Imperialism and Contemporary Africa

Imperialism and Contemporary Africa
Author(s): Enoch Ndem Okon and Victor Ojakorotu

Source: Journal of African Foreign Affairs , Vol. 5, No. 2 (August 2018), pp. 227-249
Published by: Adonis & Abbey Publishers Ltd
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Journal of African Foreign Affairs (JoAFA)
ISSN 2056-5658 (Online) ISSN 2056-564X (Print)
• Indexed at: EBSCO, ProQuest, J-Gate and Sabinet

• Accredited by IBSS
Volume 5, Number 2, August 2018

pp 227-249
Imperialism and Contemporary Africa: An

Analysis of Continuity and Change
DOI:https://doi.org/10.31920/2056-5658/2018/v5n2a12
Enoch Ndem Okon

Department of Political Science,
Faculty of Social Science,
University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria.
E-mail: enochokon@gmail.com: 2348076226920 /2347064321930
&
Victor Ojakorotu
Department of Politics & International Relations,
NWU, Mafikeng, South Africa
Victor.Ojakorotu@nwu.ac.za
…………………………………………………………………………………
Abstract
The sixth decade of the twentieth century was remarkable for Africans, as it
witnessed the attainment of Independence by a host of African states from
European imperialists: However, Western influence continues to manifest in
decisions and direction of events and policies on the continent till date. The
study adopts historical method and depends solely on secondary sources of data
which include textbooks, journals, and magazines. The finding is presented
qualitatively and analysed using content analysis technique. This paper analyses
the continuity and change in the dimension and process of imperialism in
contemporary Africa. Grounded in the Hobson-Lenin Theory of imperialism,
the study identifies the Bretton-Wood institutions and other neoliberal
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Imperialism and Contemporary Africa…
structures, designed by Western imperialist as veritable instruments for the

perpetuation of economic exploitation, politico-military domination, and socio-
cultural subjugation. It concluded that in spite of structural changes, the
processes and objectives of imperialism remain same as they were in the late
nineteen and twentieth century. The study calls on African leaders to hasten the
process of integration, and continue to unite against imperialist tendencies like
they did with the rejection of gay rights and AFRICOM across the continent, in
order to preserve Africans’ identity in a globalized world.
Key words: Imperialism, Africa, continuity, changes, exploitation, domination, gay rights
Introduction
The projection of states’ power beyond their borders is defined by

interest and capture in foreign policy making and implementation. This
dictates the mode and direction of states activities and interactions in the
international system. In the age of imperialism, European powers
scrambled for spheres of influence, protectorates and colonies in Africa.
The peaceful and orderliness of this process was the essence of Berlin
Conferences of 1884 – 85 and led to the eventual partitioning of Africa
in line with the rules, preferences and policies of the Europeans between
1870 and 1914. Imperialist policies were exploitative, and led to the
unequal exchange, underdevelopment, de-culturization and de-
industrialization of Africa (Amin, 1970; 1977; Emmanuel, 1969; Rodney,
1972). The clamour for independence, and its achievement in the 1960s
was perceived as a landmark and symbolic freedom of the continent
from external manipulations, domination and exploitation. However,
events in Africa continue to reflect the policy preferences of external
actors; as foreign powers continue to project their interests and impose
their preferences on the continent. This recurring decimal has led to the
coinage of words like neocolonialism, neopatrimonialism and
paternalism, amongst others to describe the nature of the relationship
between Africa and her former colonial masters and their allies. This
paper focuses on the continuity and changes in the nature of imperialist
projections in Africa; and seeks to answer two inter related questions:
a) Is there a continuity of Western imperialist projections toward

Africa?
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Okon & Ojakorotu /JoAFA, Vol. 5, No. 2, August 2018, pp 227-249
b) What are the manifestations of imperialism in contemporary

Africa?
The paper is divided into six parts excluding the introduction. Part
two is a review of relevant literature, part three explains the theoretical
framework used; part four highlights the methodology of the study; part
five presents the findings; part six is an analysis of the continuity and
change in the pattern of imperialism in the post colonial Africa; and part
seven contains conclusions and the recommendations.
Literature Review
Imperialism has been variously defined and conceptualised by scholars

