CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

Researchers have become progressively fascinated in conflict studies, peacekeeping and

cooperation. Over the years, due to the popular demand for “peace” cooperation arising from

“conflict” these theme have become of major interest for stakeholders. “At the economic front,

the European Union and African Union; at the socio-political level, the United Nation among

others have continued to play some crucial roles by investing much on Post World War II, peace

studies and conflict resolution and co-operations methods in Africa which at this time narrowly

escaped pollution by Western ideas as well as Americas or Orientals. Pre-colonial Esan engaged

in peacekeeping in order to mitigate conflict and maintain a state of equilibrium cooperation in

their various communities because challenges towards understanding conflict lies in the fact that

it is not always depicted in the negative (destructive) light”( Egbefoh & Aghanilo, 2012).

Every strategy for conflict reconciliation and resolution is based upon the belief that

present-day relationships are flawed and that injustices or wrongs have been committed; but

these flaws, injustices and wrongs should be addressed by creating other kinds of relationships

rather than by separation or revenge. Insufficient consensus about past wrongs committed and

which future relationships to uphold might nevertheless, be a big hurdle. For instance, how

would people be motivated to seek for forgiveness when they believed that, agreeing to their

community values and norms, what they committed was not wrong or right? Shriver (1995)

pointed out that “…alleged wrongdoers are wary of being told that someone ‘forgives’ them

immediately they sensed that they are being subjected to some moral assessment, they may not

1
consent to it. Such disagreements, one may argue, are to a great extent based on the diverse and

opposing tools and moral landscapes within which the values and norms are embodied”.

Kammer (1988) considered the subsequent elements as foremost tools in a moral setting in the

reconciliation process and conflict resolution in a crisis-driven and torn society like ours. The

elements are: “Story sharing of the experiences of the conflict (more precisely experiences of

trauma, bereavement, separation and socio-economic inequalities); Views of the conflict, its

history and its causes; Identifications and loyalties; Views of oneself and of “the other” (i.e.

one’s adversary); Norms for interaction, and interpretations of values such as peace and

reconciliation” (Best, 2005).

Conflict is a ubiquitous occurrence that slices across races, religions, and regions

(Egbefoh & Aghanilo, 2012). “It is endemic in human social connections; there is no human

culture which does not have conflict of some sort. It is an unpreventable aspect of human

existence, when people interact there is revealed or hid inclination for conflict” (Bande, 1998).

The conflict origin is traceable to human’s existence. In consistent with this claim (Haig, 2007)

opined that “conflicts in our life start while we are still in the womb”. Deducing from the above

scholastic observations and citations, it is safer to state that pre-colonial (Agbon Oba), the Esan

people were not immune or resistant from conflict. “Pre-colonial Esan communities like other

parts of the world were afflicted with conflicts before the advent of the European colonial

masters. These conflicts which were of socio-political and economic nature did not mark the

crumbling of these various communities” (Oghi, 2014). Nevertheless, “pre-colonial Esan people

were able to diverse a mechanism of conflict resolution that helped them to curtail conflict and

keep up a condition of balance and collaboration among different communities” (Egbefoh &

Aghanilo, 2012). These circumstances were nevertheless, radically altered with the colonial

2
system imposition of justice administration that is unaccustomed to African communities

(Golwa, 2013).

Peace-making indicates discontinuing an on-going conflict, while peace-building is a

multifaceted procedure that implicates multiple players and needs goals, values, and commitment

to human needs and rights. Additionally, it takes into consideration structural forms of violence

and injustice, as well as the fundamental histories, cultures, and root violence causes. Peace-

building procedures depend wholly on relational competencies and skills with the central goal to

rebuild shocks at multiple levels through relationship building. For peace-building to be

successfully carried out, the procedure should be rooted on form partnership, trusted relations,

and interdependence reliance. Lastly, peace-building is not just about only resolving a conflict

but also to establish a durable peace and stop future violence recurrence. The adoption of diverse

conflict resolution approaches in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era was to sustain

peace-building among Esan communities in Edo State. It becomes imperative based on this

background to conduct a study of this nature that aimed to examine the relationship between

conflict resolution approaches and peace-building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Poor conflict resolution mechanisms, weak inter-group cooperation and ineffective peace

building strategies seemed to defile conflict resolution approaches adopted in Esan land of what

is now Edo State in the pre-colonial era. The antiquity of ethnic group conflicts in Nigeria

generally is traceable to the colonial wrongdoings that compelled the entire northern and

southern ethnic groups’ provinces to form an undesirable entity in 1914 called Nigeria (Akintoye

& Uhunmwuangho, 2022:18). The implication of this assertion is that the undesirable colonial

rule gave birth to diverse ethnic group conflicts across varied states in Nigeria with Esan ethnic

3
group inclusive. In support of this assertion, Longe (2015) opined that “since the various ethnic

groups living in these provinces were not consulted regarding the merger, the British colonial

policy was autocratic and undemocratic, and thus led to conflict. It denied the people's basic

needs of participation, equality and social well-being”. A government that approves

discrimination for its people have no the unity of the country at heart. Rather, the detached

governments presented in the North and the South were planned to fortify the colonial grasp on

Nigerians and weakened the people's resistance potentials. This provincial development era led

to increasing ethnocentrism. The "indirect rule" introduction in Nigeria by the chief administrator

- Lord Fredrick Lugard was not a suitable mechanism for tribal animosities management in the

colony. However, the system is not only strengthened ethnic separations, "it has complicated the

task of welding diverse elements into a Nigerian nation" (Coleman, 1958 in Nnoli, 1980). Infact,

this governance strategy has distanced ethnic clusters from each other. “Lugard gave power to

the traditional rulers who corruptly used it in the villages to amass wealth, land and establish

patronage networks, which, in the long run, encouraged tribalism and nepotism. The segregation

of the Nigerian colony was also reinforced by the colonial laws that limited the mobility of

Christian Southerners to the Muslim North, created a separate settlement for non-indigenous

citizens in the North, and even limited the purchase of land outside one's own region. Prejudice

and hatred became rife in the provinces as different ethnic groups started looking at each other

suspiciously in all spheres of contact. Unequal and differential treatment of ethnic groups was

responsible for the intense competition in Esan society” (Akunbor, 2016; Afigbo, 1989; Okonjo,

1974).

It formed an inequality in educational attainment and broadened the economic and

political gaps between the Northern and the Southern Nigeria. In this period, there was

4
significant goods scarcity, "evident in the economic social and political areas of life. It affected

employment, education, political participation and the provision of social services to the

population" (Nnoli, 1980). The dearth of such "basic needs" always gave elites the capacity to

organize groups for powerful competition in order to employ ethnocentrism to actualize their

aims. “In 1947, a colonial constitution divided Nigeria into three political regions: East, West

and North. The North, which was predominately Hausa-Fulani, was the largest and eventually

the most populous region. The Igbos dominated the East and Yorubas the West. With the three

major ethnic groups in dominance, the minority groups rebelled and Nigerians started fighting

for ethnic dominance as the nation marched towards independence” (Uhunmwuangho &

Akintoye, 2017). The formation of the three ethnic regions did not take into consideration the

ethnic minority groups needs for autonomy and self-determination. Rather, they were vanished

within the majority groups. This development was grounded on the "bogus theory of

regionalism…That one should be loyal to and protect the interest of one's region to the exclusion

of the others." (Osaghae, 2011). “The years between 1952 and 1966 brought change in the

political culture of the country, transforming the three regions into three political entities.

Thus, the struggle for independence was reduced to the quest for ethnic dominance. At

this time, ethnic and sub-ethnic loyalties threatened the survival of both East and West, while the

North was divided religiously between Christianity and Islam. It was a period of politicized

ethnicity and competition for resources, which worsened the relationships between ethnic

groups. There was a high degree of corruption, nepotism and tribalism. The national interest was

put aside while politicians used public money to build and maintain patronage networks. Since

independence, the situation in Nigeria has been fraught with ethnic politics whereby the elite

from different ethnic groups schemed to attract as many federal resources to their regions as

5
possible, neglecting issues that could have united the country” (Uhunmwuangho & Epelle,

2008). The insecurity, competition, and anarchy led to the death of the first republic. “Military

intervention culminated in the gruesome civil war from 1967 to 1970, when the mistreated Igbos

of Eastern Nigeria (Biafrans) threatened to secede from the Federation. The Igbos' grievances

were caused by the denial of their basic human needs of equality, citizenship, autonomy and

freedom (Burton, 1992). Wherever such basic needs are denied, conflict often follows as

aggrieved groups use violent means to fight for their human rights” (Osaghae, 2011). Conflict

resolution approaches, notwithstanding its general acceptance and usage, have showed some

difficulties in the course of its operations due the ineffectiveness in adoption and subsequent

frustration in peacemaking and peacebuilding processes in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-

colonial era.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The major objective of the study is to examine the relationship between conflict resolution

approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. Other specific

objectives are:

1. To examine the relationship between conflict resolution mechanisms and peace building in

Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

2. To assess the relationship between peace making during conflict and peace building in

Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

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 3. To determine the relationship between Inter-group Cooperation and peace building in Esan

land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

1.4 Research Questions

1. What is the relationship between conflict resolution mechanisms and peace building in

Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era?

2. What is the relationship between peacemaking during conflict and peace building in Esan

land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era?

3. What is the relationship between Inter-group Cooperation and peace building in Esan

land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era?

1.5 Research Hypotheses

This research study is guided by the following research hypotheses stated in null forms and to be

tested at a 0.05 level of significance

Ho1: There is no significant relationship between the relationship between conflict resolution

mechanisms and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

Ho2: There is no significant relationship between peacemaking during conflict and peace building

in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

Ho3: There is no significant relationship between Inter-group Cooperation and peace building in

Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

1.6 Significance of study

The study will add to the general body of knowledge; enlighten the general public, Esan

communities, security operatives as well as the Legislative, Executives, and the judiciary on the

relationship between conflict resolution approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in

the pre-colonial era.

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 The findings will showcase the implications of the, conflict resolution mechanisms,

peacemaking and the peacebuilding in Esan land. It will be of immense importance to the three

tiers of government such as the local government, the state, and the federal.

It will serve as a blueprint for academic purposes in the library. The result of the findings

will lead to a better understanding of whether the relationship between conflict resolution

approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era is significant or not

in Esan communities in Edo State in particular and Nigeria in general.

1.7 Scope and Limitations of study

This research covered conflict resolution approaches and peace building in Esan land,

Edo State in the pre-colonial era. The study covered the period from 1914 to 1960. The variables

covered are conflict resolution approaches, peacemaking and peacebuilding in the pre-colonial

era in Esan communities. Geographically, the study covered thirty-one communities in the Esan

land. The covered Esan communities are: “Amahor, Ebelle, Egoro, Ekekhelen, Ekpoma, Ekpon,

Emu, Ewatto, Ewohimi, Ewosa, Ewu, Idoa, Igueben, Irrua, Okalo, Ogwa, Ohordua, Okhuesan,

Onogholo, Opoji, Oria, Orowa, Ubiaja, Udo, Ugbegun, Ugboha, Ugun, Ujiogba, Ukhun, Urohi,

and Uromi”.

The usual problems associated with survey research methodology constituted some of the

limitations to the research. Among them were the combination of examinations and the project

write up, domestic roles, work schedules as well as the short time for submission of the write-

up. Moreover, the cost of printing the required documents and the cost of transportation for

distribution of questionnaires were high. However, despite the few limitations, te required

8
materials and data were successfully gathered and findings of this study are valid for decision

making and predictive analysis.

1.8 Operational definition of terms

Conflict resolution: This is a wide-ranging concept that integrates all procedures for conflict

management ranging from mediation to arbitration, negotiation to diplomacy, conciliation to

conflict prevention, conflict management, transformation, and restoration to peacekeeping.

Peacemaking: This involves stopping an ongoing conflict.

Peacebuilding: This is a multifaceted procedure that comprises of multiple players and

necessitates goals, values, and commitment to human needs and rights.

Ethnicity: This is the grouping of people with similar identify together based on shared

characteristics that differentiate them from other groups such as a ancestry, culture, common set

of traditions, language, history, social treatment, society, nation or religion within their residing

area.

Colonial: Colonial is an exercise or control policy by person(s) or power over other people or

regions often by forming colonies and mostly with the purpose of economic dominance.

Ethnic conflict: This is a conflict between two or more competing ethnic groups.

Precolonial: This is a colonial period existed before the colonization of a particular country.

Colonial influence: This is an influence from colonial empires that directly or indirectly

affecting the system or policy of a particular region or country.

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Colonialism: This is the practice or policy of acquiring partial or full political, economic, social

or geographical control over another country with the aim to explored, conquered, settled, and

exploited the areas.

Esan people: This is an ethnic group in Edo State, Nigeria.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

In this chapter, the researcher reviewed the related literature under three headings namely

conceptual clarification, theoretical and empirical reviews.

2.1 Conceptual Framework

The essence of this heading is to provide clarifications on related concepts used in this

study to gain more insight into the study. Such concepts are conflict, Geographical location of

Esan people, Nature of conflict, Conflict resolution approaches, Peacebuilding, Peacemaking,

Inter-group Cooperation, Peacemaking and keeping processes, War as the major cause of

Conflicts, Conduct of war, war Cessation and truce arrangement and Post war peacemaking

process.

