevo Estado de
Goryeo.

Goryeo (918-1392)
Artículo principal: Goryeo

El Cheongja.
El monarca fundador de Goryeo (918-1392), Wang Geon, era un general que había
servido a un príncipe rebelde de Silla. Escogiendo su ciudad natal Song-do, la
actual Gaeseong, situada a unos 60° al norte de Seúl, como sede del reino, anunció
una política de recuperación del territorio perdido de Goguryeo en Manchuria. Por
esta razón, llamó a su reino Goryeo, del que procede el actual nombre de Corea.2345
67
Desde el principio, la corte real de Goryeo adoptó el budismo como la religión
oficial del Estado. El budismo alcanzó un gran esplendor y estimuló la construcción
de templos y la talla de imágenes de Buda, así como las pinturas de estilo
iconográfico. Sin embargo, los templos y los monjes llegaron a detentar un poder
excesivo, y durante los últimos años de este reino, los conflictos entre
funcionarios letrados y guerreros debilitaron el país. Las incursiones de mongoles,
que comenzaron en 1231, terminaron en la ocupación de Goryeo durante casi un siglo.

Joseon (1392-1910)
Artículo principal: Dinastía Joseon
Véase también: Imperio de Corea

Namdaemun.
El confucionismo llega a Corea aproximadamente a comienzos de la era cristiana,
casi al mismo tiempo de la llegada de los primeros documentos escritos de China.
Sin embargo, no llegó a influir tanto a la sociedad coreana sino hasta el inicio de
la dinastía Joseon (1392-1910).
El fundador de la dinastía Joseon, Yi Seong-gye (su nombre póstumo fue rey Taejo),
usó la influencia de los intelectuales confucianos para derrocar la dinastía
Goryeo. En 1394 trasladó la capital de Kaesong, donde todavía era fuerte la
influencia budista, a Seúl. Así Seúl se convirtió en una de las capitales más
antiguas del mundo. El confucianismo penetró en toda la vida de los coreanos.

Los soberanos de Joseon gobernaron valiéndose de un sofisticado y equilibrado

sistema político basado en principios confucianos. Para ser funcionario del
gobierno, uno tenía que presentarse a gwageo, un examen que consistía en medir el
conocimiento sobre los clásicos (king) chinos.
El confucianismo también determinó la rígida estructura social. La sociedad, en
general, dio un alto valor a los estudios académicos; en cambio desdeñó el comercio
y la manufactura. En la cumbre estaba la clase yangban o clase estudiosa y
aristócrata que dominaba la administración, el ejército y la sociedad. Después de
ellos estaba la clase media llamada junjin, que consistía en los profesionales como
funcionarios inferiores del gobierno, médicos, abogados y artistas. Debajo de esta
clase estaba sangmin, clase plebeya formada por la mayoría de la población.
Generalmente eran los agricultores, los comerciantes y artesanos. En el fondo de la
sociedad estaba la clase cheonmin formada por los siervos, esclavos, la clase más
baja o de los marginados.

Se dice que la dinastía Joseon tuvo su periodo de esplendor bajo el reinado de

Sejong (r. 1418-1450), el cuarto monarca de Joseon. Durante su reinado, Corea gozó
de un gran florecimiento cultural y artístico.

En 1593 el sacerdote español Gregorio Céspedes es el primer occidental que

desembarca en este país; cuatro cartas que escribió dan fe de ello.

En las postrimerías del siglo xvi, tropas japonesas al mando de Toyotomi Hideyoshi
invadieron la península y arrasaron la mayor parte de Joseon, de camino hacia
China. La mayor parte de la península fue devastada.

Fortaleza de Hwasong.
Los patriotas coreanos hicieron resistencia espiritual y, gracias a los héroes como
el Almirante Yi Sun-sin, pudieron cortar las líneas de suministro de los japoneses.
Estos empezaron a retirarse por la muerte de Hideyoshi, y la guerra se terminó en
1598, después de haber hecho un terrible daño a Corea.

Corea fue invadida otra vez en 1627 y 1636 por los manchúes, que previamente habían
vencido a la dinastía Ming de China, y establecieron la dinastía Qing (1644-1911).
Más o menos en esta época, un movimiento conocido como Silhak o Escuela de Estudios
Prácticos empezó a ganar una fuerza considerable entre los letrados funcionarios
liberales. Los de Silhak querían transformar el Estado en una nación moderna.
Insistieron mucho en la modernización agrícola e industrial y en las reformas de la
distribución de la tierra. Desdichadamente, como estos intelectuales no poseían el
poder, el gobierno conservador no acogió sus ideas para la política.
Así Corea quedó como un reino ermitaño, firmemente opuesto al Occidente y a sus
ideas, tecnología, diplomacia y comercio. Por esta razón, Corea no estaba preparada
para tratar el cambio rápido de sucesos a fines del siglo XIX, cuando Japón derrotó
a China, que era protectora de Corea. Japón, que se había erigido como una nueva
potencia industrial en Asia, se anexionó a Corea en 1905 y la convirtió en su
colonia en 1910. Así se extinguió la dinastía Joseon.

Ocupación del Japón y el Movimiento para la Independencia de Corea (1910-1945)

Artículos principales: Ocupación japonesa de Corea y Movimiento primero de marzo.
La invasión general japonesa de Corea tuvo una motivación económica. Seúl fue
principalmente orientada a la explotación económica del país, dando tierras gratis
o a precios muy bajos a los agricultores y pescadores japoneses. Grandes cantidades
de arroz fueron enviadas al Japón, mientras los coreanos sufrían una seria escasez
de comida. El código del guerrero samurái o bushido fue malinterpretado y
reutilizado por los líderes japoneses para legitimar la inferioridad étnica de la
nueva colonia y la posibilidad de que las más diversas crueldades fueran permitidas
al ejército invasor. Un acontecimiento paralelo a lo ocurrido en China, cuando
Manchuria pasó a ser Manchukuo. Un ejemplo paradigmático de esta posición hacia los
vencidos es el genocidio de Nankín (véase en "Masacre de Nankín") en China. El
estándar de vida del pueblo coreano se deterioró drásticamente; miles de
agricultores coreanos se vieron obligados a trasladarse a Manchuria o al Japón en
búsqueda de una vida mejor. Sin embargo, allí la vida tampoco era mejor para los
recién llegados, ya que por su origen fueron asimismo discriminados.