across the globe. Hodges (1932) defines it as an external protuberance,
either directly or indirectly, of a foreign power’s political, economic, or
cultural pattern and desire into the internal lifestyle and policy of another
nation. This implies the dominance a of country’s political, socio-cultural
and economic sector by another country or region. Given the centrality
of Europe in the evolution and shaping of the Westphalia state system,
Moon (1926) sees it as the domination of other native races by different
European powers. The import of these definitions lies in the
demonstration of imperialism as power relations between states and
regions argued in Morgenthau (1954) who defines imperialism as the
expansion of a state’s power beyond its borders. This describes the
activities of European powers in the late 19th Century, when they
scrambled for and partitioned Africa by criteria and agreements ratified
during in the Berlin Conferences of 1884 – 1885. These conferences
legitimatised the phenomenon as a policy with the sole objective of
creating, and maintaining empires of enormous size, with heterogeneous
nationalities subjugated under a highly centralised political structure
(Bonn, 1937).
Imperialism expresses itself in four ways: colony, protectorate, sphere
of influence and economic imperialism. A colony is settlement or a
territory ruled by a foreign power as was in Lagos from 1861 when the
British declared it so. A Protectorate is bigger than a colony, and consists
of territories with element of internal government, but under the
direction and domination of a foreign power, as was the case in the Niger
Delta when the British declared it a protectorate (Dike, 1956). Sphere of
influence refers to a region where an external power reserves for itself as
exclusive investment and trading location, as was Eastern Europe during
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the Cold War era under Soviet rule.Economic imperialism involves the
control of underdeveloped independent states by foreign business classes
or conglomerates with the support the government (Ake, 1985).
Imperialists adopt direct and indirect control methods in the
management of these territories. The indirect control method involves
the use of native officials, who are given limited freedom in governance,
with the objective of developing future leaders. Here, governmental
structures are fabricated on the imperialist model with local rulers. An
example of this was the indirect rule instituted by the British in Nigeria,
Ghana and Uganda. However, the direct control involved the use of
foreign officials, denial of any form of self rule for the indigenous people
with the goal of assimilation. In this system as was instituted by French
in Somaliland and Germany did same in its colonies in East Africa,
governmental institutions are based on European ideals (Collins and
Burns, 2007). Irrespective of the method of control, there were common
characteristics like: the utilization of the land, the people and resources
for the benefit of the imperialists; profiting from the unequal and often
brutally enforced economic relations; rearranging African markets to
consume European goods; forceful imposition of European laws on the
indigenous people; and restriction of basic rights to live, work, associate
and move around, as well as disregards for the religion and culture of the
local people (Rodney, 1972).
Debate over the birth and sustenance of imperialism in the 19th
century has spawn remarkable volume of literature. While some scholars
highlighted the internal factors within Africa, others focus on the
imperatives of socio- political and economic development in Europe.
Within Africa, several centuries of slave trade had deprived the
population of productive innovation capable of matching European
inventions and power; it also exposed the continent to European
manipulation, and engendered a subservient mentality in the minds of
others. Besides, the emergence of the African merchant class through
commercial exchange over time with the Europeans, led to class
consciousness in Africa and breeds disunity within communities and
regions. This was exacerbated by a huge number (and variety) of
languages and cultures, which promoted micro nationalism, and
competition among groups inhabiting the same area. Thus, it was
common for one group to betray the other and support European
imperialists, to either gain an advantage or as a form of revenge. These
factors undermined the capacity of earlier societal institutions across the
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continent, and prevented African societies from uniting in dealing with

the imperialists (Boahen, 1985).
Externally, European society witnessed a lot of transformation in
almost all sphere of human endeavour. Economically, the second
industrial revolution led to a need for natural resources as raw materials
for the industries. There was also a need for foreign markets for the
surplus goods produced in the continent, as the continent went through
the process of replacing it labour intensive mode of production with
technology driven model. In addition to these, the Europeans also
needed an outlet to invest the excess profits made from the investment
the industrial era threw up. Politics and military might contribute to rise
of imperialism – the rise of nationalism and the centrality of national
power in foreign policy implementation. For instance, European powers
needed secured colonies for naval bases, plus the size and numbers of
colonies were not only a source of national prestige, but indexes of
national power (Hobson, 1902; Lenin, 1966; Palmer and Perkins, 2010).
Humanitarian idealism and social Darwinism were the ideological
justification for imperialism. The European perception of superiority as a
race and the ‘manifest destiny’ to take civilisation to other parts of the
world was given as the altruistic motive for imperialism. This was also
expressed by the desire of missionaries to spread Christianity to the so-
called barbaric races in order to spread western ideas, customs, education
and culture required to salvage the backward continent (Reid, 2014,
Rhodes, 1877). Howbeit, the springboard of imperialism was the
scientific and technological revolution in Europe. The improvement in
the production of steel which enhanced shipbuilding and transportation,
improvement in rail building which facilitated the evacuation of inland
cargoes, the invention of internally combustion engines, and electricity
which supported the growth of industrial economies in the continent,
and the necessity for their expansion, as well as the invention of machine
guns and quinine which gave military superiority to Europeans and
conquered malaria respectively. These tools facilitated the penetration
and subjugation of the African hinterland by Europeans (Oliver and
Atmore, 2004).
Imperialism in Africa has been classified into two epochs,: the old
and the new imperialism. The old imperialism took place between 1500
and 1800, when European powers established colonies along the coastal
areas of Africa in their search for trade routes to the Far East, and the
exploration of the ‘New World’. It was characterized by minimal contact
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with the indigenous people, especially those in the hinterland, as the