2.1.1 Overview of Conflict

The word “conflict is derived etymologically from the Latin word ‘confligere’ which

simply means, to clash, or to part in a fight” (Bamigbose, 2017). As shown by Stagner, conflict is

“a situation in which two or more human beings desire goals which they perceive as being

obtainable by one or the other, but not both; each party is mobilizing energy to obtain a goal, a

desired object or situation, and each party perceives the other as a barrier to that goal” (Stragner,

1969). The central point of Stagner’s definition is grounded on the fiery competition over scares

resources. Also, conflict is a condition of disharmony initiated by the actual or seeming interest,

values, and needs opposition. Similarly, Fisher saw conflict as “hopelessness of objective or

values between two or more parties in their relationship, so as to curtail the antagonist feelings of

each other” (Fisher, 1990). From the above, conflict is considered “a product of disagreement

11
that may be rooted in the belief system and perception of threat to peoples’ goal attainment”

(Bar-Tal, 2011). “Pre-colonial Esanland had conflict as a social phenomenon derives from a

clash of goals, both personal and groups” (Egbefoh & Aghanilo, 2012). Nevertheless, “there is

nothing amiss with conflicting situations, because it is a critical tool by which goals and

objectives of individuals and groups are communicated; it is also a meaningful medium through

which inventive human answers are derived and as well as means to the development of a

collective identity” (Albert, 2001). Furthermore, conflict is “a necessary element for societal

development, most especially when they are resolved amicably and do not degenerate into

savagery lead to better society and that there are actually sometimes when conflicting situation

could result to loss of lives and properties” (Okoh, 2005). In this study, conflict is seen as an

incompatible relationship that gives birth to negative results. Therefore, there was a thoughtful

attempt to truncate the harmonious coexistence between the different communities among Esan

ethnic group.

On the other hand, conflict resolution is a wide-ranging concept that “incorporates all

methodologies for managing conflict: from negotiation to diplomacy, from mediation to

arbitration, from conciliation to conflict prevention, from conflict management to transformation,

from restorative to peacekeeping” (Hilal, 2011). In African society and Esan land in specific,

“conflict resolution is a mending process whereby all concerned give meaningful commitments

in guaranteeing that social-attachment is kept up among individuals, families and communities.

In other words, conflict resolution is underscored by the principles of reciprocity, all-

inclusiveness and a sense of shared destiny between people on one hand, and restoring impaired

relationship with God, the spirits and the ancestors” (Bakut, 2013). “Conflict resolution helped to

promote consensus-building, social bridge reconstructions and the re-enactment of order in

12
society” (Otite & Albert, 2003). The logic above was simulated in practice and theory in

precolonial Esan people.

Though conflict is a ubiquitous occurrence that is not a preserve of one group, region,

race or religion, peace researchers do not agree on the conflict concept meaning. But conflict

causes are many; its beginning encompasses some distinguishable variables from other concepts

such as crisis, instability, and violence. Oyeshola proposed that conflict exists when there is:

“When there is a sharp disagreement or clash, for instance, between divergent ideas, interests of

people and nations. Conflicts are universal yet distinct in every culture. It is common to all

persons yet experienced uniquely by every individual. It is a visible sign of human energy and

often the result of competitive and resources” (Oyeshola, 2005).

As explained above, conflict is considered to be a disagreement product that may be

grounded on the belief system and threat perceptions to people’s goal achievement. Spangler and

Burgess noted that “conflict involves deep rooted moral or value differences high-state

distributional question, such as who dominates whom. Fundamental human psychological needs

of identity, security and recognition are of issue as well” (Spangler & Burgess, 2005). For

Chaplin (1979), ‘conflict can be defined come antagonistic, particularly when they are faced with

irreconcilable or opposing views. In this series, “the pre-colonial Esanland had conflict as a

social phenomenon derives from a clash of goals, both personal and groups, which at whenever

its emerged was peacefully resolved. This calls for peace researchers to always look into the

people pre-colonial conflict and how they were resolved amicably. The fact is that conflict

among the Edo speaking peoples (Esan inclusive) had been a struggle over values and claims to

scarce status, power and resources in which the aim of the opponents are to neutralize, injure, or

eliminate their rivals” (Otawama, 2008). Most of the conflicts in Nigeria today especially in the

13
middle belts have always taken this form such as (Zagon Kataf, (1987) Tafawa Balewa, (1991)

Jos (2001) Kaduna, Zaria, (1997) Bachama Hausa conflict, 1990) (Otawama, 2008).

Conflict is inevitable among humans for sustainable development. “When two or more

social entities (i.e. individuals, groups, organizations and nations) come in contact with one

another in attaining their objectives, their relationships may become incompatible or

inconsistent. Relationships among such entities may become inconsistent when two or more of

them desire a similar resource that is in short supply; when they have partially exclusive

behavioural preferences regarding their joint action; or when they have different attitudes,

values, beliefs and skills. Conflict in some form and degree is part and parcel of virtually every

facet of human life” (Iyamu & Salami, 2011). Some people tend to view conflict as undesirable

component of human life while others through history and experience came to the conclusion

that conflict can indeed lead to changes regarded as desirable in terms of generally acceptable

human values. As a matter of fact, conflict exists in every organization of human assembly and

cannot be avoided. Conflict is ubiquitous at all levels of human social relationships. No wonder

(Uhunmwuangho & Epelle, 2008) posits that “conflict performs many positive functions (such as

enhancing social solidarity, classifying values, stimulating growth and promoting learning)”. He

went further to say that the common phrase that states “without peace which negative conflict

offers there cannot be meaningful development is incontrovertible”. “Conflict is not deviant or

sick behaviour. Industrial conflicts represent the basic expression of the inability of the parties

involved to mutually or reciprocally satisfy each other’s needs” (Akintoye, 2014).

Conflict is further defined as a “struggle over values or claims to status, power and scare

resources among two or more parties that perceive incompatible interests or express hostile

attitudes. Accordingly, it can also be seen as a struggle or contest between people with opposing

14
needs, ideas, beliefs, values or goals. Conflict is not necessarily war but there is hardly any war

without declared or undeclared conflict. There are two sides to conflict. Conflict could

degenerate to non-productive results in the form of irreparable damages. It could also culminate

in some beneficial outcome in the form of equity or emergence of a new situation agreeable to

the parties hitherto in conflict. The determining factor therefore is how a conflict is managed”

(Iyamu & Salami, 2011).

Conflict management is viewed as “a wide term that includes conflict resolution,

changing the character of conflict to be positive, and encouraging peaceful cohabitation”

(Uhunmwuangho & Epelle, 2008). It is a long-term agreement including official organizations

and institutions for stopping and averting conflict anytime it is ready to erupt. In other words ,

conflict management is “a name for the various methods in which individuals address

complaints, defending what they believe to be right against what they believe to be wrong.

Conflict resolution necessitates a mix of intellectual and interpersonal abilities. It has an impact

on individual happiness, group performance, and organizational effectiveness” (Uhunmwuangho

& Epelle, 2008). As such, “conflict management is taking steps to reduce the bad elements of

conflict while increasing the good components of conflict with the goal of improving learning

and group outcomes, such as effectiveness or performance in an organizational context” (Aina, et

al, 2015). Conflict resolution is considered effective when it achieves its purpose by establishing

a win-win approach-approach or consensual agreement that is agreeable to both sides. Coleman,

(1958) as cited in Nnoli, 1980) characterized the introduction of Indirect Rule system in Nigeria

by Fredrick Lord Lugard, the Chief Administrator, was not the appropriate mechanism for

managing tribal animosities in the colony. The system not only reinforced ethnic divisions, “it

has complicated the task of welding diverse elements into a Nigerian Nation”. This strategy of

15
governance distanced ethnic groups from each other. Lugard gave power to the traditional rulers

who corruptly used it in the villages to amass wealth, land and establish patronage networks,

which, in the long run, encouraged tribalism and nepotism.

2.1.2 Concept of Peacebuilding

Peacebuilding is the development of constructive personal, group, and political

relationships across ethnic, religious, class, national, and racial boundaries. It aims to resolve

injustice in nonviolent ways and to transform the structural conditions that generate deadly

conflict. Peacebuilding is “the development of constructive personal, group, and political

relationships across ethnic, religious, class, national, and racial boundaries. It aims to resolve

injustice in nonviolent ways and to transform the structural conditions that generate deadly

conflict. Peacebuilding can include conflict prevention; conflict management; conflict resolution

and transformation, and post-conflict reconciliation. Peacebuilding becomes strategic when it

works over the long run and at all levels of society to establish and sustain relationships among

people locally and globally. Strategic peacebuilding connects people and groups “on the

ground” (community and religious groups, grassroots organizations, etc.) with policymakers and

powerbrokers (governments, the United Nations, corporations, banks, etc.) It aims not only to

resolve conflicts, but to build societies, institutions, policies, and relationships that are better able

to sustain peace and justice” (UNEP, 2009).

Peacebuilding is “an activity that aims to resolve injustice in nonviolent ways and to

transform the cultural and structural conditions that generate deadly or destructive conflict. It

revolves around developing constructive personal, group, and political relationships

across ethnic, religious, class, national, and racial boundaries. The process includes violence

prevention; conflict management, resolution, or transformation; and post-conflict reconciliation

16
or trauma healing before, during, and after any given case of violence” (Rapoport, 1989; 1992).

As such, peacebuilding is a multidisciplinary cross-sector technique or method that becomes

strategic when it works over the long run and at all levels of society to establish and sustain

relationships among people locally and globally and thus engenders sustainable peace. Strategic

peacebuilding activities address the root or potential causes of violence, create a societal

expectation for peaceful conflict resolution, and stabilize society politically and

socioeconomically.

The methods included in peacebuilding vary depending on the situation and the agent of

peacebuilding. Successful peacebuilding activities create an environment supportive of self-

sustaining, durable peace; reconcile opponents; prevent conflict from restarting; integrate civil

society; create rule of law mechanisms; and address underlying structural and societal issues.

Researchers and practitioners also increasingly find that peacebuilding is most effective and

durable when it relies upon local conceptions of peace and the underlying dynamics that foster or

enable conflict (Coning, 2013). The definition of peacebuilding varies depending on the actor,

with some definitions specifying what activities fall within the scope of peacebuilding or

restricting peacebuilding to post-conflict interventions. Even if peacebuilding has remained a

largely amorphous concept without clear guidelines or goals (Hazen, 2007), common to all

definitions is the agreement that improving human security is the central task of

peacebuilding. In this sense, peacebuilding includes a wide range of efforts by diverse actors in

government and civil society at the community, national, and international levels to address the

root causes of violence and ensure civilians have freedom from fear (negative peace), freedom

from want (positive peace) and freedom from humiliation before, during, and after violent

conflict.

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 Although many of peacebuilding's aims overlap with those of peacemaking,

peacekeeping and conflict resolution, it is a distinct idea. Peacemaking involves stopping an

ongoing conflict, whereas peacebuilding happens before a conflict starts or once it

ends. Peacekeeping prevents the resumption of fighting following a conflict; it does not address

the underlying causes of violence or work to create societal change, as peacebuilding does.

Peacekeeping also differs from peacebuilding in that it only occurs after conflict ends, not before

it begins. Conflict resolution does not include some components of peacebuilding, such as state

building and socioeconomic development.

While some use the term to refer to only post-conflict or post-war contexts, most use the

term more broadly to refer to any stage of conflict. Before conflict becomes violent, preventive

peacebuilding efforts, such as diplomatic, economic development, social, educational, health,

legal and security sector reform programs, address potential sources of instability and violence.

This is also termed conflict prevention. Peacebuilding efforts aim to manage, mitigate, resolve

and transform central aspects of the conflict through official diplomacy; as well as through civil

society peace processes and informal dialogue, negotiation, and mediation. Peacebuilding

addresses economic, social and political root causes of violence and fosters reconciliation to

prevent the return of structural and direct violence. Peacebuilding efforts aim to change beliefs,

attitudes and behaviors to transform the short and long term dynamics between individuals and

groups toward a more stable, peaceful coexistence. Peacebuilding is an approach to an entire set

of interrelated efforts that support peace. Peace-building is a term of more recent origin that, as

used in the report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations (2000), defines “activities

undertaken on the far side of conflict to reassemble the foundations of peace and provide the

18
tools for building on those foundations something that is more than just the absence of war”

(Coning, 2013).

2.2 Geographical location of Esan people

The Esan people constitute “one of the major ethnic groups in contemporary Edo State,

South-south geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Esan occupy a land mass covering about 2987.52

square kilometres” (Erhagbe & Ehiabhi, 2011). It is located within longitude 50 301 and latitude

50 301 north, and 70 301 east of Benin City, the capital of Edo State (Akunbor, 2016). Perhaps,

currently there are thirty-one well developed communities in the Esan land such as: “Amahor,

Ebelle, Egoro, Ekekhelen, Ekpoma, Ekpon, Emu, Ewatto, Ewohimi, Ewosa, Ewu, Idoa, Igueben,

Irrua, Okalo, Ogwa, Ohordua, Okhuesan, Onogholo, Opoji, Oria, Orowa, Ubiaja, Udo, Ugbegun,

Ugboha, Ugun, Ujiogba, Ukhun, Urohi, and Uromi” (Okojie, 1960). Each of these kingdoms is

headed by a king – Onojie. As at today, the Esan is constituted into five Local Government

Areas namely; Esan West, Esan Central, Esan North East, Esan South East, and Igueben. “The

origin of Esan people has been a subject of great debate since the major tool for reconstruction of

the early Esan history has been oral traditions in which various communities lay claim to one

migration theory or the other” (Okoduwa , 2017). “The Oba Ewuare version apologists believed

that the Esan people migrated from Benin kingdom in the 14th century during the reign of Oba

Ewuare (the great). Oba Ewuare infuriated by the mysterious death of his two sons on the same

day enacted some laws to be obeyed as a mark of respect for his departed sons. The hardship and

diseases that followed on the heels of these laws caused many people to flee. A great number of

those who fled Benin and migrated toward the North-east and settled in what is currently known

as Esan area are the ancestral fathers of the present Esan people” (Omonfonmwan & Kadiri,

2007).

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 However, Okoduwa did not totally share this belief, he maintained that “the Ewuare

version of Esan origin may mean the origin of more sophisticated political institutions in the area

and the phase of radical societal restructuring due largely to increased migrants from Benin into

the area, so it would not be proper to state in clear terms that marked the origin of Esan per se.