La ley colonial japonesa estimuló el aumento del nacionalismo de los coreanos

reprimidos. El primero de marzo de 1919, treinta y tres patriotas coreanos se
juntaron en el parque Pagoda de Seúl para proclamar la Declaración de
Independencia. Esto reavivó el movimiento por todo el país pidiendo el fin del
colonialismo japonés, pero este movimiento fue reprimido brutalmente por las
fuerzas militares japonesas con la pérdida de miles de vidas coreanas.

Este evento, más tarde conocido como Movimiento de Independencia de Samil (primero
de marzo), fue un hito en la lucha coreana por la libertad. Aunque no pudo derrotar
a Japón, fortaleció el sentimiento de identidad nacional y patriotismo del pueblo
coreano, y llevó al establecimiento de un Gobierno Provisional desde Shanghái, en
China, y a la organización de la lucha armada en Manchuria contra los colonialistas
japoneses.

El gobierno del Japón de ese entonces impuso una política de asimilación de los
coreanos a la cultura japonesa en las escuelas, y se les obligó por la fuerza a
adoptar tanto el idioma, costumbres, vestimenta y nombres al estilo japonés e
inclusive la instrucción de algunas de las artes marciales del colonizador como el
karate, el judo y el kendo. Sin embargo, los coreanos lograron mantener su
identidad cultural a pesar de las dificultades, tomando y refinando los movimientos
de las artes marciales tradicionales japonesas, junto con las artes marciales
clásicas coreanas, como el sibpalki, el hwa rang do, su bak do y el taekkyon, de
las que más adelante surgieron las artes marciales mCorea

Artículo
Discusión
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Herramientas
Coordenadas: 38°19′00″N 127°14′00″E (mapa)
Corea
한국 (coreano) (Corea del Sur)
조선 (coreano) (Corea del Norte)

Bandera
Lema: 홍익인간 / 弘益人間
Hong-ik-in-gan
(en coreano: «Beneficiar ampliamente a la humanidad» o «Devoción por el bienestar
humano») (Corea del Sur)
강성대국
Kangsŏngtaeguk
(en coreano: «Fuerte y gran nación») (Corea del Norte)
Himno: 애국가 / 愛國歌
Aegukga
(en coreano: «La canción patriótica») (Corea del Sur)
애국가
Aegukka
(en coreano: «La canción patriótica») (Corea del Norte)

Capital Seúl (Corea del Sur)

Pionyang (Corea del Norte)
38°19′00″N 127°14′00″E Ver y modificar los datos en Wikidata
Ciudad más poblada Seúl
Idioma oficial Coreano
Gentilicio Coreano, -na
Forma de gobierno En disputa entre Corea del Sur y Corea del Norte
• Presidente de Corea del Sur Yoon Suk-yeol
• Líder Supremo de Corea del Norte Kim Jong-un
• Primer ministro de Corea del Sur Han Duck-soo
• Premier de Corea del Norte Kim Tok-hun
Superficie
• Total 223 155 km²
Población total
• Censo (2017) 77 000 000 hab.
• Densidad 349,06 hab./km²
Moneda Won surcoreano (Corea del Sur)
Won norcoreano (Corea del Norte) (₩)
Huso horario KST (UTC+9) (Corea del Sur)
PYT (UTC+8) (Corea del Norte)
Código ISO 410 / KOR / KR (Corea del Sur)
408 / PRK / KP (Corea del Norte)
Dominio internet .kr (Corea del Sur)
.kp (Corea del Norte)
Prefijo telefónico +82 (Corea del Sur)
+850 (Corea del Norte)
Prefijo radiofónico D7A-D9Z, HLA-HLZ, DSA-DTZ, 6KA-6NZ (Corea del Sur)
P5A-P9Z / HMA-HMZ (Corea del Norte)
Siglas país para aeronaves HL (Corea del Sur)
P (Corea del Norte)
Siglas país para automóviles ROK (Corea del Sur)
KP (Corea del Norte)
[editar datos en Wikidata]
Para otros usos de este término, véase Corea (desambiguación).
Corea
Coordenadas 38°19′00″N 127°14′00″E
Localización administrativa
País Imperio del Japón, Dinastía Joseon, Imperio de Corea, Goryeo, Silla
unificada, Tres Reinos Tardíos y Tres Reinos de Corea
[editar datos en Wikidata]
Corea (escrito en Corea del Sur como Hanguk [en hangul, 한국; en hanja, 韓國;
McCune-Reischauer, Han'kuk; literalmente, «Pueblo de los Han»] y en Corea del Norte
como Chosŏn [en chosŏn'gŭl, 조선; en hancha, 朝鮮, romanización revisada, Joseon])
es una región de Asia Oriental. En la historia moderna, hace referencia a Corea del
Sur (República de Corea) y a Corea del Norte (República Popular Democrática de
Corea).1 En la historia moderna y contemporánea, se aplicó al Imperio coreano
establecido por Gojong en 1897. En un sentido amplio, Corea es un término colectivo
para muchas naciones coreanas establecidas en la península después de la dinastía
Joseon. De esta palabra se derivan nombres para la nación o pueblo Hanminjok,
Hanguk-in, Hanguksaram (한민족/한국인/한국사람?, 韓民族/韓國人/韓國사람?) o Chosŏnminjok,
Chosŏnin, Chosŏnsaram (조선민족/조선인/조선사람?, 朝鮮民族/朝鮮人/朝鮮사람?,
Joseonminjok/Joseonin/JoseonsaramRR), la lengua Hangugeo (한국어?, 韓國語?) o
Chosŏnmal (조선말?, 朝鮮말?, JoseonmalRR) y el rasgo geográfico Hanbando (한반도?, 韓半
島?) o Chosŏnbando (조선반도?, 朝鮮半島?, JoseonbandoRR).

El territorio comprende la península de Corea, que se extiende a lo largo de 1000

km de norte a sur. La península limita al norte con China y Rusia. Al este se
encuentra el mar de Japón, después del cual se halla el vecino Japón. Además de la
península, Corea cuenta con alrededor de 3200 islas, siendo la más grande Jeju. La
cadena montañosa de Taebaeksan corre a lo largo de la costa oriental, donde las
grandes olas del mar de Japón han esculpido enormes acantilados e islotes rocosos.
Las laderas del sur y del oeste presentan un relieve suave, que forma llanuras y
una multitud de pequeñas islas con caletas. La cumbre más alta es la montaña
Baekdusan o monte Paektu, en Corea del Norte, que se eleva 2744 m s. n. m., en la
frontera septentrional que colinda con China.