imperialists worked closely with local rulers to protect their economic
interests; whereas the new imperialism took place between 1870 and
1914 when Europeans established large empires across the Africa
continent, and penetrated its innermost part. However, the effective
instrument for the peaceful sharing of Africa was fabricated during the
Berlin Conferences of 1884 – 1885 orchestrated by Otto von Bismarck
of Germany and Ferry Jules of France respectively (Penrose, 1975)
Prior to the Berlin Conferences, Britain had in 1875 purchased a
share of stock in the SSuez Canal from the bankrupt Egyptian ruler
Ismail Pacha who was indebted to Europeans who helped build the
canal as part of his modernization project. The other interests in the
canal was controlled by the French who built it. Strategically, the canal
provided a short link to India and other locations in South, and South
East Asia for Europeans. In 1882, Britain forcefully occupied Egypt on
the pretex of protecting Europeans loans and investment; and thereafter
established a protectorate in Egypt, which was at the time the richest part
of Africa, and allowed it extended its’ influence into Sudan (Blunt, 1922;
Berque, 1972; Sharkey, 2003). This coincided with the expedition of
Henry Stanley to Congo, sponsored by King Leopold II’s International
African Association in 1878 to explore the Congo and establish an
agreement with the leaders of the Congo River Basin. The success of the
project and Leopold II’s acquisition of Congo raised anxiety in
continental Europe. It also set the pace for the ‘scramble for Africa’ and
the need for orderly partitioning of the ‘dark continent’ (Vanthemsche,
2006).
At the Berlin conferences, 14 European nations, led by the major
powers - (Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands,
Spain and Portugal) created boundaries on imprecise maps of Africa,
dividing the continent and substantiating each other’s claim to different
regions and locations on the continent through effective occupation and
evidence of treaty. This was followed by forceful acquisition of the
territories by these powers (Rich and Wallerstein, 1972).
The British colonies had the highest population combined in Africa
covering areas in South, East, North and West Africa. In South Africa,
Britain took the Cape colony from the Netherland in 1806 in order to
control the sea route to India. By 1910 the British had united the
surrounding colonies into the Union of South Africa. Other parts in
British possession in Southern Africa include: modern-day Zimbabwe,
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Zambia, Lesotho, Botswana, Swaziland, and Namibia. British East Africa

included Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, British Somaliland, and Sudan which
linked up with Egypt in North Africa as Anglo Egyptian Sudan. Cecil
Rhodes (1853 – 1902), a onetime Prime Minister of the Cape Colony had
a vision to build a ‘Cape to Coast’ rail road. The railway would have run
from Cape Town in South Africa through British possessions in East
Africa and terminated at the Coast of Cairo in Egypt. In West Africa, the
British were in control of Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and Gambia
(Gann and Duigan, 1967)
The French had the largest Empire in Africa by landmass which
covered a better part of West, North and Central Africa. The French
capitalised on Europeans investment in agriculture along the Algerian
Mediterranean Coast to establish a protectorate in the region in the
1830s. As the British moved into Egypt, the French took possession of
Tunisia in 1881. Despite Morocco, avoidance of entanglement with
indebtedness to Europeans, learning from Egyptian experience, the
kingdom was used by the British to appease France over its occupation
of Egypt in 1904. French West Africa include: Mali, Burkina Faso, Cote
D’Ivoirre, Mauritania, Guinea, Senegal, and Niger Republic. In Central
Africa, the French took charge of modern Chad Republic, Central Africa
Republic, Congo Brazzaville, and Equatorial Guinea (Deschamps, 1971).
Germany controlled South West Africa, Cameroon, Togoland, and
Tanganyika before the First World War in 1914, and these territories
were later ceded to Britain and France as ‘Trust Territory’ following 1919
defeat of Germany. Portugal on the other hand, was in charge of Guinea
Bissau, Angola, and Mozambique, whereas, Italy had Libya, and the
attempt at extending its’ power over Ethiopia failed woefully, while Spain
held on to Western Sahara until 1975.
All said, by the beginning of the 20th century, the whole of the
continent was under imperialists domination, except Ethiopia which
successfully defended itself against Italy; and Liberia which was the home
of freed slaves from the USA, and thus remained under the United States
sphere of influence. These territories were administered by the
imperialists directly or indirectly in order to enhance the expropriation of
land, exploitation of labour, introduction of cash crops and mono
cropping, unfair taxation, transfer of mineral wealth from Africa to
Europe, and prohibition of inter African trade. These imperialists’
policies formed the basis for African resistance and the birth of
nationalism in the continent (Msellemu, 2013).
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Nationalism in Africa can be traced to both external and internal