He buttressed this point with the establishment of Irrua which according to oral tradition was the

earliest kingdom founded in Esan by a warriors from Ifeku, an island near Idah” (Okoduwa,

2017). Despite, these divers’ versions of origin, “the Esan people are unique and highly vibrant

group with a common language, custom and tradition. Although the Esan language is spoken and

well understood by the people of Esan land, there are dialectal variants. .In spite, of these

observable varieties of Esan languages, they are mutually understandable, to such an extent that

informative communication between speakers is not compromised” (Omo-Ojugo, 2004).

2.2.1 Nature of conflict in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

Conflict is a ubiquitous occurrence that has continually been part of human existence and

day-by-day living. Normally, conflicts occurrences are most habitually attributed to

“incompatibilities and differences between individuals and groups” (Fisher, 1990). “Conflict has

multi-dimensional and multi-casual phenomena; there is no single cause for conflict. Conflicts

arise for various reasons that are often a combination of politics, economics, and differing

cultural identities” (Obegi & Nyamboga, 2017). “Conflicts in pre-colonial Esan were basically

communal conflicts that ensued as a result of disagreement between two or more groups”

(Okojie, 1960). However, Okojie identified some causal factors that incite conflict in ancient

periods as thus; “divorce, struggle for political power, arson, kidnapping, and murder and that the

nature of conflicts in pre-colonial era Esan was embedded in many aspect of the people’s cultural

existence” (Okojie, 1960).

20
 For instance, marriages “in pre-colonial Esan were governed by tradition and custom”.

“Generally speaking divorce is foreign to native laws and customs but it had crept in since the

inception of our native court system” (Oghi, 2014). “In Esan society likewise, legal dissolution

of marriage union were unheard of, once a woman entered into the covenant of marriage she

bound to remain with her husband until death. Peradventure, a woman made up her mind to

separate from her husband for any reason to her parents, she might as well decide to remain

unmarried but in situation where she marries again, the later husband is naturally calling for war

on his immediate family in particular, and the entire village. Unlike the Christian religion and

Western marriages that underscored monogamy, the wealth of an Esan man was measured by the

number of wives he got married to and therefore polygamy was practiced. It is imperative to note

that, not adherence to the covenant of marriage has led to the following wars (height of conflict)

in ancient Esan land” (Oghi, 2014).

The war between “Uromi and Irrua of 1892-1893 was a case in this regard, Eromonsele

the onojie of Irrua got married to Omanmoje a princess from the ruling house of Uromi, the

marriage blossom for a short period, with the passage of time the once blossomed union

dwindled and Onojie Eromonsele neglected the youthful princess with little or no care and when

she could no longer bear the inhumanity melted on her, she decided to abandoned her

matrimonial home to meet her parent in Uromi. Subsequently, she got married to another man in

Uromi. Eromonsele could not bear the thought that another man would be sexually be intimate

with his wife, he considered the act as a major affront on his throne, left with no option he

declared war on Uromi in order to reclaim his escapee wife. The war eventually came to an end

when a truce was brokered between the warring parties. In order to calm the raging Onojie,

21
Omamoje’s cousin was used as a wife replacement while a woman was made to die for the

atrocity committed by Omamoje” (Okojie, 1960).

The Udo-Ewatto War of 1890 also “illustrated why divorce was uncommon in Esan.

Eiyokho, the wife of the brave Eidenojie of Udo, deserted her lawful husband and went to her

home in Idunsenu, Ewatto. Eidenojie haven’t seen the act as disrespectful decided to travel to

Ewatto with his twelve armed men to showcase his brevity but unfortunately it boomerang he

lost many of his men in the process” (Okojie, 1960). Other war example that took place as a

result of divorce was the war between Akho-Irrua and Illeh-Ekpoma of 1890. “Iyinbo was once

married to Akhimie of Illeh, Ekpoma the heir apparent to Ikhumun dynasty but deserted her

husband to be re-married to Eroanga of Akho, in Irrua, the brother of Okougbo, one of the

warlords (Okakulos) of the village. Okougbo feeling much excited about the great exploit of his

brother mocked the Illeh people for not been able to fight for their right by taking their wife

back. Illeh people saw this affront as denigrating the pride of the great Ikhumun. Consequently,

Illeh declared war on Akho” (Okojie, 1960). Divorce was a major source of conflict in Esan land

which had led to many wars.

Another source of conflict in pre-colonial era was the struggle for political power. “A

case in point, was the war between Irrua-Opoji of 1845-1850, this was fought by the Opoji

people to declare their political independence from the tyrannical regime of the ruling house of

Irrua. The patriotic zeal of the Opoji people was seen by the just crowned king Ogbeide as an

affront on the pride of the Irrua” (Akahomen, 2019). “This necessitated the war that began in

1845, which lasted for about five years with both communities suffered heavy death toll. One

other area in Esan socio-cultural interactions that has attracted much conflicting setting was

commercial activities, though carried out in very low magnitude it caused disagreement and

22
distrust because of lack of fixed standard of measurement and method of exchange. Most often,

these disagreements had led to major conflicts which usually apart from causing political

resentments, also meant the leaving behind of trade and commerce between contending parties or

groups for a reasonable periods” (Oseghale, 1999).

2.2.2 Conflict resolution approaches in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

There were exceptional conflict resolutions mechanism characteristics in the pre-colonial

Esan, which are lacking in the global comity today. “The notable feature of this conflict

resolution mechanism stood Esan in the vantage position. In spite of the fact that, the Esan

people are unique in the sense that the share common language as well as other cultural patterns

but they were not centrally governed as in the case of Benin kingdom where the Oba serve as the

political head of the entire kingdom and at the district and village level he was assisted by the

Enigie (Dukes)” (Oghi, 2014). “In pre- colonial Esanland (Otoesan), perhaps of the fifteen to

twenty established kingdoms under the period of study, they were variously autonomous of each

other, as they had their own king (Onojie) who rules his kingdom with the assistants of his

appointed chiefs (Ekhaemhon) in the dispensations of justices. Historically, each of these

kingdoms possessed the required state paraphernalia such as the traditional police, court and

other executive as well as legislative organs” (Oseghale, 1999). Although, “Esan polities

remained basically autonomous, they were by no means inaccessible from one another (Egbefoh

& Aghanilo, 2012). In Esanland, resolutions of conflict were usually done through three level of

government- the ward, the village and the Centre (the Palace)” (Oseghale, 1999).

At the ward level (Uelen),which is “made up of a man, his wife or wives, his children and

younger brothers and their wives, his children and younger brothers and their wives, the

unmarried sisters and his mother” (Egbefoh & Aghanilo, 2012). “The oldest male (Odafen)

23
served as the hitherto head of the family, which could be single or extended. This may appearss

as if Esan people are gender bias but the rationale behind these practices is anchored on the

belief that women will eventually leave their biological family and formed a new family. Esan

people traced and preserved their family lineage through male folks. It is the duty of the Odafen

to guarantee that serenity and dynamic union among individuals from the family is kept up at all

times” (Olumese, 2017).

Nevertheless, he carried out these duties with the coordinated effort of the members of

the family. He also “served as the family priest who offered sacrifices to the gods and ancestral

spirits, in order to prevent impending dooms which would have otherwise befall the family”

(Olumese, 2017). “The principle that underscored these practices is that when an intending

conflict is nit on board at the family level there is every possibility to have a peaceful community

or society. In a situation where a man and woman had disagreement, it is the duty of the Odafen

to call them to order so that harmonious relation is ensured but if it happened that the couple

failed to adhere to his advice then a message is sent to the woman parents to come over. The

parent usually arrive very early in the morning and the parties- involved are called to state their

grievances, if the woman is found culpable she will be advised to apologized to her husband.

Most often, the woman is asked to prepare a special meal in order to cement the once fractured

relationship. Thereafter, her parents will entreat her to have a change behavior. In a similar

manner, if the man is at fault he will be advised to ask for forgiveness from his wife, in most

cases is at the man discretion on manner go about the apology” (Akahomen, 2019).

In Esan, in-laws are highly venerated, that is why there is a popular saying as thus:

“Aigboruan oria rhamude, onogbe, ogbe ehiole” (One does not fight his in-law, he who does so

fights with his own destiny) (Izibili, 2012). In-laws, as mentioned above encompass not just the

24
immediate family of the couple but both communities. “Marriages in pre-colonial Esan were met

to widen the bond of friendship among communities as well as strengthen solidarity and unity

among people who would have ordinary been hostile to each other. A case in point was the

marriage between queen Ebuade, the daughter of the Onojie of Ugboha and the Onojie of Irrua,

the union created a peaceful and friendship ties between Ugboha and Irrua” (Okojie, 1960). Also,

the “hitherto animosity between the Onojie of Uromi and Opoji was brought to an end, when

Ozedu the daughter of the Onojie got married to Onojie of Opoji. This alliance, which arises

from the bond of marriages, promotes peace and stability. It is imperative to understand that until

recent past marriage between members of the same community was forbidden because there was

this belief that they are of the same close ancestors” (Okojie, 1960).

Another organ in pre-colonial Esan that helped in the administration of justices was the

elder’s council (Ikolo Edion). “The elders were empowered to trial and administer appropriate

punishment in practically all disputes and crimes. However, some capital offences such as

murder, evils of witchcraft and land disputes were referred to the Onojie at Eguare (a place

where the king is domicile) for his decisions. In the process of resolving conflicts, the Edion

usually met at the village square (Okoghele) where all parties to the case at hand are given ample

opportunity to aired their views. In the event that all parties have all spoken, the Edion then

moved away to confer (Iyi uma) and upon their return a decision is given by their spokesman.

The decision of the elders are usually followed by a fine (Oko) or in some other cases, a goat is

seized from the guilty one” (Okojie, 1960). In occasional circumstances, “when the found guilty

refused to abide by the decisions of the elders, he or she might be ordered to swear to the village

juju to prove their innocence” (Okojie, 1960).

25
 Also, the Enijie (kings) “functioned as conciliators and reconcilers when disputes occur,

so as to reestablish harmony and keep up agreeable relations among families and communities”

(Egbefoh & Aghanilo, 2012). “The pre- colonial Esan conflict resolution methods encouraged

the faulted to admit responsibility because of the co-operative measure employ to ensure peace

and stability. In pre-colonial time injustice is addressed through healing and a rebuilding of

rapport. Each party to the conflict is usually invited to state his/her own side of the story without

interruption from the other party. It is believed that the persons will speak truthfully, but when in

doubt they could be asked to swear on certain deities” (Adrian, 2014). This is comparable to the

western legal system method that underscored establishing guilt, executing payback and penalty

without reference to the victims, the wider families or future reincorporating the offender into the

community. “It is in accordance with this understanding that Bob-Manuel cited in Birgit Brock-

utne claims that the gradual erosion of the values that existed within the traditional African

societies and the replacement of these values by foreign ones introduced systematic problems for

Africans because they were unable to adapt to the new system of political power” (Brock-Utne,

2001).

In pre-colonial times, “Esan land people had insightful inter-village relationships. Some

Esan communities claimed very friendly union to the extent that no visible land boundary existed

to strictly delineate one area form the other. For example the relationship that existed among

Udo, Ubiaja, and Ugboha communities” (Olumese, 2017). The Esan people “valued and

encouraged communal living, where there is tendency to be conflict in respect to land disputes,

or any other act of hostilities a blood pact (Okoven) was initiated to avert the occurrence. The

system of Okoven served two major purposes, to put an end to already existing conflict between

communities or to guarantee continuous peaceful co-existence. Once the Okoven oath was sworn

26
to, it was expected to cement relationship, promote relationship, kingship and non-aggression

between the affected communities” (Olumese, 2017).The “okoven pact initiated the spirit of

Aneigbe (no shedding of each other’s blood) among the Esan people. Aneigbe ensured that the

people do not go against the tenets of Okoven pact. A case in point, is the cordial relationship

that existed and still existing among the people of Irrua, Uzea, Oria, Uromi and Ugboha; these

various communities believed they have eternal covenant of been their brothers keepers since

they ascribed to a common ancestor” (Olumese, 2017).

Another area in Esan social-cultural relations that helped to ensure peaceful interactions

was “the phenomenon of Alimhin (spirit/masquerade) they played a pivotal role in ensuring

peace and unity in the traditional Esan societies. Alimhin are regarded as ancestral spirit who

directly shapes the world of the living, to this extent they were highly revered. They acted as a

source of restraint to people’s abnormal behavior which is not in line with the societal pattern.

The people believed that Alimhin are part of their origin, so they play a vital role in ensuring

peace and stability” (Akunbor, 2016). This was profoundly established in the religious

convictions of the people which are attributed to Elimin. “This ancestral belief is so deep in

traditional African system, as such it helped to bind present living members of family and

lineage together especially in times of social upheaval” (Ngamen, 2016). Azenabor cited in

Akubor underscores the imperativeness of Alimhin when he emphasized that: “…in the Esan

circle there three forces that rule the universe, the power of man (which is physical), intellectual

and spiritual, and that though man may change the world through his physical power for good or

evil, he is however limited. On the other hand, Spirit and ancestors (elimin) also influence the

world because they are nearer to God, and so, are less limited than man. These spirits are those

whose lives lived to an old age (Edion) with good knowledge of society and died. Thus when

27
these die, their spirits continued to guide society in the right path of truth, security and justice.

He argues again that God supreme and his influence overtake all other influence” (Akunbor,

2016).

Normally, the above underlines the crucial role of these spirits in maintaining peace and

stability in pre-colonial Esan land. Moreover, it stressed “the pivotal influence of the elders

living and dead in ensuring social cohesion of the Esan communities. The elderly are highly

respected in Esan land, because it is believed that they took decisions after a careful

consideration of the matter before them based on their sound knowledge of Esan traditions. In

doing this, they employed the use of Esan words and proverbs to flatters and nailed in moral

lessons in order to avert impending conflict. The elderly played a pivotal in ensuring socio-

cultural cohesion, they served as a rally points for imbibing wisdom and fortifying cordial intra

and intergroup relationships” (Olumese , 2017; Bamigbose, 2017).