A la región cultural de Corea, también se suele incluir a la región histórica de

Jiandao, y específicamente la Prefectura autónoma coreana de Yanbian, perteneciente
a la República Popular China.

Historia
Artículo principal: Historia de Corea
Véanse también: Historia de Corea del Norte e Historia de Corea del Sur.
La República de Corea (Corea del Sur) y la República Popular Democrática de Corea
(Corea del Norte) han mantenido una relación bastante frágil desde que se separaron
en 1948, manteniendo una relación de guerra y de constantes discusiones por el
control y la estabilidad de Corea. Desde ese año de 1948 están separadas por su
frontera en el Paralelo 38, acuerdo que puso fin al estado de guerra, pero en 2013
se rompió esta tregua dando inicio a una nueva crisis.

Seúl ha sido la capital de Corea durante 600 años, desde los tiempos de la dinastía
Joseon (1392-1910). Por aquel entonces Seúl tenía el nombre de “Han Yang”, pero
después de la liberación de Japón en 1945, la nueva República de Corea adoptó el
nombre de Seúl para su ciudad capital. Seúl se desarrolló rápidamente en una
metrópoli, cumpliendo el papel de centro de las cuestiones políticas, económicas,
sociales y culturales.

Superficie : 605,52 km²

Población: 25.000.000 habitantes (estadística de 2020).
Go-Joseon (2333 a. C.-37 a. C.)
Según el Samguk Yusa (escrito en el siglo 13 d. C.), la primera dinastía de Corea
fue Hwarang. La segunda dinastía fue Gojoseon (entre el siglo IV y el siglo II a.
C.) fue creada por Tangun o Dangun en el sur de Manchuria y norte de Corea.
Recientes estudios indican que el pueblo de Go-Joseon pertenecía a la familia
lingüística de los tunguses.[cita requerida]

Era de los Tres Reinos (37 a. C.-668 d. C.) y Balhae (713-926)

Artículo principal: Tres Reinos de Corea

Gruta de Sokkuram.
Los estudiosos, en general, creen que los primeros reinos o Estados en la península
coreana empezaron a formarse durante la Edad de Bronce (1000-300 a. C.). De ellos,
el reino supuestamente fundado por Zu-a, conocido generalmente por Gojoseon o
Joseon Antiguo, pronto surgió como el más poderoso y consolidó su poder al inicio
del siglo ii a. C.

Ante el poder emergente de Joseon Antiguo, China comenzó a preocuparse más y más.
El emperador chino Han Wuti lanzó una invasión en el 109 a. C. Destruyó el reino al
siguiente año y estableció cuatro colonias militares para administrar la parte
norteña, mitad de la península. Sin embargo, después de un siglo, emergió un nuevo
reino llamado Goguryeo (37 a. C.-668 d. C.) en la parte norteña de la península
Goguryeo. Era una nación de guerreros guiados por reyes agresivos y valientes como
el rey Gwanggaeto (que reinó entre el 391 y el 410). Conquistó a tribus vecinas una
tras otra, y expandió prácticamente su reino en todas las direcciones. Finalmente
expulsó a los chinos de su última colonia militar, Nangnang (Lo-lang en chino) en
el 313. En su apogeo, su territorio se extendía hasta el interior de Manchuria, y
al sur llegaba hasta la mitad sureña de la península coreana.

Cheomseongdae en Gyeongju.
Un nuevo reino llamado Baekje (18 a. C. .-660 d. C.) se desarrolló al sur del río
Hanggang (parte del Seúl actual). Los de Baekje eran más pacíficos que los feroces
guerreros de Goguryeo y emigraron al sur huyendo de la amenaza de su rival norteño.
En el siglo i, Baekje se estableció firme como un Estado próspero y civilizado,
haciendo intenso comercio con sus vecinos de ultramar. En realidad, Baekje sirvió
como puente importante para la transmisión de la cultura continental a Japón: les
pasó el budismo, la escritura china y sus sistemas políticos y sociales. El doctor
Wang In fue maestro del príncipe de Japón.

Silla (57 a. C.-668 d. C.), el más lejano a China, al principio era el reino más
débil y menos desarrollado de los tres. Fue el último en aceptar ideas y credos
extranjeros, y su sociedad estaba marcadamente dividida en clases sociales. Sin
embargo, Silla creció rápidamente gracias a los recursos de su singular Cuerpo de
Hwarang (‘flor de juventud’) y de las enseñanzas budistas.

A mediados del siglo vii, Silla consolidó su poder y territorio, formó una alianza
militar con T'ang de China para someter Goguryeo y Baekje. Las fuerzas aliadas de
Silla y T'ang tuvieron éxito, y la península fue unificada por primera vez en el
año 668. Después de eso, los sobrevivientes del reino Goguryeo expulsaron a las
fuerzas de T'ang de Manchuria y de la parte septentrional de la península, y
fundaron allí el reino de Balhae en el año 698.

Aunque políticamente estaban separados, los tres reinos de Goguryeo, Baekje y Silla
estaban relacionados étnica y lingüísticamente. Cada uno de ellos desarrolló una
sofisticada estructura política y adoptó la ética confuciana y la fe budista.

Silla Unificada (668-935) y Balhae

Véanse también: Silla (Corea) y Balhae.

La Corona de Shilla en Museo Nacional de Corea.

Durante dos siglos y medio, Silla disfrutó de paz y estabilidad. Liberado de las
preocupaciones de luchas internas y de invasiones externas, originó el rápido
florecimiento del arte, la religión, el comercio, la educación y otras disciplinas.
La capital de Silla, en la actualidad Gyeongju, tenía una población de más de un
millón de habitantes y se ufanaba de sus magníficos palacios reales y templos
budistas.

El budismo floreció bajo la protección de la nobleza y la corte, y ejerció una gran

influencia en los asuntos del Estado, en el arte y la moral. Algunos de los
monumentos históricos más sobresalientes de Corea se atribuyen al genio creativo y
fervor religioso de los artistas de aquella época. Entre ellos podemos citar el
templo Bulguksa y la gruta de Seokguram, ambos en las cercanías de Gyeongju.

Silla alcanzó el apogeo de su prosperidad y poderío a mediados del siglo ¥•,

después entró en lenta decadencia. Se intensificaron los conflictos entre los
nobles; los líderes rebeldes reclamaban el derecho a la sucesión de los reinos
derrocados, Goguryeo y Baekje. En el año 935 el rey dejó las riendas del Estado en
manos de Wang Geon (rey Taejo, su nombre posterior), fundador de la dinastía
Goryeo.