factors. Externally were the activities of Pan Africanists and the two
World Wars. Internal factors included the discontent against imperialist
policies, the emergence of educated African elites, and the establishment
of the mass media.
A Trinidadian, Henry Sylvester Williams convened a Pan African
conference in1900 to mobilize Africans threatened by the global and
prevailing racial sentiments. This conference highlighted the injustices
meted out against the Black race and raised the consciousness of
Africans to the subjugation of the continent by the Europeans. It was at
this conference that W.E.B Dubois declared that ‘the problem of the
twentieth century is the problem of colour line’ (Wallerstein, 1967).
Thereafter, four other similar conferences took place between the end of
First World War in 1919 and 1927 (Paris (1919), London (1921), London
and Brussels (1923), and New York (1927)). This consciousness led to
the 1910 formation of African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa
and National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA) in 1920.
Indeed, Marcus Harvey’s pan African nationalist movement of the 1920s
was one of the most phenomenal social movements in modern history
and struck a note within and outside the black world (Mentan, 2002).
Harvey Marcus’ ideals were to become the source of inspiration to black
nationalists both within inside and outside of the continent (Jacques-
Garvey, 1970). By 1945, when the fifth pan African Congress held in
Manchester, the agenda had expanded beyond canvassing for land and
other rights for the blacks, to political emancipation of the continent
from the shackles of imperialism. Besides, the world wars played
prominent roles in exposing blacks and Africans to the nitty-gritty of
global politics, as well as demystified the whiteman. Participating in the
wars, and the slogans of the ‘right to self determination’ emboldened
Africans to seek political freedom from external domination, in the same
way European states justified the war against Hitler’s Germany.
The formation of the United Nations in 1945 crystallised into the
codification of certain norms and values, like: the universalisation of the
right of man and groups to self determination. Also relevant is the
Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1919, and the communist ideals. Lenin
had envisioned a global revolution against capitalism (Lenin, 1966). The
revolution spurred Africans into active opposition against the
exploitative imperialist system as they demanded for independence.
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The emergence of an African educated elites played a very key role in

the overthrow of imperialism. This cadre of individuals was exposed to
values, ideals and privileges attached to their status elsewhere in Europe
and America; and sort for similar treatment in their home countries.
More so, the returnee soldiers from the two world wars constituted
another group who agitated for the end of imperialism. This group was
ready to bear arms in order to achieve this goal. More importantly,
Africans were never in support of the exploitative and authoritarian
policies of the imperialist, and this led to violent protest, like: the Aba
women riot in Nigeria (1929), the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya (1952 –
1956), the Heroro and San in Namibia (1904-1906), the Menalamba
uprising in Madagascar (1898 -1904), the Ndebele and Shona uprising in
Southern Rhodesia (1896), and the Maji Maji rebellion in Southern
Tanganyika in 1906 against the German (Msellemu, 2013). The resistance
across the continent popularised the independent movement of the
educated elites, and made the news and articles in the mass media
veritable instruments of mass mobilization against the imperialists. These
factors cumulated into repeated demands for independence through
negotiations and conferences, as well as guerilla warfare, and unilateral
declarations. By the end of 1960s most African states had achieved ‘flag
independence’ with one form of self government or the other (Keller,
1998). This supposed to mark Africa exit from imperial domination and
exploitation; but the events of the post colonial years prove otherwise.
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework for this analysis is the Hobson-Lenin Theory

of Imperialism. The theory is embedded in Hobson’s (1902) seminal
work - Imperialism: A Study; and Lenins (1966) ‘Imperialism, the highest stage
of Capitalism’ which was originally published as a pamphlet in 1916. The
theory holds that the economic expansion arising from the growth of
capitalism is the root cause of imperialism. According to Hobson (1902),
although many would allude to pride, national honour, the domineering
nature of man and the desire to save humanity through the so-called
civilisation the backward races, as the reasons for imperialism, the
greatest motivation were the needs for markets and locations for
profitable investment by the capitalist classes within these imperialistic
countries. Lenin (1966) added that in a bid to overcome tariffs imposed
by European nations, the capitalist class sought to invest overseas, and
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supplemented the exports of goods with the export of capitals.

Therefore, imperialism is that stage of capitalist development where the
dominance of monopolies and finance capital had been achieved; which
the export of capital had become principally essential; and the division of
all the territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers had
been completed (Lenin, 1966). Both theorists traced the sources of
capital to the profits from the underpayment of factory staff which led to
over-saving. This consists of rents, monopoly profits, and other
unearned or excessive elements of income, which were not being earned
by labour of head or hand and have no raison d’etre (Hobson, 1902).
The basic axioms of Hobson- Lenin Theory of Imperialism include:
the argument that demand for markets and profitable investment by
capitalist classes are the root motive of imperialism; over-saving or
surplus value derived from exploitative wages at home countries generate
capital which were projected for investment in foreign countries; export
of capital in order to overcome regional barriers to profit maximisation
has acquired pronounced importance to capitalist classes. Other
assumptions are that the people in imperialistic countries were seduced
into supporting imperialistic expansion by appeals to their patriotism,
humanitarian impulses, and aggressive nature; these appeals were mere
window dress to cover up the real reason for imperialistic ventures; and
some regions of the world have been designed and shared as colonies
and ‘sphere of influence’ among the imperial powers for subjugation,
exploitation and domination (Hobson, 1902; Lenin,1966)
In relation to Africa, Western imperialism was principally motivated
by the need for markets for finished goods and avenues for profitable
investment, as well sources of raw materials for the Western home
industries. The imperialist interests were protected and promoted by
their representatives in the parliaments who portrayed the activities of
the imperialist class as the national interest of the home countries,
worthy of protection, if necessary through coercive means. They also
argued that humanitarian and religious organisations should see to the
civilisation of the ‘backward continent’ as moral and divine
responsibilities. These cumulated into the designation of Africa, as
‘dependency’ and ‘periphery’ in the world economic structure, earmarked
for the production of primary products, and subject to exploitation,
manipulation, subjugation and domination (Amin, 1976; Baran, 1968;
Prebisch, 1950; Raymond, 1978; Wallerstein, 1967).
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Methodology
The study adopted historical research design. This entails the systematic and
objective location, interpretation, evaluation and explanation of past
events essentially for the purpose of gaining a deeper and clearer
understanding of the present, why past events occurred and the process
by which the past became the present, in order to make a more reliable
prediction of the future (Idaka &Anagbogu, 2012; Obasi, 1999). The
preference of this design arises from its capacity to identify the historical
cum politico-economic dynamics and developments which led to
Western imperialism in Africa, its continuity and change in the continent.
The study relies solely on secondary data which were sourced from
extant literature such as textbooks, magazines and scholarly journals. The
data are presented qualitatively and content analysis method is used in
analysing the findings.
Presentation of findings
Table: Summary of the findings on the continuity and change in Western