2.2.3 Peacemaking in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

Peacemaking is the term used to refer “to the process of negotiating the resolution of a

conflict between people, groups, or states. It goes beyond peacekeeping to actually deal with the

issues that cause a conflict. In pre-colonial Esan, peacemaking and peacekeeping was blended

and tied together in the various communities. Both aimed towards reconciliation and

normalization of relations between ordinary people and those in authority” (Otawama, 2008).

“Peace deriving its origin from the Greek word “Pax” Peacemaking/building or keeping to an

average Esan person is a process which recognizes that certain concrete effort and processes are

required to be made by individuals, groups and communities for conflict to be reduced to a

minimum level, and for a peaceable society to be achieved”. According to Dr. Esangbedo

Okoduwa in Esangbedo (2008); “Peace thrives on justice, fairness, equity, trust, friendship,

28
mutual respect, communication, a common aspiration and similar elements. So it added titles

does not make any different in pre-colonial Esan. Unlike a situation of conflict, it encompasses a

state of harmony, free from violent or intolerable conflict, discord, hostilities and war of any type

or any disagreement which could disrupt the daily routines of citizens. The aim of peacemaking

and any peace is to bring about trust, tolerance and confidence among the people living as groups

in a community” (Esangbedo, 2008). “In pre-colonial Esan our area of study the processes of

peacemaking and any other peace began at the level of the individual and his household, Uelen

made up of a man, his wife or wives, his children and younger brothers and their wives, his

children and younger brothers and their wives, the unmarried sisters and his mother. The

underlying principle is that a man, Okpia who is free from inner and domestic conflicts is able to

not only to behave in a less aggressive manner but also a builder and keeper of peace”

(Esangbedo, 2008).

2.2.4 Inter-group Cooperation in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

Afigbo (1987) in his analysis of The Igbo and their Neighbours offers an important

theoretical formulation and meaning of inter-group relations. According to him: “Inter-group

relations presupposes contact and interaction between groups each of which has an identity, to

make some inputs into the relationship, in short, each of which has some scope and area of

autonomous action” (Afigbo, 1987). “This raises a number of fundamental conceptual issues

regarding the phenomenon of inter-group relations or cooperation that should be clarified. The

first of these is that inter-group co-operations entail contact and interactions between groups.

This ordinarily implies that it is the logical consequence of contact between people, in which

case, it deals with human beings and is therefore a social phenomenon. Emphasizing this point

S.A. Lohor observes that, inter-group co-operations, refers to the interaction which takes place

between members of different group and societies who come in contact with one another. It

29
pertains to the symbolical or face-to-face interaction between people and between different

societies” (Lohor, 1998).

There is enough evidence to suggest that “prior to Esan-Colonial experience, an intricate

system of socio-political, economic and cultural co-operation had been established between Esan

people. Through these linkages, there emerged continued cross-fertilization of ideas which

tended among them”. The degree of cultural exchange and the manifest impact on the people

perhaps prompted Reverned Smith Bulkson to remark that “of the Edo speaking peoples, the

Esan are perhaps the most united and is started long before their contact with the Europeans”

(Smith, 1953).

The major feature of the socio-political organization of the area during the pre-colonial

period was the “presence of Benin kingdom imperial expansionist policies which encouraged the

need for the people to develop large and expansive polities copied from centralized state

systems” (Egbewan, 2008), “which created inter-group cooperation. Moreover most of the

village groups, at least in the very early times were made up of lineages and patrilineages which

were descendants of founders who were themselves related by one or more of the following

factors: consanguineous ties, marriage ties, totemic ties, common experience of migration,

common ‘threat of extermination’ from Benin kingdom, common occupation such as hunting,

farming, fishing and other factors. In such settlements it did not require any demonstrable craft to

evolve harmonious and humane co-existence among the people” (Egbewan, 2008).

The common “traditions of origin, common experience of migration, and ancestral and

genealogical affinities are of central importance in understanding the unity and intermingling of

the groups even across the immediate neighbourhood. The Ekpoma villages and village groups

of Irrua, Ubiaja, Ahia, Okhu esan, Ilah, Ewatto, Ewohimi, Amahor, Egori Na Oka, share the

30
same tradition of origin with Uromi, Ekpoma, Irrua and Ubiaja. Other major traditions of

historical relationships include those linking Ewu and Uzea, and Uroh, Ekpon and Ujiogba,

Urohi and Ujamen, Emu Ohordua: Ebelle-Ogwa” (Egbewan, 2008). “These seems to be good

reasons to believe that these ancestral ties and the common experience shared by the founders of

particular group of villages helped to bring the people together in the early period of their

history. Apart from common origin and common experience of migration especially from Benin,

the shared experience in dealing with the enemies, the Benins in particular lingered in the

people’s memories for several generations and would appear to have brought them closer”

(Omokhua, 2000). “Several generations and in some cases centuries after the foundation of the

villages, the elders in villages and village-groups in question still generally maintain the

conscious belief of Okpamakhin, we are all one” (Omokhua, 2000).

The spread of population in the area was “largely by the mechanism of internal

movements and intermingling of waves of migrants from Benin-kingdom, Igboland, Yorubaland

and Nupeland; etc. Most of the secondary and tertiary settlements created were composite in that

were composed majorly of migrant groups from Benin and thus share many socio-political and

cultural heritages in common. A classic example is Irrua, Ekpoma, Uromi, Ewu, Ubiaja, Udo,

Ugboha which as the name clearly shows, was of mixed peopling. Other communities grew and

with the gradual decentralization of power Esan progressed to the modern territorial units, each

autonomous and headed by its own Onojie, king” (Omokhua, 2000). “These earliest villages

groups did not only help to bring the different migrant groups together, there were healthy

relations between each such composite settlement and the various sources of its peopling,

especially in cases where the settlers broke links with their former home (Omokhua, 2000).

31
 There were also political links among the Esan when in “Oba Ewuare’s wooing in 1463

of the Esan Ekakulo, war leaders were given similar titles of Onojie to enable them rule their

respective communities” (Okojie, 1956). “Yearly, they went personally or through accredited

agents to pay homage to the Oba. The ruling families in the polities especially in case of where

the institutions of Onojieship existed every sense were said to be brothers. Apart from vague

qualms over going to war with each other-usually expressed colloquially as ‘not seeing each

others blood’. Irrua was as related to Uromi or Uromi to Ugboha as Switerland is to Germany or

France to Italy, each an autonomous state” (Okojie, 1956). “The villages and village-groups

within chiefdom were frequently offshoots of one ancestor or related ancestor or were founded

by persons sharing some common experience. Such villages were at any time under the ruler-

ships of ‘brothers’ or persons related in some way. This is what some scholars have termed

perpetual kinship or positional successions” (Okojie, 1956). Vansina has pointed out that “the

institutions (of perpetual kinship and positional succession, were an integrative mechanism

which is social in its idiom but which is often political in its purposes and effects” (Vansina,

1966). Doubtless, ancestral or other historical relationships bonded the rulers and consequently,

the villages under them also together. According to An Oral Interview with Chief Odion A.

Azagba of Udenu village in 2006, “although the various chiefdom and villages seems to always

assert there autonomous and unique identities, decisions on matters of common interests were

jointly taken from time to time. Among such vital decisions were those bordering on inter-group

trade, inter-marriages, the use of boundary lands and frontiers for farming, hunting, trapping,

tapping of bush and water resources and particularly, the problems relating to the politics of war

and defence against their neighbours.Of importance, too was the fact that whenever there was a

dispute between any two chiefdom, the other chiefdoms-incases where there were more than one

32
polities united in perpetual kinship and positional succession intervened for peaceful settlements,

imposing fines and sanctions where necessary. To be stressed is the fact that the same spirit

which guided and permeated joint decision processes also was at work in the execution of

decisions. Thus, like in other areas where the institution of perpetual kinship existed, it was a

centripetal force bringing different polities in a loose but single political unity”.

The problem of security and defense against external attacks and invasions was one

major source of unity. “In times of external invasions particular autonomous villages, usually in

a neighbourhood, come together in military coalition for defence purposes. The number of allies

and the nature of the coalition were in each case determined by the nature of the threat. An

example was the coalition of Uromi, Ewohimi and Ubiaja against the Nupe/Hausa Jihadist.

Another example was that of Ekpoma, Ewu and Agbede against the Idah warriors in 1616 and

1769” (Okojie, 1956). The military cooperation was in fact, largely because of other existing

forms of unity. Unity according to Chief Aigbodion O. Oniha, was “enhanced by the fact that

most chiefdoms living as neighbours had common ancestry and as a consequence, the problem of

one was regarded as that of the entire chiefdom and was treated collectively in the spirit of

oneness. This was one major factor in military coalition and cooperation among the Esan”.

There was also the fact that neighbouring chiefdoms and chieflets were united by the fact

that “they shared common farm boundaries, had their farms and farmlands over lapping,

exchanged farmlands, shared farmsteads, farm together and lived communally. Apart from direct

farm activities, the cooperating farmers also carried out such other activities as hunting and

trapping together in small groups” (Okonofua, 1999). In the area, the available rivers and streams

where they are were shared by different chiefdoms. “The rivers and streams, which served

primarily as sources of water supply, to the communities in the neighbourhoods also gave rise to

33
some fishing pottery and where raffia palm trees flourished with basket and mat making”. “In the

river Niger area oral tradition narrates how some people of Ozigono, Ekpoma, Ukhun fished

jointly in the Niger especially during the rainy seasons” (Okonofua, 1999).

The relevant point to note is that “the common use of the rivers and streams like the

sharing of farmlands mentioned above helped to promote oneness among the different groups

involved in each case served and worshipped the spirits believed to be dwelling in the river or

streams brought the group even close” (Okonofua, 1999). Esan polities were also brought closer

by the practice of inter-groups marriage. Endogamy was not practiced initially. Most of the

chiefdoms were settled by a few persons more or less bonded by blood and other ties. Thus,

“endogamous marriages were ethically and ritualistically forbidden and consequently people

went and looked outside their ‘boundaries’ for courtships and marriages. The result was that a

complex interlocking way of marriage relationships resulted in several alliances, pact and treaties

of understanding among the chiefdoms” (Okonofua, 1999).

Trade was another important sector in pre-colonial Esan economy. “Apart from the

simple exchange which took place in each of the villages, commercial relations existed among

the villages and also between the area and the neighbouring peoples- the Benin, Asaba, Agbor,

Igala, Urhobo and the western communities. Trade among the communities was made possible

by the existence of periodic town markets which alternated in the individual clans or

neighbourhood and at which some exchange was done” (Okonofua, 1999).

However, the germane point to our discussion was that the markets which were important

primarily as exchange centre also had an inherent social significance, facilitating the

intermingling of people. As Ikime has observed, the markets is “An excellent meeting place not

34
only for buying and selling but also for exchanging ideas and forging friendships” (Amosun,

2001).

Moreover, “long-distance trade necessarily involved traders spending days outside their

homes. Inevitably, this produced new relationships. There were no hotels or developed tourist

centres to cater for the needs of traders and travelers. In this way, long distance traders made new

friends on whom they depended for accommodation. However, these traders who had relatives in

places to which they traded were housed by such relatives. These commercial relations between

the various chiefdoms were important in that they enabled the various groups in the area to trade

their produce for the produce of other economic or ecological zones. This trade across the

borders towns underscored the complementarity’s of economic life and promoted healthy inter

and extra-group relations” (Amosun, 2001).

Culturally, “some village groups institutionalized social relations with other groups

within Esan society according to their conveniences and interests through dance alliances. Esan

had numerous dances like Ilo, Agbega, Oleke Abayon, Aghamojie, Obodorhibhafe and

Igbabonelimin. Each village group had up to about five different types of dances for social

recreation and relaxation. These dances were usually practiced from the periods of harvest to the

beginning of the next farming season. The most popular of these dances and indeed unique to

Esan people had been the Igbabonelimin, acrobatic dance. The relations mustered among the

Esan people had been considerable. A village in one specific village group could establish

friendship alliance with another village groups that hitherto had not been in any specific

relationship through the Igbabonelimin dance. Yearly visit was exchanged and with reciprocity

of valuable gifts like tobacco, salt, meat, fish and sometimes woven cloth” (Ojeize, 2000). In the

general social situation, they also concluded “a friendly alliance which was capable of

35
weakening hostility and enhancing cordiality and solidarity. This was a common feature in Esan,

where most village groups contracted” (Amosun, 2001).

Apart from security reason, “Esan dances had other uses. Esan communities had also

used dance to teach the cherished societal virtues and to condemn vices which are anti-social.

Promoting morality in the society was done through the Ikhio dance. The dance was by women

only. Unlike the Igbabonelimin which cut across the confines of local community, Ikhio was

internally organized. The dance was nocturnal in which women used songs to satirize women

and men with criminal tendencies in the society. The effect of this was to serve as a deterrent

against one’s involvement in anti-social acts. The role festivals played in Esan relations and

cooperation cannot be over emphasized. Each Esan village had at least a traditional annual

festival which was celebrated during harvest periods. In some village groups two categories of

festivals existed, those of women and those of men. The women festivals like the one celebrated

at Uromi called Igb-agwa-hol-sague were usually performed in June and July when cereals had

matured. In most other village groups festivals called Ukpe or Ihumlan were generally celebrated

by all and sundry. Its celebration marked an annual commencement of the harvesting of Yams

which the Esan people regarded as the “king” of farm crops” (Ojeize, 2000; Omolumen, 2006).