Después de la caída de Goguryeo, Dae Jayeong, un exgeneral de Goguryeo, formó un

ejército con gente de Goguryeo y de Malgal (una tribu de Tungus), y emigró al
territorio controlado por China. Finalmente se establecieron cerca de Jilin en
Manchuria, allí Dae Joyeong fundó un Estado que al principio se llamó Chin, pero en
713 fue redenominado como Balhae (Bolhai, en chino). Balhae pronto recuperó el
territorio antiguo de Goguryeo. La mayoría de la clase gobernante de Balhae era
gente de Goguryeo. Balhae se declaró como sucesor de Goguryeo, y a veces era
llamado por Goryeoguk (Estado de Goryeo).

El sistema político de Balhae era semejante al de Tang, y su capital Sanggyeong

tenía por modelo la capital de Tang, Chan-an. Su cultura distintiva tenía
influencia de Tang y Goguryeo. Cuando Balhae fue invadido por Khitan en los
primeros años del siglo X, su clase dominante se refugió en el nuevo Estado de
Goryeo.

Goryeo (918-1392)
Artículo principal: Goryeo

El Cheongja.
El monarca fundador de Goryeo (918-1392), Wang Geon, era un general que había
servido a un príncipe rebelde de Silla. Escogiendo su ciudad natal Song-do, la
actual Gaeseong, situada a unos 60° al norte de Seúl, como sede del reino, anunció
una política de recuperación del territorio perdido de Goguryeo en Manchuria. Por
esta razón, llamó a su reino Goryeo, del que procede el actual nombre de Corea.2345
67

Desde el principio, la corte real de Goryeo adoptó el budismo como la religión

oficial del Estado. El budismo alcanzó un gran esplendor y estimuló la construcción
de templos y la talla de imágenes de Buda, así como las pinturas de estilo
iconográfico. Sin embargo, los templos y los monjes llegaron a detentar un poder
excesivo, y durante los últimos años de este reino, los conflictos entre
funcionarios letrados y guerreros debilitaron el país. Las incursiones de mongoles,
que comenzaron en 1231, terminaron en la ocupación de Goryeo durante casi un siglo.

Joseon (1392-1910)
Artículo principal: Dinastía Joseon
Véase también: Imperio de Corea

Namdaemun.
El confucionismo llega a Corea aproximadamente a comienzos de la era cristiana,
casi al mismo tiempo de la llegada de los primeros documentos escritos de China.
Sin embargo, no llegó a influir tanto a la sociedad coreana sino hasta el inicio de
la dinastía Joseon (1392-1910).
El fundador de la dinastía Joseon, Yi Seong-gye (su nombre póstumo fue rey Taejo),
usó la influencia de los intelectuales confucianos para derrocar la dinastía
Goryeo. En 1394 trasladó la capital de Kaesong, donde todavía era fuerte la
influencia budista, a Seúl. Así Seúl se convirtió en una de las capitales más
antiguas del mundo. El confucianismo penetró en toda la vida de los coreanos.

Los soberanos de Joseon gobernaron valiéndose de un sofisticado y equilibrado

sistema político basado en principios confucianos. Para ser funcionario del
gobierno, uno tenía que presentarse a gwageo, un examen que consistía en medir el
conocimiento sobre los clásicos (king) chinos.
El confucianismo también determinó la rígida estructura social. La sociedad, en
general, dio un alto valor a los estudios académicos; en cambio desdeñó el comercio
y la manufactura. En la cumbre estaba la clase yangban o clase estudiosa y
aristócrata que dominaba la administración, el ejército y la sociedad. Después de
ellos estaba la clase media llamada junjin, que consistía en los profesionales como
funcionarios inferiores del gobierno, médicos, abogados y artistas. Debajo de esta
clase estaba sangmin, clase plebeya formada por la mayoría de la población.
Generalmente eran los agricultores, los comerciantes y artesanos. En el fondo de la
sociedad estaba la clase cheonmin formada por los siervos, esclavos, la clase más
baja o de los marginados.

Se dice que la dinastía Joseon tuvo su periodo de esplendor bajo el reinado de

Sejong (r. 1418-1450), el cuarto monarca de Joseon. Durante su reinado, Corea gozó
de un gran florecimiento cultural y artístico.

En 1593 el sacerdote español Gregorio Céspedes es el primer occidental que

desembarca en este país; cuatro cartas que escribió dan fe de ello.

En las postrimerías del siglo xvi, tropas japonesas al mando de Toyotomi Hideyoshi
invadieron la península y arrasaron la mayor parte de Joseon, de camino hacia
China. La mayor parte de la península fue devastada.

Fortaleza de Hwasong.
Los patriotas coreanos hicieron resistencia espiritual y, gracias a los héroes como
el Almirante Yi Sun-sin, pudieron cortar las líneas de suministro de los japoneses.
Estos empezaron a retirarse por la muerte de Hideyoshi, y la guerra se terminó en
1598, después de haber hecho un terrible daño a Corea.

Corea fue invadida otra vez en 1627 y 1636 por los manchúes, que previamente habían
vencido a la dinastía Ming de China, y establecieron la dinastía Qing (1644-1911).
Más o menos en esta época, un movimiento conocido como Silhak o Escuela de Estudios
Prácticos empezó a ganar una fuerza considerable entre los letrados funcionarios
liberales. Los de Silhak querían transformar el Estado en una nación moderna.
Insistieron mucho en la modernización agrícola e industrial y en las reformas de la
distribución de la tierra. Desdichadamente, como estos intelectuales no poseían el
poder, el gobierno conservador no acogió sus ideas para la política.
Así Corea quedó como un reino ermitaño, firmemente opuesto al Occidente y a sus
ideas, tecnología, diplomacia y comercio. Por esta razón, Corea no estaba preparada
para tratar el cambio rápido de sucesos a fines del siglo XIX, cuando Japón derrotó
a China, que era protectora de Corea. Japón, que se había erigido como una nueva
potencia industrial en Asia, se anexionó a Corea en 1905 y la convirtió en su
colonia en 1910. Así se extinguió la dinastía Joseon.