Imperialism in Africa
Nature of Pre-independence era: 1870- Post colonial era: 1960 –
Imperialism 1960 2017
Political The scramble and partition of Neocolonialism is the new
Imperialism the continent was decided at the form of imperialism in
Berlin Conferences of 1884- Africa. It ensures the
1885 without African continuous patronage of the
participation in the decision nor former imperialist overlord as
consent. This led to the forceful the preferred ‘role model’.
establishment of protectorates, This is reflected in the
colonies and sphere of adoption and adaptation of
influences across the continent; European politico-military
and the destruction of institutions by African states
indigenous political institutions. and blind support for these
The British adopted Indirect imperialists on global issues.
Rule to administer the colonies, Those African leaders who
a process which involves the were nationalistic and
appointment of warrant chiefs recalcitrant were removed
and other natural rulers as through Western-sponsored
administrators in their domains. military coups – Muritala
These local administrators took Mohammed in Nigeria and
directives from the imperialists Patrice Lumumba in Congo
and helped in the collection of Kinshasa..
taxes and implementation of The prescription of liberal
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other policies. democracy as a conditionality

The French adopted the policy for obtaining loans and other
of assimilation and assistance from the Bretton-
administered the colonies Wood institutions led to the
directly with French officials. ‘third wave of democracy’
They also tried to make across the continent without
Frenchmen of Africans by consideration for structural
encouraging the participation of and normative peculiarities
the few educated African in the are illustrations of
administration of their ‘paternalism’. Forceful
territories. democratic projects continue
The imperialist military and to trigger violent conflicts
security apparatuses were on with inherent consequences.
the continent to ensure total The role of French troops in
submission of Africans to the the forceful ousting of
imperialist policies. In British President Laurent Gbagbo
West Africa for instance, the after controversial elections
West African Volunteer Force in 2011 and NATO’s ousting
was established to enforce law of Muammar Gaddafi’s
and order; and suppress any regime in Libya in the same
form of rebellion. year are reminiscent of
imperialist invasion of the
continent in19th century.
So also, the unilateral
announcement and
establishment of the US
Africa Command by the
United States was a replay of
the decision to partition
Africa without the consent of
Africans.
Economic Monopolization of access to The terms of the

Imperialism raw materials and market by the independence agreement
imperialists in their respective between France and its
domains and the expropriation African colonies reserved
of the resources in these areas. special privilege of
Determination of what to monopolistic access to raw
produce, how to produce and materials and minerals
for whom to produce; slave resources in these former
trade and ‘legitimate trade’ were colonies. This development
all initiated and controlleds by ensures the continuous
the imperialist in line with their dominance of these
economic interests. Francophone countries by
Trading companies were the France.
major structures of economic There is a shift in the
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imperialism. They include: structure of economic

Royal Niger Company in the imperialism which are
Niger Delta of Nigeria, Imperial anchored by Multinational
British East Africa in British Corporations (MNCs),
East Africa, United Trading Bretton Wood Institutions –
Company in West Africa and the World bank and the
British South Africa Company International Monetary Fund
in Southern Africa amongst (IMF) and the World Trade
others. Organization (WTO). These
These companies determined neoliberal institutions adopt
the price and quantity of the integrated approaches
resource produced in their through numerous
domain. They also made use of codifications that regulate
forced and unpaid labour as international investment,
was commonly practiced by finance and trade to force
Cecil Rhodes African countries to accept
neoliberal policies such as the
Structural Adjustment
Programme (SAP). Besides,
they also ensure the
hegemonisation of western
currencies. For instance,
Francophone African
countries use CFA Francs
whose exchange rate and
convertibility is tied to
French Francs. Besides, the
strength of all the currencies
on the continent is
determined by their exchange
rate to the US dollars, British
pound sterling and the Euros.
Socio- cultural Condemnation and the Socio- cultural imperialism
Imperialism replacement of socio cultural continues unabated. Indeed
and religious institutions such many Africans see traditional
as the worship of ancestors and religious practices as
ancestral deities. abominable, and would not
Imposition of Christianity and participate in traditional
Euro centric view like nuclear festivals. The celebration of
family and monogamy.. Christmas, Valentine and
The imposition and preference Easter are more prominent
for Judeo – Christian names on across Africa, unlike the
Africans at baptism and ‘New Yam Festival in
conversion, without regards for Igboland, Nigeria, and the
the significance of christening rite of passage to manhood
patterns and names for among the Xhosa of South
Africans. Africa.
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Imposition of western dress Africans now rely on the