Festivals were not celebrated simultaneously throughout Esanland, instead each village

had specific periods for their own celebration. What is significant of this occasion is its provision

of a forum for contracting inter-group relations between one village group and another. The

festival periods provided opportunities to increase the number of friends and individual had

outside his own village group. In this process, the village generally would be drawn in to the

vortex of inter group co-operation; each adult celebrant would make prodigious provision to

adequately entertain his expected guests. “The Esan staple food of pounded yam and ohele or

36
ikpekpan soup were made plentiful. Palm wine, its distilled and high quantity of tobacco was

provided to be consumed during the ceremony. Indeed the period was always marked with great

festivity and revelry. The period also provided an occasion for a traditional distribution of wealth

in Esan land. On the one hand, visitors were expected to bring along with them various gifts

ranging from the highest valuable product of yam to the lowest market product, like pepper to

their hosts. (On the other hand, at the end of the festivals the visitors were also expected to be

given gifts to take home, commensurate with what the visitors had offered in the first instance”

(Omolumen, 2006).

In this process, it would seem that an enduring relationship and cooperation was built by

the people in one village group with the people of another group. The people of a village group

who were previously visitors would now become hosts as they celebrated their own festival.

They would naturally expect their formal good gesture to be reciprocated. Friendship build up in

this relationship jointly established were not terminated since the friendship jointly established

were extended to wives and children. Therefore, “once such friendship was established it was

bound to enhance cordiality and peaceful coexistence and cooperation among neighboring

peoples. Moreover, the gifts presented during festival celebrations or simply at harvest times had

various names. Some writers had referred to this presentation as tributes. In Esan land, it would

appear that people who were involved in the traditional transfer of annual gifts do not conceive

of such interaction in terms of master servant connotation. Traditional rulers, Edion (elders) or

even ordinary citizens were obliged to send gifts to their distant or near friends, landlord and god

fathers especially at harvest times when ones wealth usually increased. Structurally, such

traditional exchange of gifts emphasized the individual determination to remain in a cooperative

relations. These extensions of gifts or tribute payments had proved useful in the diplomatic

37
relationships which existed among Esan communities. Even Esan Enojie, Kings often sent gifts

annually at harvest times to their counterparts in other communities, yet this presentation hardly

showed inferiority of one Onojie to the other. Rather, such presentation emphasized

interdependence and cordial relations. These gifts were never unidirectional but were usually

reciprocated by the receivers” (Omolumen, 2006).

2.2.5 Peacemaking and Peace-keeping processes in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

Peacemaking or any other peace to the people is the process of maintaining normal

relations between people. “It requires the reconciliation of differences, offering apology and

forgiveness on past harm. The process of peacemaking as we earlier hinted began at the level of

the individual household or family. Consequently different communities had various conventions

concerning individual behaviour so as to mitigate intra-human, inter-human and domestic

conflicts” (Babatunde, 1999). That of Esan can be “approach generally as attempted here. The

conventions which were backed by taboo which must be observed, regulated activities such as

cohabitation, relationship between husband and wife, father and children, inheritance, adoption,

justice, land tenure and the like. As head of the family, Odafen a husband was expected to be at

peace with himself. He was expected of some peculiar behaviour worth emulating. Thus in real

sense a peacekeeper, maker and builder. He was also held responsible for not keeping any of the

peace in his household and ensuring that its members related well with others in the compounds

and wards in their village or town” (Babatunde, 1999). The compound heads, Omijiogbe, king,

Onojie and village heads, Odionwele had similar responsibilities in their respective domains.

Also included were the titled chiefs, Ekhaemoi and the chief priest, Ihaza, Ohen.

All these guarded their “communities’ laws and customs and applied appropriate

sanctions against any breach”. A breach of conventions was regarded as “a crime against the

38
ancestral spirits and as a disturbance of individual or communal equilibrium” (Babatunde, 1999).

Imposition of sanctions on individuals or a group of deviants was a justifiable means of restoring

the pre-existing balance in the society and traditional device for crime prevention or deterrence

of deviant behaviour.

Three broad types of sanctions existed in pre-colonial Esan. “These were moral, legal and

ritual sanctions. A moral sanction was imposed on actions which were contrary to the

conventions and set-values of the society and were consequently likely to lead to social disorder.

An authority such as the compound head, the village head, the chief-priest or the king may

express this type of sanction verbally. In a more serious way and in consonant with the severity

of the offence, moral sanctions were mostly expressed in mass action achieved through public

disgrace, ostracism Amuolen, Obiro, banishment, Anolen ubi kua, purification of the earth,

Ikpotoa and absolute banishment, Isunfia. Some of these crimes which attract mass action

through public disgrace included: adultery, Ughelemi, rape, Obhigedu witchcraft confession,

Okahi, incest and others. Disgrace, as a punishment, existed in two categories. The first involved

mass action executed by the Egbonughele, an age-grade which performed police and civil duties

on the community after an instruction from the Edion based on a trial and judgment at the public

square” (Babatunde, 1999). “Ostracism was the punitive measure reserved for crimes tending to

mar peaceful village life. For example, a non-co-operation in the village, where all other punitive

measures at the disposal of the Edion, elders or Egbele, family members has failed to cause a

change of heart. Such a man might refuse to take part in a lawful communal labor, or might be

guilty of disloyalty to the community as for example, trying to undermine the authority of elders

or selling of his people to another village during land dispute or war etc. In such a case, the

whole village gathers at the village square Ughele and using their Otu Edionnenen council of the

39
oldest elders, a law was made that from them on nobody was ever to greet or answer the

greetings of the man in question, no one was to enter his house for fire nor was he to inter

another’s house to take fire, he was thus given the most dreaded punishment the gregarious Esan

have social ostracism with its divesting psychological effects” (Babatunde, 1999).

Finding himself cut off from the rest of the community, including members of his family,

“he either had to go on his proud knees and pay heavy fines or he quitted the village altogether.

Banishment was another punishment inflicted on a gracious crime for which the punishment

could had been death, but granted an appeal by the accused family or friends from other villages.

Such crimes as persistent practice of witchcraft, having hands in causation of diseases,

possession of bad medicines etc., all merited this punitive measure. The punishment consisted of

the two lower age-grades, Igene, the oldest group of middle aged men in the village younger than

the Edion and the Egbonughele, assembling with drums, sticks, coconut palm branches minus the

leaves, broom etc. at the mans house. He was asked to make a load of his most valued

possession which he carried on his head. As he left his house with the people drumming and

singing, his footprints were systematically swept off the village street. He was led up to the

village boundary and left to his fate which might be death at the hands of wild beasts or rescued

by other villagers or captured by slave raiders. Punitive punishment for the purification of the

earth, Ikpotoa also take the same approach after an oracle was courted at the village square by

the whole community” (Itama, 2001).

Isunfia which meant absolute banishment is not much different from the earlier

mentioned punitive measures. In this case, the angry people following, the accused do not go into

bother of sweeping, “since the unfortunate man dragged on the ground automatically did all the

necessary sweeping. After trial and judgment at the square, sentence of Isunfia was passed on the

40
accused, usually an evil minded one. Ojomen (palm fronds) were tied round his waist, the head

of a dog, a whole rabbit (the two signifying Isusu, trouble or unrest) a chicken and a tortoise

were tied to the fronds with all dragged on the ground. The Igene middle and Egborughele,

lowest age-grade came after him drumming and jeering. As he was drummed out of the village in

total disgrace, his footprints were swept off by the Ojomen and junks which raise dust after him”

(Itama, 2001).

The second type of disgrace was carried out through judicial process. “The deviant would

be recommended for discipline after being found guilty. For instance, an adulteress who, by

action had caused a breach of the peace in her home would be recommended to the head of the

married women, Ilchuo Idumu and the delinquent woman was sent for. She was then shaved (in

this case to humiliate her), stripped of all her clothes and the terrible stinging nettle leaves were

wrapped round her waist and body, a heavy load made so cumber some that it would require the

two hands to balance on the head, was put on her and with her hands already employed for this

purpose, she could not scratch her intensely itchy body. She was to sing and with this she was

danced round the village with her load made heavier by the addition of rubbish which was picked

up at every corner of the village. She was mocked and flogged and when her tormentors were at

last tired she was returned to her husband’s house, as disgrace to herself and her husband. The

goat bought by her partner in crime was slaughtered at the family ancestral shrine. The elder’s

Egbele of the family shared the meat” (Timothy, 1991).

A legal sanction involved the use of judicial action by recognized authorities such as the

Edionwele, the oldest man or the village accepted traditional head, the rulers, Onogie, the chief

priest were they existed and the council of chiefs, Ekhaemon. These classes of elite made laws to

keep peace and maintain intra and inter-group relations in their domain. “Capital offences such

41
as murder, Ugberia, stealing the seed yams a farmer had already planted; kneading mud over

another’s Ijie, to build over a site owned by another person; climbing an oil palm on which a

man was already up; one hunter driving another from his hunting place, tying Ojomen, palm

fronts, round a farmland or another’s house; Abuses with the genitals; cutting of kolanut tree and

attacking of strangers, visitors and refuge seekers etc. For instance, murder charges were tried by

the Igene and the Enogbonule, sometimes in the presence of the Onojie, and sometimes in the

village of the accused. Any suspected person would be arrested. When the hue and cry was

raised it was the duty of Igene to organize a search, news being sent to their peer group of

neighbouring villages, and give report to the Onogie and his council of titled chiefs in the state

capital Egware. The punishment for murder was death; the execution as in Uromi was carried out

by Igie in Ewoyomon village” (Timothy, 1991). “If the killing was found to be manslaughter or

accidental killing a heavy fine was imposed. In some Esan communities, the judicial council

made up of the king, chiefs, village heads sit as the judicial council with the Igene as Observers,

or as investigation police officers of the crime. Each village had its own Okogele where state

trials took place and sit of the state capital, Egware was one which housed the joint meeting of

the executives. Only serious or capital offences or civil matters which came before the village

were tried in the Okogele” (Timothy, 1991).

Ritual sanctions were another instrument of achieving peace and prevention of conflict

among Esan people which fostered much cooperation in the pre-colonial period. This was deeply

rooted in the religious beliefs of the people described as “the engine of the law” (Oshodi, 1973).

It gave the kings and the chief priest divine authority and was ipso facto the pontifex maximus,

they could impose ritual sanctions. “The Onojie, king has divine sanctions on crime that

demands ostracism, banishment, earth purification, and application of trial by ordeal i.e. the use

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of Sassword, Itan or use of poisoning in dealing with suspect being accused of witchcraft,

stealing, murder, use of magic on innocent people etc. Parrinder, in talking about divine rulers

said: “Belief in divine kingship appears in early forms of religion, and Hocart suggested that

perhaps there never were any gods without divine kings. Before 2000 B.C. The city kings of

ancient Mesopotamia claimed descent from the gods and the people looked on them as divinely

sent redeemers”. In Egypt the king was the son of a god or his incarnation, and there is a theory

that these “children or son” established their way by claiming divine honours and possessing

occult knowledge” (Parrinder, 2006).

The foregoing is in tune with the “Divine theory of kingship that in all societies, and

throughout the ages, the king is not merely a semi-divine person, in consequence of which his

person is regarded sacred. In Esanland, the Onojic, king is accepted as a coordinating factor, the

symbol of society unity, the fountain of peace and of all peace processes, the link between the

people and God, Osanobua, the source of all benefits both spiritual and material thus, his ritual

sanctions and laws were taken with utmost fear and awesomeness. Moreover, the chief priest,

ihaza was the official servant of the divinities. They are the mediator between the Supreme God

or deities and man. They served as a link between the adherents and as object of worship. They

know the divinity who hears them and speaks to them for themselves and other members of the

communities. As the mouth piece of the divinity, they take messages from him and deliver them

to the people. It is the duty of the chief-priests to offer sacrifice, make offerings and say prayers

at the grooves or shrines on behalf of the people. As the custodian of the traditional religion and

the keeper of religious tenets, he uses ritual sanctions on deviants who go against the peaceful

co-existence of the people. Some of these sanctions include the demand or seizure of fowls,

43
goats, tortoise and some other items to be used as ritual Ezobo to appease the divinities offended

by these deviants” (Parrinder, 2006).

Moreover, there was also “the efficacy of Esan traditional religion this time the fear of

the Supreme God, Osanobua and the wrath of sin. The Esan people like other West African

peoples believe that the world is under the unitary control of God. They have it that numerous

divinities worshipped exist with the beneficiency of the supreme God”. Because He is

Omnipotent and sometimes emphasized in some of their songs as “God is in front, He is in the

back or, and should you do anything that is evil or beautiful, God sees you and your reward you

will get on this earth” (Oniawu, 1979). “To many God sees both the inside and outside (of man),

the discerner of hearts. This is to say that God is ever seeing the offenders even if the earthly

king does not see you. This fear is always in the mind of the people who dread Gods judgment,

punishment and retribution thus creating the desire peace and tranquilities needed in the

communities” (Oniawu, 1979).

In another light, “in many of the creation stories of pre-colonial Esanland, we find that

God, from the beginning, maintained communion and fellowship with man until the later sinned

and God placed a barrier which cut man off from the unrestricted bliss of heaven and in effect he

was isolated from God. This is saying that for man to have fellowship with God, he must obey

and continue to be at peace with his fellow brothers and sisters” (Oniawu, 1979). “The

disobedience of man can be seen as sin against God. All sin Ewihbey is fundamentally the

performance of acts of which God disapproves”. According to Sister Elizabeth Otekpen of

Urohi, “sin is man’s spontaneous act of disobedience to God. Human is made for obedience, but

that obedience must be spontaneous because God compels neither obedience nor disobedience,

since He has given man the ‘measuring rod’ of freedom” (Oniawu, 1979). Thus sin is seen as

44
coming between man and God; it is in disharmony with the will of Osanobua. This is the point

Awololu is making when his says: “In African communities, there are sanctions recognized as the

approved standard of social and religion conduct on the part of individuals in the society and of

the community as a whole. A breach of, or failure to adhere to the sanction is a sin, and this

incurs the displeasure of deities and the functionaries. Sin is therefore, doing that which is

contrary to the will and directions of the Deity. It includes any immoral behaviour, ritual

mistakes, and any offences against God or man, breach of covenant, breaking of taboos and

doing anything regarded as abominable and polluting. We cannot speak of sin in isolation; it has

got to be related to God and to man….” (Oniawu, 1979).