Ocupación del Japón y el Movimiento para la Independencia de Corea (1910-1945)

Artículos principales: Ocupación japonesa de Corea y Movimiento primero de marzo.
La invasión general japonesa de Corea tuvo una motivación económica. Seúl fue
principalmente orientada a la explotación económica del país, dando tierras gratis
o a precios muy bajos a los agricultores y pescadores japoneses. Grandes cantidades
de arroz fueron enviadas al Japón, mientras los coreanos sufrían una seria escasez
de comida. El código del guerrero samurái o bushido fue malinterpretado y
reutilizado por los líderes japoneses para legitimar la inferioridad étnica de la
nueva colonia y la posibilidad de que las más diversas crueldades fueran permitidas
al ejército invasor. Un acontecimiento paralelo a lo ocurrido en China, cuando
Manchuria pasó a ser Manchukuo. Un ejemplo paradigmático de esta posición hacia los
vencidos es el genocidio de Nankín (véase en "Masacre de Nankín") en China. El
estándar de vida del pueblo coreano se deterioró drásticamente; miles de
agricultores coreanos se vieron obligados a trasladarse a Manchuria o al Japón en
búsqueda de una vida mejor. Sin embargo, allí la vida tampoco era mejor para los
recién llegados, ya que por su origen fueron asimismo discriminados.

La ley colonial japonesa estimuló el aumento del nacionalismo de los coreanos

reprimidos. El primero de marzo de 1919, treinta y tres patriotas coreanos se
juntaron en el parque Pagoda de Seúl para proclamar la Declaración de
Independencia. Esto reavivó el movimiento por todo el país pidiendo el fin del
colonialismo japonés, pero este movimiento fue reprimido brutalmente por las
fuerzas militares japonesas con la pérdida de miles de vidas coreanas.

Este evento, más tarde conocido como Movimiento de Independencia de Samil (primero
de marzo), fue un hito en la lucha coreana por la libertad. Aunque no pudo derrotar
a Japón, fortaleció el sentimiento de identidad nacional y patriotismo del pueblo
coreano, y llevó al establecimiento de un Gobierno Provisional desde Shanghái, en
China, y a la organización de la lucha armada en Manchuria contra los colonialistas
japoneses.

El gobierno del Japón de ese entonces impuso una política de asimilación de los
coreanos a la cultura japonesa en las escuelas, y se les obligó por la fuerza a
adoptar tanto el idioma, costumbres, vestimenta y nombres al estilo japonés e
inclusive la instrucción de algunas de las artes marciales del colonizador como el
karate, el judo y el kendo. Sin embargo, los coreanos lograron mantener su
identidad cultural a pesar de las dificultades, tomando y refinando los movimientos
de las artes marciales tradicionales japonesas, junto con las artes marciales
clásicas coreanas, como el sibpalki, el hwa rang do, su bak do y el taekkyon, de
las que más adelante surgieron las artes marciales my apretado de estrellas. El
término se refiere al grupo central de estrellas que se encuentra en la mayoría de
las galaxias espirales, a menudo definido como el exceso de luz estelar por encima
de la extrapolación hacia el interior de la luz del disco exterior (exponencial).

NGC 1300 en luz infrarroja

.

Según la clasificación de Hubble, el bulbo de las galaxias Sa suele estar compuesto

por estrellas de población II, que son estrellas rojas viejas con bajo contenido en
metal. Además, el bulbo de las galaxias Sa y SBa tiende a ser grande. En cambio,
los bultos de las galaxias Sc y SBc son mucho más pequeños10 y están compuestos por
estrellas de la Población I jóvenes y azules. Algunos bultos tienen propiedades
similares a las de las galaxias elípticas (reducidas a menor masa y luminosidad);
otros simplemente aparecen como centros de mayor densidad de discos, con
propiedades similares a las galaxias de disco.

Se cree que muchos bultos albergan un agujero negro supermasivo en sus centros. En
nuestra propia galaxia, por ejemplo, se cree que el objeto llamado Sagitario A* es
un agujero negro supermasivo. Hay muchas líneas de evidencia de la existencia de
agujeros negros en los centros de galaxias espirales, incluyendo la presencia de
núcleos activos en algunas galaxias espirales, y mediciones dinámicas que
encuentran grandes masas centrales compactas en galaxias como Messier 106.

Bar

Galaxia espiral NGC 2008

Las elongaciones de estrellas en forma de barra se observan en aproximadamente dos
tercios de todas las galaxias espirales.1112 Su presencia puede ser fuerte o débil.
En las galaxias espirales (y lenticulares) de borde, la presencia de la barra a
veces puede discernirse por las estructuras en forma de X o (cáscara de cacahuete)
fuera del plano1314 que suelen tener una visibilidad máxima a la mitad de la
longitud de la barra en el plano.

Esferoide

Galaxia espiral NGC 1345

La mayor parte de las estrellas de una galaxia espiral están situadas cerca de un
plano único (el plano galáctico) en órbitas circulares más o menos convencionales
alrededor del centro de la galaxia (el centro galáctico), o en un esferoidal
abultamiento galáctico alrededor del núcleo galáctico.

Sin embargo, algunas estrellas habitan en un halo esferoidal o esferoide galáctico,

un tipo de halo galáctico. El comportamiento orbital de estas estrellas es
controvertido, pero pueden presentar órbitas retrógradas y/o muy inclinadas, o no
moverse en órbitas regulares. Las estrellas del halo pueden proceder de pequeñas
galaxias que se fusionan con la galaxia espiral; por ejemplo, la Enana Elíptica de
Sagitario está en proceso de fusión con la Vía Láctea y las observaciones muestran
que algunas estrellas del halo de la Vía Láctea proceden de ella.

NGC 428, una galaxia espiral barrada situada a unos 48 millones de años luz de la
Tierra en la constelación de Cetus15
.

A diferencia del disco galáctico, el halo parece estar libre de polvo, y en mayor
contraste, las estrellas del halo galáctico son de Población II, mucho más viejas y
con una metalicidad mucho menor que sus primas de Población I del disco galáctico
(pero similares a las del bulbo galáctico). El halo galáctico también contiene
muchos cúmulos globulares.

El movimiento de las estrellas del halo las hace atravesar el disco en ocasiones, y
se cree que varias pequeñas enanas rojas cercanas al Sol pertenecen al halo
galáctico, por ejemplo Estrella de Kapteyn y Groombridge 1830. Debido a su
movimiento irregular alrededor del centro de la galaxia, estas estrellas suelen
mostrar un movimiento propio inusualmente alto.

Curva de rotación y materia oscura

Artículos principales: Relación Tully-Fisher y Materia oscura.