style and languages. These imperialist’s educational
languages were adopted as the curriculum from pre-school
lingua franca for to doctoral degree. There is
communication in all formal no African research
activities and circle, as well as in methodology or source of
schools. Similarly, European knowledge which is
educational systems replaced acceptable in academic
African traditional education. circles.
Western food and drinks were African dresses are under
adopted for official gatherings threat of extinction. The
and functions, indeed internalization of the dressing
traditional alcoholics ‘gins’ were pattern of the European
tagged, ‘illicit gins’ and dealer makes it difficult for
were penalised, while ‘palm individuals to differentiate
wine’ was restricted to informal African and Western
gatherings of native Africans. gatherings.
More so, European music and African continental dishes are
dances were trendy, especially fast disappearing in African
in the nightclubs introduced by homes. Fast food joints and
the imperialists. These trends eateries are trendy all over
challenged and replaced some the continent. These have
socio-cultural activities such as exposed generations of
African folklore and moonlight Africans to western foods
cultural dances which bound and some are addicted to
African societies and these diet.
transmitted traditional values Persuasion of African states
and norms to the next to legalize Lesbian, Gay,
generation. Bisexual,
Transgender/Transsexual
(LGBT) relationships by
Western countries and the
adoption of ‘carrot and stick’
measure to enforce
compliance.
Source: Compiled by the authors
Discussion of findings
Imperialism manifests in economic, politico-military, and socio-cultural

realms as presented on the table. The details are discussed below:
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Continuity and Changes in Politico – Military Imperialism
The imperialists did not play fair during the negotiation for
independence. Most of the negotiators were handpicked by the
imperialists in order safeguard their interest. While foreign faces were
withdrawn from positions of power, they were replaced by handpicked
natives who were willing to do the biddings of the departed imperialists;
– a phenomenon which led to ‘neocolonialism’, a concept characterised
by continuous resort to former imperialists as an exclusive reference
groups by African leaders and continuous exercised of domination by
former imperialists in independent African states. African states designed
their governmental institutions and processes in line with the dictates of
their former colonisers and trained their military and security forces in
their institutions. The imperialists also introduced African states to
diplomatic circles and etiquette and ensure the enlistment of their
support on global issues. The fallout of this is the creation of a class of
African leaders whose loyalties belong to the imperialists and their
objectives:
A sort of little greedy caste, avid and voracious, with the mind of a
huckster, only too glad to accept the dividends that the former colonial
power hands out. This get-rich-quick idle class shows itself incapable of
great ideas or inventiveness. It remembers what it has read from
European textbooks and imperceptibly, it becomes, not even a replica
of Europe, but it caricature (Fanon, 1961:8).
With this class of leaders in power, the imperialists need not be physically
on ground to direct the affairs of African states, since their African
stooges are doing their all to ensure the continuation of their policy, and
any recalcitrant leader can be dealt with, as was the case with Muritala
Mohammed, whose charisma and pragmatic leadership in Nigeria and
Africa over the Angolan conflict and other issues were offensive to the
imperialists.
Besides, the clamour for liberal democracy in Africa was externally
orchestrated as part of the conditions for obtaining loans from the
Bretton Wood institutions. This led to what Huntington (1991), describes
as the ‘third wave’ of democracy. Being externally engineered without
institutional and normative foundations rooted in African values and
normative imperatives, the failure is apt and inevitable. Hence elections
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and other democratic processes continue to be sources of conflicts on