God is thus regarded as the founder and guardian of morality. “To disregard God, the

divinities and ancestral spirit is to commit sin. Thus, it is believed that Osanobua sees all wrong

doers and He metes out justice to them accordingly. Lightning, barrenness, death, protracted

illness; insanity, untimely death, giving birth to bornfuls, imbeciles etc are regarded as means of

Osunobua’s punishment. Finally any committed sin must be confessed before a priest or the head

of the family and reparation made and the confessor start to lead a new and unstained life thus

contributing to the needed peace making and peace keeping processes in the community”

(Oniawu, 1979).

2.3 War as the major cause of Conflicts in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

Whatever might be the cause of war, it was “always the last resort in inter-village

relations. Concerted efforts were always made to prevent war” Ukhuo (Adesuwa, 1989).

Modalities for preventing outbreak of war follow almost similar patterns in pre-colonial Edo

communities. No war was fought until efforts to prevent it had been exhausted. First envoys,

made up of Ekhaemon, chiefs, elders, Edions and the war captain, Okakulos were exchanged

45
between the two estranged villages for amicable settlement of conflicting issues at stake

(Adesuwa, 1989). In such a meeting, “some proposals or demands to be met to avoid war were

spelt out and discussed. Secondly, after it had become clear that the diplomatic approach had

failed an ultimatum was sent by one of the communities to the other asking whether it wanted

peace or war. “The ultimatum was usually in form of diplomatic messages and pressures.

Thirdly, when it was ascertained that the other village wanted war the Onogie, king call for a

full-house council for advice. The resolution of this council could delay or prevent or result in

the war so the consent of the entire people through the chiefs and the village heads and full

support of the warriors had to be sought. Once this mass meeting of the people gives approval

and acclamation a war was declared” (Isichei, 1976).

“The war between Irrua-Ekpoma in 1908, the Illeh war 1899, the Okhuodua-Ewatto war

1869, Okhnodau-Ubiaja war (1756), the Eko war 1913, the Udage-Eguare war 1894, and the

Irrua-Uromi war of 1892-3 and several other wars vividly illustrated the process mentioned

above. Before the outbreak of any war there were always anti-war passions in both sides due to

inter-village marriages, common use of streams, rivers, non-aggression pacts, common histories

of origin, shared religious beliefs and several inter-group connections. To many Esan, the

ancestors disfavoured war in settling disagreement especially any activity that threatens societal

peace” (Isichei, 1976; Itua, 1989).

2.3.1 Conduct of war in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

However, “it was not always that efforts to prevent war succeeded” (Itua, 1989). ”When

war was eventually declared, its conduct was regulated by conventions operating in each geo-

political area of Esanland. Generally, wars were fought outside the towns in order to avoid the

46
loss of lives of the civilian population” (Itua, 1989). “Trade routes, shrines, grooves, economic

trees, rivers, streams, farmlands etc were also spared during wars. It was only when a weaker

town stubbornly in its defence, that the stronger opponent decide to crush it by breaching some

of the war conventions. For instance a long siege could be laid against a village to force it to

submission. The Irrua-Uromi war 1892-1893 was a typical example” (Itua, 1989).

When a village was conquered “all the elders and the Okakulo call for a cease fire and the

inhabitants were allowed to return and go about their normal business. The conqueror not in a

hurry to further humiliate the defeated imposes some “conditions” which gives room for the

defeated party/parties to discuss and appeal to be allowed to make observations and contributions

before acceptance” (Idehen, 2005). This does not mean the war has ended. “The wounded on

both sides were allowed to return home and were not treated with unusual harshness. Women,

children, oracle/chief priest and any other religious functionaries, the aged, war captains,

unarmed, village heads, the king, the disabled and visitors were not killed in wars. They could be

captured for ransom. The only exemption to this immunity was when any of this class of people

was discovered be the major perpetrators of what led to the war” (Idehen, 2005). “The

Ukhuodua-Ewatto war mentioned above was a typical and rare example. The war leader,

Alogun, founder IIigun of Idumu Ugbalogun in Uwokwen, led one battle against Ewatto and in a

desperate disregard for his personal safety, got at the Onogie of Ewattos proximity and recklessly

beheaded him. To add insult to injury, he came home with the head as a trophy, to the

astonishment of all Okhuodauns” (Okojie, 1956).

Conventionally, “the Onogie in particular and some key political officers enjoyed the best

protection in Esanland. The Onogie’s crown, position, person and staff of office were regarded

with awe and regarded as divine. He might be captured, but he would not be killed or tortured.

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For instance when Onogie Eromosele the Great of Irrua 1876-1921 with his strong and dreaded

warriors over whelmed Illeh in 1895, he sacked the entire village of Imule sparing all the chiefs

by granting them protection during war” (Okojie, 1956). “Tradition still narrates how the elders

of Efandion and Oyomon all in Uromi prostrated to show respect for the Onogie of Ekpoma in

1809 after he was captured and detained in Oyomon. In 1853 the Amahor warriors treated the

Captain of the Benin army in the same respect accorded a king when his troop were defeated and

himself captured” (Okphewo, 2000).

Traditional attitude to the conduct of war described above was to show that

conventionally wars in Esanland were not meant to be particularly destructive in terms of life

and property. They were not fought in a way to destroy the chances of early restoration of peace.

According to Amos Otayegbe, “the truth was that, after every war, limbs, lives and properties

were destroyed. Apart from these losses war can result in family dislocations, distortion in

career, loss of vital organs of the human body, loss of friends, relations and colleagues….The

terrible experiences they had during the war may continue to disturb their thinking. This is

commonly called post war trauma, which the Esan people tries to avoid in preventing protracted

and destructive wars to prevent the community be confronted with psychological problem”

(Amos Otayegbe, 2009).

However, “the convention changed as new dimensions occasioned by the introduction of

the Atlantic slave trade, the Islamic Jihads and other diversified issues at stake were introduced

into warfare. For instance, in the 19th century, not only did the Benin’s wars into Esan country

undertaken but for capture of slaves and a deliberate intention to reduce the growing Esan

population seen as a threat to Benin expansionism and imperialism. Thus total wars featuring

wholesale destruction or burning of towns and means of survival were witnessed. The Nupe/Bida

48
Jihad into the Esan country took the form of slave raids looting of foodstuff livestock’s, rape,

killing of the aged, disabled and children” (Ebosole, 2006).

2.3.2 War cessation and truce arrangement in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

According to oral traditions, “wars were terminated when one party surrendered or

through the intervention of an external agent or third party. The process of surrounding was

almost similar in all Esan communities. A besieged or defeated town desiring to surrender to the

enemy sent a deputation of elders wearing on their heads the marked signs of white chalk as a

token surrender. They were preceded by some young persons who carried valuable presents,

kolanuts wine, beads, and the like for the war commander and his troops. They also carried a

selection of articles/from the king symbolic of their submission, their readiness to abide by their

treaties, and payment of tributes and be chastised for their offences. After this deputation had

been received by the commander-in-chief, a similar deputation was sent to the king and his

council in the capital and the delegation was made to swear fidelity for the future. After this, the

warriors received permission to return and those captured released to their Okakulo, captain”

(Okphewo, 2009). “Truce might either be forced on the warring parties or be prevailed upon

through diplomatic means to stop hostilities. This was normally done by a higher authority or a

buffer village when the war was stalemated. For instance when the Ewu and Ekpoma war

reached a stalemate in 1813 the Onojie of Irrua sent a delegation bearing the symbols of an olive

branch on both parties to end the war” (Okphewo, 2009).

2.3.3 Post war peacemaking process in Esan land in the pre-colonial era

A truce might be a temporary cessation of war if the issues at stake were not properly and

finally decided. “Consequently, it could be said that agreeing to a truce or signing of one was the

49
beginning of the process of peacemaking processes to prevent future hostilities-commonly

referred to as post war peace agreement” (Samson, 1993). Arrangements leading to the

“settlement and prevention of issues that led to wars in Esanland were handled by elders in

council through the use of an okoven, Oath, the use of negotiations and the signing of peace

treaties” (Samson, 1993). This indicated the respect and dignity of elders. “The role of elders,

edions were not limited to the family as it transcended its boundaries. It was also at work in line,

ages and in other Esan socio-political associations. The result of the seniority utilization in Esan

society was found in the sober and subtle decisions often taken by elders. Elders took decisions

after careful considerations of the issues involved, based on their profound experience and

knowledge of Esan traditions. This respect for elders assumed a wider dimension as it was

effectively used in post war peace making and keeping processes” (Samson, 1993). Their

counsels were ever sought before major decisions were taken. They were always accorded some

“immunities which resulted from the deep respect and reverence they enjoyed as living

representatives of the ancestors. They have extended relations with their counterparts in

neighbouring villages in an ‘informal league of elders’. Under their cover of immunity they

carried messages to and fro and arrangements for cessation of hostilities as to provide conducive

atmosphere for peace processes through negotiations, signing of peace treaties, endorsement of

non-aggression pact, swearing of oath, okoven implementation and invocation of sanction of

isolation on adamant or war mongers” (Samson, 1993).

According to C.G. Okojie.

“The pact, treaties, and sanctions in pre-colonial times were instrumental in the cohesion

and of peacemaking processes in Esanland. Communities that were in hostile relationships came

together after swearing to the okoven, oath administered by the elders. Ubiaja, and Uromi were

50
always engaged in internecine war fare which influenced the transfer of Ubiaja royal palace to

Oyomon to a more centralized site principally for security purposes. Within the Ubiaja chiefdom,

this transfer further led to the displacement of the Unole people. However, elders of Oyomon, in

Ubiaja and Effandion in Uromi who were contiguous neighbors and, indeed bore the brunt of the

constant warfare decided to ameliorate the conflict by swearing to an okoven, oath. Once this

oath was taken further military confrontation even skirmishes between Effandion and Oyomon

became prohibitive” (Okojie, 1956). “Esan were closely tied to all belief and spirits therefore

strove not to provoke the anger of the elders who represents these ancestral spirits on earth”

(Okojie, 1956).

2.4 Theoretical framework

The theories that are selected and found suitable for the study are structural theory of

aggression, conflict transformation theory, and relative depravation theory. Upon these three

theories, this study is anchored on conflict transformation theory because of its close relevance to

the study.

2.4.1 Structural Theory of Aggression

This theory was propounded by Galtung (1964). In his Structural Theory of Aggression

that linked violence to “drives towards change, even against the will of others”. This theory

states that “structural violence is linked to practices embedded in relationships that marginalize,

impoverish and disempower people, and cause a crisis of rising expectations that produces

frustration and aggression” (Gurr 1970; Runciman, 1966). The relevance of this theory to the

study is that direct violence relates to physical attacks, injuries, threats, harassment and

intimidation. Peace, often uncritically assumed as the flipside of violence. In Galtung’s tradition

“it is assumed to be negative when marked by cessation of only direct violence, and positive

51
when it transforms society by achieving an ideal social justice, removes structural violence and

allows people to flourish and live their full lifespan” (Fetherston 2000; Mani 2005).

2.4.2 Conflict Transformation Theory

This theory was propounded by Lederach (2003). The missing relational dimension of

peace building in Galtung’s formulation was included in Lederach’s Conflict Transformation

approach to peace building that emphasized the transformative goal of peace building. This sees

peace building as transcending the resolution of specific problems to focus on the content,

context and structure of relationships. Hence, This theory states that “conflict transformation

envisions and responds to the ebb and flow of social conflict as life-giving opportunities for

creating constructive change processes that reduce violence, increase justice to direct interaction

and social structures, and respond to real-life problems in human relationships” Lederach (2003).

This theory is relevant to this study because through this theory, peace theorists identify reducing

the relapse into direct violence and contributing to conditions for socioeconomic and political

recovery and reconciliation as the primary goals, and the transformation of relationships and

society as the ultimate goal of peace building (Ramsbotham 2000; Miall, et al. 1999).

2.4.3 Relative Depravation theory

This theory was propounded by Ted Robert Gurr (2000). Relative deprivation theory is

based on “the concept of deprivation, which states the difference between what one expects in

life and what s/he eventually gets. People feel deprived when they get much less than what they

have expected or what they have been promised. This can lead to aggression and make people

enter into conflict with others” (Gurr, 2000). Absolute deprivation is associated with starvation

and poverty. Gurr (2000) used the concept of relative deprivation in explaining ethnic conflicts

hence making this theory relevant to the study.

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2.5 Empirical Review

Akintoye and Uhunmwuangho (2022) examined “the effects of alternative dispute resolution

in organization: a case study of selected local government areas in Edo State. Using a survey

research design, the study evaluated how effective the alternative dispute resolution policy have

been able to restructure the political economy of Nigeria to the tune of alleviating the yearnings

and aspirations of the working class and/or the Nigeria citizens for sustainable development in

Africa. Since the early 1990s, the issue of Good Effective Governance has become an important

concept in the International Development debates and Policy discourse. Over the last decade

however, the gradual accumulation of indicators and research based on them has provided broad

support for the arguments that good governance is necessary to achieve sustainable growth and

development, particularly in Developing Countries like Nigeria nation. Data were obtained from

both primary and secondary sources. From the primary sources, the survey method, that is, the

use of questionnaire designed and adopted. Data obtained from this method were analyzed with

the aid of Simple Percentage. The implication is that there was relationship between the

dependent and independent variables. Generally, the paper brought to focus that the Alternative

Dispute Resolution is a collective effort in reaching a compromise in the management of Local

Government Areas in in Nigeria and it has contributed immensely to the growth and

development of public enterprise elsewhere”.