Curva de rotación de una galaxia espiral normal. La línea A representa la curva

teórica y la línea B representa la curva experimental. La discrepancia entre las
curvas se debe a lo que se ha llamado materia oscura.
Las galaxias espirales presentan una curva de rotación (en adelante CR)
experimental muy diferente a las curvas teóricas (fenómeno llamado Conspiración
disco-halo). Para que las ecuaciones teóricas (CR keplerianas, como la de los
planetas alrededor del Sol) puedan ajustarse a los datos observados, las galaxias
espirales necesitarían una masa mucho mayor. Al no haber evidencias observables
actualmente de esa masa invisible, se le denominó materia oscura. Este tipo de
materia invisible llegaría a ser entre un 50 % y un 90 % de la masa total de la
galaxia.

Las características generales de las curvas de rotación son las siguientes:

El pico de la CR varía entre 150 y 300 km/s.

Las galaxias mayores rotan más rápido.
CR sube más bruscamente para las Sa y Sb que para las Sd y Sm.
La mayoría de las galaxias de bajo brillo superficial rotan lentamente.
Proporción de materia oscura: 50 % en Sa y Sb; entre 80 y 90 % en Sd y Sm. Sólo un
límite inferior.
El estudio de estas curvas de rotación es muy importantes porque pueden servir,
mediante relaciones experimentales (como la relación Tully-Fisher) para conocer las
distancias a la que se encuentran estas galaxias.

Clasificaciones
Además de mediante la secuencia de Hubble y la presencia o no de una barra central,
las galaxias espirales pueden clasificarse según el aspecto de sus brazos. Los
astrónomos Debra Melloy Elmegreen y Bruce G. Elmegreen han desarrollado una
clasificación de galaxias espirales que tiene doce clases, que van desde el grado 1
que incluye a galaxias espirales con estructura caótica y sin ningún orden hasta el
12, que incluye galaxias con dos brazos muy desarrollados y que dominan la imagen
visible (como M81 y M51), también conocidas cómo "espirales de gran diseño",
pasando por galaxias cómo NGC 2841 (que se conocen cómo "galaxias espirales
floculentas") en la que no existe ninguna estructura espiral bien definida, sino
multitud de fragmentos de brazos espirales.1617

Otro sistema es mediante la tasa de formación estelar que presenten, un sistema

introducido por el astrónomo Sydney Van den Bergh. Así, se puede hablar de galaxias
espirales normales en las cuales los brazos se resuelven en cúmulos estelares y
nebulosas y están bien marcados, y galaxias anémicas, con brazos apenas resolubles
y mal definidos al haber una tasa de formación estelar mucho menor.18
Investigaciones de cúmulos de galaxias a distancias moderadas han mostrado también
un nuevo tipo de galaxia espiral con estructura espiral pero sin formación estelar
o casi nula conocida cómo galaxias espirales pasivas, que pueden ser en realidad
galaxias anémicas a una distancia mucho mayor que estas.19 En general, estos dos
tipos de galaxia espiral suelen hallarse en cúmulos de galaxias ricos.

Véase también
Galaxia espiral barrada
Referencias
Hubble, E.P. (1936). The realm of the nebulae. Mrs. Hepsa Ely Silliman memorial
lectures, 25. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300025002. OCLC 611263346.
Alt URL(pp. 124–151)
Loveday, J. (February 1996). «The APM Bright Galaxy Catalogue». Monthly Notices of
the Royal Astronomical Society 278 (4): 1025-1048. Bibcode:1996MNRAS.278.1025L.
arXiv:astro-ph/9603040. doi:10.1093/mnras/278.4.1025.
Dressler, A. (March 1980). «Galaxy morphology in rich clusters — Implications for
the formation and evolution of galaxies». The Astrophysical Journal 236: 351-365.
Bibcode:1980ApJ...236..351D. doi:10.1086/157753.
D. Mihalas (1968). Astronomía galáctica. W. H. Freeman. ISBN 978-0-7167-0326-6.
«Hubble y el Zoo de Galaxias descubren que las barras y las galaxias bebé no se
llevan bien». SciGalaxia espiral

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Herramientas

Imagen de la galaxia espiral M81 en la que se puede observar polvo interestelar.

Una galaxia espiral es un tipo de galaxia de la secuencia de Hubble que se
caracteriza por las siguientes propiedades físicas:1

El disco es plano (con posibilidades de alabeo) y está formado por materia

interestelar (gas y polvo), estrellas jóvenes de Población I (alta metalicidad) y
cúmulos abiertos.
El bulbo es similar a una galaxia elíptica, conteniendo numerosas estrellas
antiguas, llamadas de Población II y con baja metalicidad, y normalmente un agujero
negro supermasivo en el centro.
Las galaxias espirales deben su nombre de los brazos luminosos con formación
estelar dentro del disco que se prolonga —más o menos logarítmicamente— desde el
núcleo central. Aunque a veces son difíciles de percibir, estos brazos las
distinguen de las galaxias lenticulares que presentan una estructura de disco pero
sin brazos espirales. Son las más abundantes del universo, constituyendo el 70 %.

El disco de las galaxias espirales suele estar rodeado por grandes aureolas
esferoides de estrellas de Población II, muchas de las cuales se concentran en
cúmulos globulares que orbitan alrededor del centro galáctico. Esta aureola es
conocida como halo.

La Vía Láctea es espiral, con una clasificación en la secuencia de Hubble Sbc

(posiblemente SBbc; ver galaxia espiral barrada).

La galaxia espiral NGC 6744, similar a la Vía Láctea.

Los primeros estudios sobre la formación de los brazos espirales corresponden a
Bertil Lindblad. Se dio cuenta de que las estrellas no pueden estar organizadas en
forma de espiral de manera permanente. Puesto que la velocidad de rotación del
disco galáctico varía con la distancia al centro de la galaxia, un brazo radial
rápidamente se vería curvado al rotar la galaxia. El brazo, tras unas pocas
rotaciones, incrementaría la curvatura enrollándose cada vez más en la galaxia.
Esto no es lo que se observa.

Explicación de los brazos de las galaxias espirales.