the continent, and promote ethno –religious differences which in turn
lead to genocide, civil war and other security threats to the continent.
Furthermore, the liberal democracy with its emphasis on methodological
individualism is not suitable for African societies which are rooted in
methodological collectivism. Here, it is the responsibility of the societies
to take care of their own, and institutions were created to reflect these
collective aspirations. This for instance, places the family at the centre of
the society where the needs of all members of the family becomes the
collective responsibility of the family, and the oldest man in the family
represents the interest of his kin at the high level of decision making in
the community. This was popular in the Igbo traditional system in
Nigeria and elsewhere in Africa before the interruption of the
imperialists. The failure of the imperialists to allow for the return to
African governmental system and the continued push for a western
model reflect paternalism and control, as well as the subjugation of the
political system in the continent to the whims and caprices of the
imperialist is reminiscent of indirect rule and assimilation.
Militarily, there is nothing absolutely preventing imperialists from any
form of military intervention whenever their interest is at stake. The
forceful ousting of Laurent Gbagbo of Cote d’Ivoirre by the French
military in 2011 after controversial elections; and the conspiracy of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) who capitalised on the
United Nations (UN) Resolution 1973 passed to protect civilians, to
effect regime change in Libya in 2011, are very instructive: that moral
suasion and international law have no way of restraining imperialists
nations from the use of force in Africa, whenever they feel their interest
threatened. This is the replay of the period after the Berlin conference;
when pre colonial African leaders were forcefully removed by the
colonisers in order to achieve their objectives. It must be noted that prior
to the forceful regime change in Cote d’Ivoirre and Libya in 2011, the
United States had on February 6, 2007, unilaterally announced the
establishment of the Unified Combatant Command (UCC), U.S Africa
Command (AFRICOM) to protect U.S security interest in energy and
other natural resources in 53 African countries and its surrounding
waters, except Egypt. Headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany, AFRICOM
is expected to undertake operations in any part of the continent at the
instance of directive from the U.S. It was an integral part of Operation
Odyssey Dawn in Libya in March, 2011 which eventually ousted
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Muammar Ghaddafi (Ploch, 2011). The imposition of such a security

facility on the continent by the U.S undermines the continental effort at
building the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), designed to
promote peace and security in the region, and illustrate the inherent
tendency of the imperialists to look down on African ideas and
institutions, as well as forcefully imposed it will on the continent.
Continuity and change in economic imperialism
At independence Africans believed that they were at liberty to choose the

economic systems suitable to their aspiration and preferences, but were
surprised to see the continuous interferences of western powers,
especially in the haydays of the Cold War. These was illustrated in the
overthrow and subsequent murder of Patrice Lumumba by Western
backed Mobotu Sese Seko, due to Lumumba’s attempt to introduced
economic socialism and check the unguarded mining and expropriation
of Congo’s resources. Indeed the first civil war in the country was an
imperialist battle over who would control the vast resources of the
country, and for who’s interest. Lumumba’s policy sought to give
Congolese control over their resources and facilitate trade with
communist countries. It was therefore in the interest of the West to
eliminate Lumumba, and ensure the status quo, inherited from Belgium.
Besides, to ensure continuity, western liberalists strengthened
multinational corporations (MNCs), and invented liberal imperialistic
structures: the Bretton-Wood institutions – the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organisation
(WTO). These structures churned out numerous codifications which
govern international investment, finance, and trade (Spero and Hart,
2010). These neoliberal structures complement each other to ensure the
Western domination of the economic space in Africa which is aptly
captured by the concept of ‘dependency domination’ described as:
The capitalist strategy of control and exploitation in the modern system

where international financial organisations and multinational companies
have become vital actors; together they have perfected an intricate and
complex control network on which the African nations, as all Third
World nations are hooked. The control mechanisms have been
institutionalised, and they have acquired legitimacy within the
international system (Mentan, 2002:113)
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This explains the dilemma faced by African nations seeking loans from
the IMF and World Bank who are forced to accept the neoliberal policies
of deregulation, liberalisation and privatisation of the economy
(Lumsdaine, 1993) in the third decade of independence due to imminent
economic collapse. Acceptance of these policies translated into the
adoption of Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) with numerous
conditionalities, which include: reducing government expenditure,
adopting austerity measures; encouraging economic output based on the
export from extractive industries; devaluation of currencies; trade
liberalisation; increasing the stability of investment; budgets balancing
and reduction of expenses on social services; elimination of price
controls and state subsidies; privatisation, of state-owned enterprises;
protection of the rights of foreign investors through domestic
legislations; improving governance and fighting corruption, as well as
limiting the role of the state in economic realm (Nathan, 2004).
The monumental failure of SAP in facilitating economic stability in
Africa, and the increase in the debt burden of the continent further
strengthens, the dominion of African states by these western institutions.
Percentage of countries’ GDP to national debt is increasing, as the
percentage of national budget allocated to debt servicing. These have
forced African countries to depend on these institutions for economic
policies, and recommendations for the suitability of these countries for
foreign investment, and any form of finance in the international system.
Again these institutions invented the hegemonisation of western
currencies – the US Dollars, British Pounds, French Francs, and Euro in
international trade, and African currencies are subjected to exchange
rates of these currencies which are quite complex for a common man to
understand. The imposition of the CFA by France on all francophone
African states and the pegging of this currency to the French Francs
ensures that inflation and fluctuation in the French economy are passed
down to these African states Thus, during the preceding era, European
powers codified the rules of partitioning Africa in Berlin Conferences of
1844-85, and ensured their physical presence in the continent, but in the
post colonial era, liberal institutionalists perfected neoliberal structures
and rules in which have the capacity to control and manipulate the
economy of African states without their physical presence in the
continent. However, the objective remains the same – subjugation,
exploitation and expropriation of the continent’s vast natural resources,
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as well as the opening of African markets for finished goods from the
industrialised countries. Though the form of control has changed, the
policy is still in force and remains the same.
Continuity and changes in socio-cultural imperialism
The hallmark of every culture is the language which is the medium of