Akahomen (2019) conducted a study on “conflict resolution in pre-colonial Esan land. The

paper deemphasized the notion of ‘fatalism theory’, which opined that the best is always outside

the shore of Africa. Instead, emphasis is placed on the level of sophistication and effectiveness of

the conflict resolution mechanism in Esan land within the limited knowledge at the time, before

the intrusion of Western powers. The study employed the historical method of collection and

53
interpretation of data in its analysis. Part of the argument of this paper is that, Esan traditional

method of conflict resolution is rich in potentials from which we can draw to build modern

societies”.

Olusola and Aisha (2013) conducted a study on “traditional rulers and conflict resolution: an

evaluation of pre and post-colonial Nigeria. This study used exploratory research design. It was

found that non participatory roles of traditional rulers in the present day administration as

compared to their roles in managing and resolving conflict in pre-colonial Nigeria is accounting

mainly for the decades of social conflicts that is manifesting itself in our socio-economic and

political circuit. This development does not only renders traditional rulers and her institutions

irrelevant but also creates threats to peace, security and stability in the nation”.

Ismail (2018) examined “the dynamics of post-conflict reconstruction and peace building in

West Africa. Using an exploratory research design, the study problematized the phenomenon of

peace building, especially in post conflict settings in West Africa. It raises questions on the

conception, logic, origin, ideology and practice of post-conflict peace building. In addition, it

explores the extent to which the extant peace building project could and does achieve negative

peace (cessation of direct and physical violence) and positive peace (the transformation of the

inherent conflictual relationships, structures, practices and interactions in society). It argues that

extant peace building in West Africa is wrongly embedded in peacekeeping (as opposed to vice

versa); that current practices are geared towards negative, rather than positive peace; that

external (extra-African) actors determine the strategic objectives and directions; and that current

peace building primarily reflects the global (international) priorities of third parties (Western

countries), with local priorities being a lesser consideration”.

54
2.6 Summary of the review

Related literatures were reviewed on the relationship between conflict resolution

approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. The reviewed

provided insightful conceptual clarifications. The concepts clarified were conflict, geographical

location of Esan people, nature of conflict, conflict resolution approaches, peacebuilding,

peacemaking, inter-group cooperation, peacemaking and keeping processes, war as the major

cause of conflicts, conduct of war, war cessation and truce arrangement and post war

peacemaking process.

The three theories that were selected and found suitable for the study were structural

theory of aggression, conflict transformation theory, and relative depravation theory. Upon these

three theories, this study was anchored on conflict transformation theory because of its close

relevance to the study.

Related empirical studies were also reviewed with mix results using survey research design

and exploratory research methods. Akintoye and Uhunmwuangho (2022) found that that the

Alternative Dispute Resolution is a collective effort in reaching a compromise in the

management of Local Government Areas in in Nigeria and it has contributed immensely to the

growth and development of public enterprise elsewhere. Akahomen (2019) found that Esan

traditional method of conflict resolution is rich in potentials from which we can draw to build

modern societies. Olusola and Aisha (2013) found that non participatory roles of traditional

rulers in the present day administration as compared to their roles in managing and resolving

conflict in pre-colonial Nigeria is accounting mainly for the decades of social conflicts that is

manifesting itself in our socio-economic and political circuit. Ismail (2018) found that extant

peace building in West Africa is wrongly embedded in peacekeeping (as opposed to vice versa);

55
that current practices are geared towards negative, rather than positive peace; that external (extra-

African) actors determine the strategic objectives and directions; and that current peace building

primarily reflects the global (international) priorities of third parties (Western countries), with

local priorities being a lesser consideration.

This review concluded that conflict resolution approaches and peace building in Esan

land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era play significant role in dismantling the pre-colonial era

legacy and restored ethnic tolerance among Esan communities in the post colonial era.

56
 CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

This part of the research meant to produce a comprehensive but brief description of the

procedure involved in this research. This chapter is concerned with the Study Area research

design, population of the study, data collection, sample size and technique, validity and

reliability of the study. It also shows the characteristic of the population, which includes age, sex,

occupation, educational background, sample design, procedures and limitation of the

methodology.

3.1 Research Design

The technique employed in this study is survey design. This is useful in describing the

characteristic of a large population without any attempt to manipulate or control the variable.

Questionnaires will be administered as a source of primary data. This study will adopt

descriptive survey design. Survey technique is used in gathering the data or information, through

standard questionnaires. The descriptive survey research design is a very valuable tool for

assessing opinions and trends. These are measurement procedures that involve asking questions

of respondents. The descriptive survey is deemed, appropriate as it involves the collection of

extensive and cross-sectional data for the purpose of describing and interpreting an existing

situation under study.

3.2 Area of the study

The Esan people constitute one of the major ethnic groups in Edo state, South-south

geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Esan occupy a land mass covering about 2987.52 square kilometers.

It is located within longitude 50 301 and latitude 50 301 north, and 70 301 east of Benin City, the

capital of Edo State. Perhaps, currently there are thirty-one well developed communities in the

57
Esan land such as: Amahor, Ebelle, Egoro, Ekekhelen, Ekpoma, Ekpon, Emu, Ewatto, Ewohimi,

Ewosa, Ewu, Idoa, Igueben, Irrua, Okalo, Ogwa, Ohordua, Okhuesan, Onogholo, Opoji, Oria,

Orowa, Ubiaja, Udo, Ugbegun, Ugboha, Ugun, Ujiogba, Ukhun, Urohi, and Uromi. Each of

these kingdoms is headed by a king – Onojie. As at today, the Esan is constituted into five Local

Government Areas namely; Esan West, Esan Central, Esan North East, Esan South East, and

Igueben.

3.3 Population of the Study

Population is referred as a total of items about which information is desired. It can be

finite or infinite. So, population is said to be finite if it consists of a fixed number of elements, so

that it is possible to count it in its totality. The population of the study will comprise of the five

Local Government Areas in Esanland, Edo State namely; Esan West, Esan Central, Esan North

East, Esan South East, and Igueben. This population will be drawn for easer and better

representation.

3.4 Sample and Sampling Techniques

These represent the total number of persons for the study on behalf of the total

population. A total of two hundred and fifty questionnaires (250) were distributed. A stratified

method is used to obtain the number of respondents needed for the study. The sample size was

divided into five strata representing five LGAs in Esan land. Total sample of two hundred and

fifty (250) was selected from the target population this equal representation of respondents was

to grow equal opportunity to the categories of respondents involved in the study and avoid being

biased. The researcher will use a stratified method technique with aim at getting a good

representation of the population that will be used to draw among the selected respondents.

58
3.5 Instrument for Data Collection
Research instruments are tools used to collect, measure and analyse data related a

researcher’s research interest. The self-designed questionnaires will used as the instrument to

collect data and also in-depth interview will also be conducted to balance the effect of halo bias

of closed-ended. The section (A) will contain bio-data and the section (B) will contain the main

questions items in the questionnaires. The questionnaire items will be structured by using five-

point Likert scales which are Strongly agreed, Agreed, strongly disagreed, disagreed, undecided

and and data collected will be analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics using the

statistical package for social sciences

3.6 Validity and reliability of the Instrument for data collection

This research study will be validated by my supervisor by reading and making

corrections and this correction will be implemented. In order to ascertain the validity of the

instrument, the researcher presented the instrument to the research experts and supervisors for

validation. Then the necessary corrections, observations, and amendment will be made before the

researcher administered copies of the questionnaires. This will be done to ensure the

effectiveness of the research exercise

3.7 Reliability of the Instrument

Data from the primary sources are very reliable. It has been tested over, and over again

and the same results obtained which means the information is very reliable. In order to ascertain

the reliability of the instruments, the items in the questionnaires is subjected to the test of

reliability using the Cronbach’s Alpha (CA) method. Questionnaires were administered to the

respondents and the reliability coefficients of the study variables were found to be above 0.87.

This implies that the variables have high reliability and acceptable indicating that the variables

59
used for this study is declared reliable for used for further statistical analysis, the result of which

is considered valid and reliable.

3.7 Methods of Data collection

The method of data collection to be used in this research study will be primary data

collection through the use of Questionnaire. Questionnaire is a primary method of data collection

in which questions relating to the objectives of a study are printed and presented to respondents.

To determine the validity of the questionnaire, it was presented to the supervisor. Pilot survey

was conducted to test how reliable the questionnaire was.

3.8 Method of Data Analysis

Data obtained will be analyzed using (Statistical Package for Social Sciences) SPSS. The

data will be analyse using t-test through analysis of variance (ANOVA). The null hypotheses

will be tested using Anova and t-test at 0 .05 level of probability (significance). To determine the

acceptance or rejection of the null hypotheses, a null hypothesis would be rejected if the

calculated value exceeds or greater than the critical or t-table value at 0.05 level of significance.

The test statistic is used to test whether mean difference between two groups is statistically

significant. The t-test looks at the t-statistic, t-distribution and degrees of freedom to determine a

p value (probability) that can be used to determine whether the population means difference.

ANOVA is used to compare the means among three or more groups, it measure and compare

between the means are called parametric. The hypotheses will be tested with t-test statistics and

regression analysis. Thus, if F-Stat is less than P-value of 0.05 (5%) level of significance, reject

the null hypothesis, but if F-Stat is greater than P-value of 0.05 (5%) level of significance, the

null hypothesis will be accepted.

60
 CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

This chapter focuses on the presentation of data obtained through the questionnaire
administered to respondents and data analysis. Research hypotheses are tested followed by
discussion of findings in this chapter.

4.1 Data Presentation

Under this chapter, data on the summary of questionnaire administered and retrieved as
well as data on respondents’ demographics and physiognomies for this study are presented.

4.1.1 Questionnaire Distribution

In this section, the questionnaires administered to the respondents were collected and

presented as shown in Table 4.1 below:

Table 4.1: Questionnaire Distribution

LGA in Esan land Number of questionnaires Percentage (%)
Esan West 50 20
Esan Central 50 20
Esan North East 50 20
Esan South East 50 20
Igueben 50 20
Total questionnaires served 250 100
Source: Field Survey, 2023

Table 4.1 shows that 250 questionnaires representing 100% were returned and useful for

the analysis.

4.1.2 Demographics Distribution of the Respondents

In a survey research, there is need to understand the respondents’ demographics so as to

determine the characteristics respondents or participants in the study.

61
 Table 4.2: Gender Distribution of Respondents

Gender Frequency Percentage

Male 127 50.8
Female 123 49.2
Total 250 100.0
Source: Field Survey Data (2023).

Table 4.2 revealed that 127 respondents representing 50.8% were male, while 123 respondents

representing 49.2% were female. This indicates that majority of the respondents were male. This

does not presumes the fact that using more men in the study will in any way affect the analysis

and findings of the study. This is because the opinions expressed are highly likely to represent

general position or opinion concerning the research issues and not depending on feminine or

masculine opinion or position.

Table 4.3: Age Distribution of Respondents

Age Range Frequency Percentage

20 years 28 11.2
20 – 29 years 32 12.8
30 – 39 years 62 24.8
40 – 49 years 68 27.2
50 and 59 above 60 24
Total 250 100.0
Source: Field Survey Data (2023)

Table 4.3 shows that 28 respondents representing 11.2% were aged 20, 32 respondents

representing 12.8% were aged 20-29 years, 62 of the respondents representing 24.8% were aged

30-39, and 68 respondents, representing 27.2% were 40-49 years. Also, 60 of respondents

representing 24% were aged 50 and 59 above years.

62
 Table 4.4: Marital Status Distribution of Respondents

Marital Status Frequency Percentage

Single 74 29.6
Married 110 44.0
Widowed 21 8.4
Divorced 20 8.0
Separated 25 10.0
Total 250 100.0
Source: Field Survey Data (2023)

The Table 4.4 revealed that 74 respondents representing 29.6% were single, 110 respondents

representing 44% were married while 21 respondents representing 8.4% were widowed. 20

respondents representing (8%) were divorced and 25 respondents representing 10% were

separated.

Table 4.5: Educational Qualification of Respondents

Qualification Frequency Percentage

SSCE/GCE 29 11.6
OND/NCE 44 17.6
HND/BSc 117 46.8
MSc./MBA 47 18.8
Others 13 5.2
Total 250 100.0
Source: Field Survey Data (2023)

Table 4.5 indicates that 29 respondents representing 11.6% were holders of SSCE/GCE. 44

respondents representing 17.6% were holders of OND/NCE, 117 respondents representing

46.8% were holders of HND/BSc while 47 respondents representing 18.8% were holders of

MSc/MBA. Only 13 respondents representing 5.2% were holders of other qualifications.

63
 Table 4.6: Occupational Distribution of Respondents

Occupation Frequency Percentage

Trader 45 18
Craftsmen/
31
Craftswomen 12.4
Civil Servant 48 19.2
Educationalists 61 24.4
Others 65 26
Total 250 100.0
Source: Field Survey Data (2023)

Table 4.6 shows that 45 respondents representing 18% were traders. 31 respondents representing

12.4% were Craftsmen/ Craftswomen, 48 respondents representing 19.2% were Civil Servants

while 61 respondents representing 24.4% were Educationalists and 65 respondents representing

26% were into other occupations.

4.2 Data Analysis

The data presented contains responses to the items in the questionnaire and the computed

data for variables of the study. The data on the items are based on the five-point Likert scale used

in scoring the instrument. The responses to the various questions on the items measuring each

construct are presented and analyzed in this section. As presented in each tables, the responses to

the questions on the items measuring research construct or opinions and the analysis is done to

know the position of the respondents on each likert scale. The presentation and analysis is done

based on the research objectives.