La primera teoría admisible fue ideada por C. C. Lin y Frank Shu en 1964.
Sugirieron que los brazos espirales son manifestaciones de ondas de densidad
espirales. Supusieron que las estrellas se desplazan en órbitas ligeramente
elípticas y que la orientación de sus órbitas está correlacionada, esto es, las
órbitas elípticas varían su orientación, unas de otras, ligeramente con el
incremento de la distancia al centro galáctico, tal como se observa en el diagrama.
Estas órbitas están más cercanas en algunas áreas presentando el efecto de parecer
brazos. Las estrellas no permanecen siempre en la posición en que las vemos, sino
que pasan por los brazos al desplazarse en sus órbitas.

Se han propuesto hipótesis alternativas que implican ondas de formación estelar

desplazándose por la galaxia; las estrellas brillantes producidas en la formación
estelar mueren rápidamente, dejando regiones más oscuras tras la onda y, por tanto,
haciendo esta visible. Las galaxias espirales son colecciones enormes de miles de
millones de estrellas, en las que muchas de ellas se agrupan en forma de disco, con
un abultamiento esférico central con estrellas en su interior. En el disco existen
brazos más luminosos donde se concentran las estrellas más jóvenes y brillantes.
Junto con las galaxias irregulares, las galaxias espirales constituyen
aproximadamente el 60% de las galaxias del universo actual.2 Se encuentran
principalmente en regiones de baja densidad y son raros en los centros de los
cúmulos de galaxias.3

Se ha observado que aproximadamente dos tercios de todas las espirales tienen un

componente adicional en forma de estructura en forma de barra,4 que se extiende
desde la protuberancia central, en cuyos extremos comienzan los brazos espirales.
La proporción de espirales con barras en relación con las espirales sin barras
probablemente ha cambiado a lo largo de la historia del universo, con sólo un 10%
de barras hace unos 8000 millones de años, a aproximadamente una cuarta parte hace
2.500 millones de años. 5 mil millones de años, hasta el presente, donde más de dos
tercios de las galaxias en el universo visible (volumen de Hubble) tienen barras.5

La Vía Láctea es una espiral barrada, aunque la barra en sí es difícil de observar

desde la posición actual de la Tierra dentro del disco galáctico.6 Las pruebas más
convincentes de que las estrellas forman una barra en el Centro Galáctico proceden
de varios sondeos recientes, entre ellos el del Telescopio Espacial Spitzer. 7

Junto con galaxias irregulares, las galaxias espirales constituyen aproximadamente

el 60% de las galaxias del universo actual.8 Se encuentran sobre todo en regiones
de baja densidad y son poco frecuentes en los centros de los cúmulos de galaxias. 9

Estructura

Diagrama estilo tenedor de sintonía de la secuencia de Hubble

Las galaxias espirales pueden estar formadas por varios componentes distintos:

Un disco plano y giratorio de estrellas y materia interestelar del que los brazos
espirales son componentes prominentes.
Un Bulbo galáctico estelar central de estrellas principalmente más viejas, que se
asemeja a una galaxia elíptica.
Una distribución de estrellas en forma de barra
Un halo casi esférico de estrellas, muchas de ellas en cúmulos globulares
Un agujero negro supermasivo en el centro de la protuberancia central.
Un halo casi esférico de materia oscura.
La importancia relativa, en términos de masa, brillo y tamaño, de los distintos
componentes varía de una galaxia a otra.

Brazos en espiral

Galaxia espiral barrada UGC 12158

Los brazos espirales son regiones de estrellas que se extienden desde el centro de
galaxias espirales barradas y galaxias espirales no barradas. Estas largas y
delgadas regiones se asemejan a una espiral y por ello dan su nombre a las galaxias
espirales. Naturalmente, las distintas clasificaciones de galaxias espirales tienen
estructuras de brazos distintas. Las galaxias Sc y SBc, por ejemplo, tienen brazos
muy "sueltos", mientras que las galaxias Sa y SBa tienen brazos muy apretados (en
referencia a la secuencia de Hubble). En cualquier caso, los brazos espirales
contienen muchas estrellas jóvenes y azules (debido a la alta densidad de masa y a
la elevada tasa de formación estelar), que hacen que los brazos sean tan
brillantes.

Protuberancia
Artículo principal: Bulbo galáctico
Una protuberancia es un grupo grande y apretado de estrellas. El término se refiere
al grupo central de estrellas que se encuentra en la mayoría de las galaxias
espirales, a menudo definido como el exceso de luz estelar por encima de la
extrapolación hacia el interior de la luz del disco exterior (exponencial).

NGC 1300 en luz infrarroja

.

Según la clasificación de Hubble, el bulbo de las galaxias Sa suele estar compuesto

por estrellas de población II, que son estrellas rojas viejas con bajo contenido en
metal. Además, el bulbo de las galaxias Sa y SBa tiende a ser grande. En cambio,
los bultos de las galaxias Sc y SBc son mucho más pequeños10 y están compuestos por
estrellas de la Población I jóvenes y azules. Algunos bultos tienen propiedades
similares a las de las galaxias elípticas (reducidas a menor masa y luminosidad);
otros simplemente aparecen como centros de mayor densidad de discos, con
propiedades similares a las galaxias de disco.

Se cree que muchos bultos albergan un agujero negro supermasivo en sus centros. En
nuestra propia galaxia, por ejemplo, se cree que el objeto llamado Sagitario A* es
un agujero negro supermasivo. Hay muchas líneas de evidencia de la existencia de
agujeros negros en los centros de galaxias espirales, incluyendo la presencia de
núcleos activos en algunas galaxias espirales, y mediciones dinámicas que
encuentran grandes masas centrales compactas en galaxias como Messier 106.

Bar

Galaxia espiral NGC 2008

Las elongaciones de estrellas en forma de barra se observan en aproximadamente dos
tercios de todas las galaxias espirales.1112 Su presencia puede ser fuerte o débil.
En las galaxias espirales (y lenticulares) de borde, la presencia de la barra a
veces puede discernirse por las estructuras en forma de X o (cáscara de cacahuete)
fuera del plano1314 que suelen tener una visibilidad máxima a la mitad de la
longitud de la barra en el plano.

Esferoide

Galaxia espiral NGC 1345

La mayor parte de las estrellas de una galaxia espiral están situadas cerca de un
plano único (el plano galáctico) en órbitas circulares más o menos convencionales
alrededor del centro de la galaxia (el centro galáctico), o en un esferoidal
abultamiento galáctico alrededor del núcleo galáctico.