transmitting cultural aspect to those within and outside the social system.
The imperialists’ incursion into Africa and the introduction of western
education ensured the prioritising of European languages in Africa. The
ability to speak these languages distinguished the ‘enlightened’ from the
native. This led to the reduction in the value of African languages in
African societies since those with colonial education had better access to
lucrative jobs and more decent living (Prah, 1995, Alexander, 2000). The
trend continues in post colonial Africa, where educational materials
ranging from pre – school to doctoral degree level are based on western
curriculum adopted in entirety. This has ensured European languages’
replacement of many African languages as the first language of millions
of African children. Similarly, research methodologies and paradigms in
African universities and college are imports from the West and are
religiously adhered to, if the findings are to be regarded as valid (Ake,
1979). Thus, African sources of knowledge continue to lose currency and
relevance. The import of these include the wholesale acceptance of the
imperialist worldview about the continent and its’ culture. This is
exacerbated by the judeo – christian religion which sees most of the
practices in African religion as fetish. Hence, traditional festivals like the
New Yam Festivals highlighted in Chinua Achebe’s ‘Things Fall Apart’
are on the verge of extinction, while Christmas, Christian New Year,
Easter, and St Valentine Days are celebrated with pomp and pageantry,
because they provide avenues for the sales of western products and ideas.
Besides, it has become customary to see Africans in Italian-style suits
which in truth are not suitable for the usually hot weather, but are worn
because the corporate world and some Pentecostal worship centres have
adopted that as the standard for all their workers; while African dresses
are reserved for traditional ceremonies only. More so, today in Africa,
most women dress half-naked while their male counterparts braid their
hairs, put on earrings and nose-rings and wear torn clothes or rags all in
the name of fashion’ (Obioha, 2010).
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More alarming is the attempt by western nations to prevail on

African countries to accept lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender /
transsexual (LGBT) relationships. The argument for this is that it is the
basic right of every individual to decide who to relate with, void of
gender sensitivity. The Law Library Congress (2014) observed that out of
49 African countries surveyed, only the South African legal system
approves gay or same sex marriage. The reason is simple: Homosexuality
is an abomination in African societies, not only because sodomy is a
taboo and forbidden, but also because procreation is the essence of
marriage. Therefore, any union which would not lead to procreation has
no added value to the community and indeed the continent. Paucity of
punitive laws on the issue has strengthened some individuals and groups
from the west to project this culture into the continent. However,
Nigeria passed a law prohibiting LGBT in November, 2013 with a
fourteen-year imprisonment as the penalty, and in February, 2014,
Uganda made it a crime punishable by life behind bars. In a reaction to
Uganda’s decision:
The World Bank froze a loan to Uganda’s health system worth 90

billion Dollars. Four European nations cut direct budget support to the
Ugandan government totaling nearly 30 billion Dollars. The United
States issued some of the most outspoken statements…President
Obama said the law was more than an affront and a danger to the gay
community in Uganda…. The State Department announced a review of
the U.S relationship with Uganda (Downie, 2014).
The import of these western imperialist reactions illustrates the

coordination and resilience of the imperialists’ efforts to subjugate and
dominate the African socio cultural space through ‘carrot and stick’
measures. The involvement of Bretton Wood institutions in supervising
socio cultural issues is quite instructive of the link between western
institutions and issue areas when it comes to the promotion of imperialist
agenda and domination of Africa.
Conclusion
This paper analysed the continuity and changes of imperialism in the post
colonial Africa. It discussed the features and impacts of imperialism on
the continent, as well as the factors which accelerated the process of
independence of African states in the 1960s. It noted that nothing has
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changed in relation to imperialist projections into the continent, as the

West has crafted rule-based institutions that continuously re-invent
imperialistic policies. These institutions ensure the sustenance of a
submissive, exploitative and paternalistic relationship, with skewed
economic, financial, and socio-cultural benefits to the West. They are
manifested in the rules and activities of the Bretton Wood institutions,
the demand for liberal democracy by the West, the establishment of
AFRICOM by the United States and the Western campaigns for ‘gay’s
rights’ in the continent.
To this end, pan-Africanism must go beyond rhetoric to integrate
Africa, and work towards the realisation of the African renaissance as
envisioned by Thabo Mbeki and other founding fathers of the African
Union (AU) at the dawn of the new millennium. African countries need
to increase the funding of their cultural centres and include cultural
studies in their schools curricula for the upcoming generations. The
rejection of AFRICOM and gay rights across the continent are steps in
the right directions which need to be sustained, in order to preserve
Africa’s ideas, identity, independence, prosperity and common future.
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Imperialism and Contemporary Africa - Okon-ImperialismContemporaryAfrica-2018

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Author(s): Enoch Ndem Okon and Victor Ojakorotu

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Volume 5, Number 2, August 2018