Sin embargo, algunas estrellas habitan en un halo esferoidal o esferoide galáctico,

un tipo de halo galáctico. El comportamiento orbital de estas estrellas es
controvertido, pero pueden presentar órbitas retrógradas y/o muy inclinadas, o no
moverse en órbitas regulares. Las estrellas del halo pueden proceder de pequeñas
galaxias que se fusionan con la galaxia espiral; por ejemplo, la Enana Elíptica de
Sagitario está en proceso de fusión con la Vía Láctea y las observaciones muestran
que algunas estrellas del halo de la Vía Láctea proceden de ella.

NGC 428, una galaxia espiral barrada situada a unos 48 millones de años luz de la
Tierra en la constelación de Cetus15
.

A diferencia del disco galáctico, el halo parece estar libre de polvo, y en mayor
contraste, las estrellas del halo galáctico son de Población II, mucho más viejas y
con una metalicidad mucho menor que sus primas de Población I del disco galáctico
(pero similares a las del bulbo galáctico). El halo galáctico también contiene
muchos cúmulos globulares.

El movimiento de las estrellas del halo las hace atravesar el disco en ocasiones, y
se cree que varias pequeñas enanas rojas cercanas al Sol pertenecen al halo
galáctico, por ejemplo Estrella de Kapteyn y Groombridge 1830. Debido a su
movimiento irregular alrededor del centro de la galaxia, estas estrellas suelen
mostrar un movimiento propio inusualmente alto.

Curva de rotación y materia oscura

Artículos principales: Relación Tully-Fisher y Materia oscura.

Curva de rotación de una galaxia espiral normal. La línea A representa la curva

teórica y la línea B representa la curva experimental. La discrepancia entre las
curvas se debe a lo que se ha llamado materia oscura.
Las galaxias espirales presentan una curva de rotación (en adelante CR)
experimental muy diferente a las curvas teóricas (fenómeno llamado Conspiración
disco-halo). Para que las ecuaciones teóricas (CR keplerianas, como la de los
planetas alrededor del Sol) puedan ajustarse a los datos observados, las galaxias
espirales necesitarían una masa mucho mayor. Al no haber evidencias observables
actualmente de esa masa invisible, se le denominó materia oscura. Este tipo de
materia invisible llegaría a ser entre un 50 % y un 90 % de la masa total de la
galaxia.

Las características generales de las curvas de rotación son las siguientes:

El pico de la CR varía entre 150 y 300 km/s.

Las galaxias mayores rotan más rápido.
CR sube más bruscamente para las Sa y Sb que para las Sd y Sm.
La mayoría de las galaxias de bajo brillo superficial rotan lentamente.
Proporción de materia oscura: 50 % en Sa y Sb; entre 80 y 90 % en Sd y Sm. Sólo un
límite inferior.
El estudio de estas curvas de rotación es muy importantes porque pueden servir,
mediante relaciones experimentales (como la relación Tully-Fisher) para conocer las
distancias a la que se encuentran estas galaxias.

Clasificaciones
Además de mediante la secuencia de Hubble y la presencia o no de una barra central,
las galaxias espirales pueden clasificarse según el aspecto de sus brazos. Los
astrónomos Debra Melloy Elmegreen y Bruce G. Elmegreen han desarrollado una
clasificación de galaxias espirales que tiene doce clases, que van desde el grado 1
que incluye a galaxias espirales con estructura caótica y sin ningún orden hasta el
12, que incluye galaxias con dos brazos muy desarrollados y que dominan la imagen
visible (como M81 y M51), también conocidas cómo "espirales de gran diseño",
pasando por galaxias cómo NGC 2841 (que se conocen cómo "galaxias espirales
floculentas") en la que no existe ninguna estructura espiral bien definida, sino
multitud de fragmentos de brazos espirales.1617

Otro sistema es mediante la tasa de formación estelar que presenten, un sistema

introducido por el astrónomo Sydney Van den Bergh. Así, se puede hablar de galaxias
espirales normales en las cuales los brazos se resuelven en cúmulos estelares y
nebulosas y están bien marcados, y galaxias anémicas, con brazos apenas resolubles
y mal definidos al haber una tasa de formación estelar mucho menor.18
Investigaciones de cúmulos de galaxias a distancias moderadas han mostrado también
un nuevo tipo de galaxia espiral con estructura espiral pero sin formación estelar
o casi nula conocida cómo galaxias espirales pasivas, que pueden ser en realidad
galaxias anémicas a una distancia mucho mayor que estas.19 En general, estos dos
tipos de galaxia espiral suelen hallarse en cúmulos de galaxias ricos.

Véase también
Galaxia espiral barrada
Referencias
Hubble, E.P. (1936). The realm of the nebulae. Mrs. Hepsa Ely Silliman memorial
lectures, 25. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300025002. OCLC 611263346.
Alt URL(pp. 124–151)
Loveday, J. (February 1996). «The APM Bright Galaxy Catalogue». Monthly Notices of
the Royal Astronomical Society 278 (4): 1025-1048. Bibcode:1996MNRAS.278.1025L.
arXiv:astro-ph/9603040. doi:10.1093/mnras/278.4.1025.
Dressler, A. (March 1980). «Galaxy morphology in rich clusters — Implications for
the formation and evolution of galaxies». The Astrophysical Journal 236: 351-365.
Bibcode:1980ApJ...236..351D. doi:10.1086/157753.
D. Mihalas (1968). Astronomía galáctica. W. H. Freeman. ISBN 978-0-7167-0326-6.
«Hubble y el Zoo de Galaxias descubren que las barras y las galaxias bebé no se
llevan bien». Sci materia interestelar. Se calcula que son irregulares alrededor
del 5 % de las galaxias del universo.

La Vía Láctea
Artículo principal: Vía Láctea
La Vía Láctea es nuestra galaxia. Según las observaciones, posee una masa de 1012
masas solares y es de tipo espiral barrada. Con un diámetro medio de unos 100 000
años luz se calcula que contiene unos 200 000 millones de estrellas, entre las
cuales se encuentra el Sol. La distancia desde el Sol al centro de la galaxia es de
alrededor de 27 700 años luz (8,5 kpc). A simple vista, se observa como una estela
blanquecina de forma elíptica, que se puede distinguir en las noches despejadas. Lo
que no se aprecian son sus brazos espirales, en uno de los cuales, el llamado brazo
de Orión, está situado nuestro sistema solar, y por tanto la Tierra.

El núcleo central de la galaxia presenta un espesor uniforme en todos sus puntos,

salvo en el centro, donde existe un gran abultamiento con un grosor máximo de 16
000 años luz, siendo el grosor medio de unos