4.2.1 Conflict resolution mechanisms

The first objective was on the relationship between conflict resolution mechanisms and peace

building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

64
 Table 4.7 Analysis of items and research constructs on conflict resolution mechanisms
S/ Items and research constructs SA A SD D UN
N 5 4 3 2 1
Conflict resolution mechanisms
1. In pre- colonial Esanland (Otoesan), kings 67(26.8%) 56(22.4%) 28(11.2%) 26(10.4%) 20(8%)
(Onojie) with the assistants of their
appointed chiefs (Ekhaemhon) played
significant role in conflict resolution and in
the dispensations of justices.
2. The traditional police, court and other 84(33.6%) 73(29.2%) 39(15.6%) 27(10.8%) 27(10.8%)
executive as well as legislative organs
were also agents of conflict resolution.
3. Alternative disputes resolution was 79(31.6%) 79(31.6%) 26(10.4%) 14(5.6%) 52(20.8%)
employed where the Edion usually met at
the village square (Okoghele) where all
parties to the case at hand were given
ample opportunity to aired their views.
4. Conciliation conflict resolution approach 81(32.4%) 56(22.4%) 26(10.4%) 20(8%) 67(26.8%)
was adopted where the Enijie (kings)
functioned as conciliators when disputes
occur. , so as to reestablish harmony and
keep up agreeable relations among families
and communities
5. Reconciliation approach was also 89(35.6%) 70(28%) 45(18%) 18(7.2%) 28 (11.2%)
employed where the Enijie (kings)
functioned as reconcilers so as to
reestablish harmony and keep up agreeable
relations among families and communities
Source: Field Survey Data, 2023

Table 4.7 shows that 67 respondents representing 26.8% strongly agreed that in pre-colonial

Esanland (Otoesan), kings (Onojie) with the assistants of their appointed chiefs (Ekhaemhon)

played significant role in conflict resolution and in the dispensations of justices. Also, it was

revealed that 84 respondents representing 33.6% strongly agreed that the traditional police, court

and other executive as well as legislative organs were also agents of conflict resolution. 79

respondents representing 31.6% strongly agreed that alternative disputes resolution was

employed where the Edion usually met at the village square (Okoghele) where all parties to the

case at hand were given ample opportunity to aired their views. It was also found that 81

respondents representing 32.4% strongly agreed that conciliation conflict resolution approach

was adopted where the Enijie (kings) functioned as conciliators when disputes occur so as to

65
reestablish harmony and keep up agreeable relations among families and communities. 89

respondents representing 35.6% strongly agreed that reconciliation approach was also employed

where the Enijie (kings) functioned as reconcilers so as to reestablish harmony and keep up

agreeable relations among families and communities.

4.2.2 Peace making

The second objective was on the relationship between peacemaking during conflict and peace

building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

Table 4.8: Analysis of items and research constructs on peacemaking

S/N Items and research constructs SA A SD D UN
5 4 3 2 1
Peacemaking
6. Peacemaking efforts were aimed to 91(36.4%) 33(13.2%) 51(20.4%) 24(9.6%) 11(4.4%)
change beliefs, attitudes and
behaviors of Esan people during and
after conflict.
7. Peacemaking was to transform the 70(28%) 78(31.2%) 63(25.2%) 7(2.8%) 5(2.0%)
short and long term dynamics
between individuals and groups
toward a more stable, peaceful
coexistence among Esan people.
8. Peacemaking efforts speeded up 68(27.2%) 106(42.4%) 31(12.4%) 15(6%) 5(2.0%)
conflict resolution negotiation
between Esan people and other ethnic
groups or among Esan people.
9. In pre-colonial Esan era, the 112(44.8%) 34(13.6%) 47(18.8%) 11(4.4%) 7(2.8%)
processes of peacemaking and any
other peace began at the level of the
individual and his household, Uelen
made up of a man, his wife or wives,
his children and younger brothers and
their wives, his children and younger
brothers and their wives, the
unmarried sisters and his mother.
10 The peacemaking process in pre 90(36%) 47(18.8%) 24(9.6%) 11(4.4%) 10(4.0%)
colonial Esan era was based on the
underlying principle that a man,
Okpia who is free from inner and
domestic conflicts is able to not only
to behave in a less aggressive manner
but also a builder and keeper of peace
Source: Field Survey Data, 2023

66
 Table 4.8 reveals that 91 respondents representing 36.4% strongly agreed strongly agreed

that peacemaking efforts were aimed to change beliefs, attitudes and behaviors of Esan people

during and after conflict to the claim. Also, it was revealed that 78 respondents representing

31.2% agreed that peacemaking was to transform the short and long term dynamics between

individuals and groups toward a more stable, peaceful coexistence among Esan people.106

respondents representing 42.4% agreed that Peacemaking efforts speeded up conflict resolution

negotiation between Esan people and other ethnic groups or among Esan people. It was also

found that 112 respondents representing 44.8% strongly agreed that in pre-colonial Esan era, the

processes of peacemaking and any other peace began at the level of the individual and his

household, Uelen made up of a man, his wife or wives, his children and younger brothers and

their wives, his children and younger brothers and their wives, the unmarried sisters and his

mother. 90 respondents representing 36% strongly agreed that the peacemaking process in pre

colonial Esan era was based on the underlying principle that a man, Okpia who is free from inner

and domestic conflicts is able to not only to behave in a less aggressive manner but also a builder

and keeper of peace.

4.2.3 Inter-group Cooperation

The third objective was on the relationship between Inter-group Cooperation and peace building

in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

67
 Table 4.9: Analysis of items and research constructs on Inter-group Cooperation
S/N Items and research constructs SA A SD D UN
5 4 3 2 1
Inter-group Cooperation
11 An intricate system of socio-political, 92(36.8%) 67(26.8%) 41(16.4%) 43(17.2%) 7(2.8%)
economic and cultural co-operation had
been established between Esan people in
the pre-colonial era.
12 The major feature of the socio-political 87(34.8%) 58(23.2%) 80(32%) 13(5.2%) 12(4.8%)
organization during the pre-colonial
period was the presence of Benin
kingdom imperial expansionist policies
which encouraged the need for the people
to develop large and expansive polities
copied from centralized state systems,
which created inter-group cooperation
13 The common traditions of origin, 91(36.4%) 86(34.4%) 44(17.6%) 19(7.6%) 10(4%)
common experience of migration, and
ancestral and genealogical affinities are of
central importance in understanding the
unity and intermingling of the groups
even across the immediate neighbourhood
14 There seems to be good reasons to believe 106(42.4%) 46(18.4%) 28(11.2%) 46(18.4%) 24(9.6%)
that the ancestral ties and the common
experience shared by the founders of
particular group of villages helped to
bring the people together in the early
period of their history.
15 Inter-group cooperation provided a forum 87(34.8%) 58(23.2%) 80(32%) 13(5.2%) 12(4.8%)
for contracting inter-group relations
between one village group and another
Source: Field Survey Data, 2023

Table 4.9 indicates that 92 respondents representing 36.8% strongly agreed that an
intricate system of socio-political, economic and cultural co-operation had been established
between Esan people in the pre-colonial era. Also, it was revealed that 87 respondents
representing 34.8% strongly agreed that the major feature of the socio-political organization
during the pre-colonial period was the presence of Benin kingdom imperial expansionist policies
which encouraged the need for the people to develop large and expansive polities copied from
centralized state systems, which created inter-group cooperation. 91 respondents representing
36.4% strongly agreed that the common traditions of origin, common experience of migration,
and ancestral and genealogical affinities are of central importance in understanding the unity and
intermingling of the groups even across the immediate neighbourhood. It was also found that 106
respondents representing 42.4% strongly agreed that there seems to be good reasons to believe
that the ancestral ties and the common experience shared by the founders of particular group of
villages helped to bring the people together in the early period of their history. 87 respondents

68
representing 34.8% strongly agreed that Inter-group cooperation provided a forum for
contracting inter-group relations between one village group and another.
4.2.4 Peace building

The dependent variable was peace building.

Table 4.10: Analysis of items and research constructs on Peace building

S/N Items and research constructs SA A SD D UN

5 4 3 2 1
Peace building
16 Peacebuilding efforts aim to 75(30%) 70(28%) 38(15.2%) 37(14.8%) 30(12%)
manage, mitigate, resolve and
transform central aspects of the
conflict through official diplomacy;
as well as through civil society
peace processes and informal
dialogue, negotiation, and
mediation.
17 Before conflict became violent in 97(38.8%) 51(20.4%) 24(9.6%) 16(6.4%) 6(2.4%)
the precolonial era, preventive
peacebuilding efforts were made,
such as diplomatic, economic
development, social, educational,
health, legal and security sector
reform programs, address potential
sources of instability and violence.
18 Peacebuilding efforts were made to 44(17.6%) 107(42.8%) 24(9.6%) 13(5.2%) 8(3.2%)
have address economic, social and
political root causes of violence
and fosters reconciliation to
prevent the return of structural and
direct violence.
19 Peacebuilding efforts were 102(40.8%) 58(23.2%) 26(10.4%) 23(9.2%) 41(16.4%)
activities undertaken to reassemble
the foundations of peace and
provided the tools for building on
those foundations something that is
more than just the absence of war
20 Peacebuilding efforts covered a 112(44.8%) 34(13.6%) 47(18.8%) 11(4.4%) 7(2.8%)
wide range of efforts by diverse
actors in government and civil
society at the community, national,
and international levels to address
the root causes of violence and
ensure civilians have freedom from
fear (negative peace), freedom
from want (positive peace) and
freedom from humiliation before,
during, and after violent conflict.
Source: Field Survey Data, 2023

69
Table 4.10 indicates that 75 respondents representing 30% strongly agreed that peacebuilding

efforts aim to manage, mitigate, resolve and transform central aspects of the conflict through

official diplomacy; as well as through civil society peace processes and informal dialogue,

negotiation, and mediation. Also, it was revealed that 97 respondents representing 38.8%

strongly agreed that before conflict became violent in the pre-colonial era, preventive

peacebuilding efforts were made, such as diplomatic, economic development, social,

educational, health, legal and security sector reform programs, address potential sources of

instability and violence. 107 respondents representing 42.8% agreed that peacebuilding efforts

were made to have address economic, social and political root causes of violence and fosters

reconciliation to prevent the return of structural and direct violence. It was also found that 102

respondents representing 40.8% strongly agreed that peacebuilding efforts were activities

undertaken to reassemble the foundations of peace and provided the tools for building on those

foundations something that is more than just the absence of war. It was found that 112

respondents representing 44.8% strongly agreed that peacebuilding efforts covered a wide range

of efforts by diverse actors in government and civil society at the community, national, and

international levels to address the root causes of violence and ensure civilians have freedom from

fear (negative peace), freedom from want (positive peace) and freedom from humiliation before,

during, and after violent conflict.

4.3 Descriptive Statistics Tests

This analysis is conducted to assess the descriptive properties of the research variables in

order to ascertain if the data possess requisite characteristics for statistical analysis. These

analyses involve descriptive statistics such as the mean, standard deviation, minimum, maximum

as well as skewness and kurtosis. These statistics discloses the characteristics of the research

70
variables principally in terms of variance or closeness of the data points to the mean. The

ultimate is to determine the degree of variability of the data away from the mean. A high

variability indicates high degree of variance and high potential of non-normality of the data thus

leading to unreliable estimate. It is desired that the dataset has low level of variability and

normally distributed.

Table 4.11: Descriptive Statistics Tests

Conflict
resolution Inter-group Peace
mechanisms Peace making Cooperation building
Mean 3.488000 3.180000 3.072000 3.368000
Median 4.000000 3.000000 3.000000 3.000000
Maximum 5.000000 5.000000 5.000000 5.000000
Minimum 1.000000 1.000000 1.000000 1.000000
Std. Dev. 1.524188 1.080867 1.148954 1.037730
Skewness -0.379493 -0.170634 0.002405 -0.044976
Kurtosis 1.626541 2.460147 2.321940 2.343221

Jarque-Bera 25.65052 4.249007 4.789468 4.577609

Probability 0.000003 0.000092 0.000097 0.000008

Sum 872.0000 795.0000 768.0000 842.0000

Sum Sq. Dev. 578.4640 290.9000 328.7040 268.1440

Observations 250 250 250 250

Source: Researcher’s Computation (2023).

Table 4.11 shows that since the standard deviation values were less than the calculated
mean values, it indicates there was a low disparity in variables since the standard deviation
values were clustered below the means values. These results showed that the relationship
between conflict resolution approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-
colonial era was below average level.

4.4 Test of Research Hypotheses

In order to test the research hypotheses earlier stated in this study, the linear regression
technique was performed to test hypotheses.

71
4.4.1 Test of Hypothesis One

The first hypothesis was that there is no significant relationship between the relationship between
conflict resolution mechanisms and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial
era.

Table 4.12: Regression Results for Hypothesis One

Dependent Coef. Std. Error t-stat p-value

Variable
Peace building
Model Parameters 3.631991 0.168468 21.559 .000
Const.
Conflict 0.129585 0.044272 2.926 .003
resolution
mechanisms
Model
Characteristics
F-Cal 8.567
F-Stat 0.004
R-Square 0.033
Adj. R2 0.029
D-W Stat. 1.647

Source: Researcher’s Computation extracted from SPSS outputs in Appendix IV

The test of the null hypothesis (H 0) against the alternate hypothesis (H 1) is that H0 is rejected if

the f-stat value is less than the p-value of 0.05. From the above Table, since the f-stat of 0.004 is

less than the p-value of 0.05, the researcher rejected the null hypothesis and accepted the

alternative hypothesis, which states that there is a significant relationship between conflict

resolution mechanisms and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. A

coefficient of 0.129585 implies that between conflict resolution mechanisms has a positive linear

relationship with peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. The R 2 value of

0.0334 implies that the model explains a total of 33.4% of the variation in the dependent variable

while 66.6% of the variation is explained by variables not included in the model. The D-W stat.

72
value of 1.647 is above 1.5 and is thus closer to 2 indicating the absence of autocorrelation

problem in the estimated parameters.

4.4.2 Test of Hypothesis Two

The second hypothesis was that there is no significant relationship between peacemaking during

conflict and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

Table 4.13: Regression Results for Hypothesis Two

Dependent Coef. Std. Error t-stat p-value

Variable
Peace building
Model Parameters 3.583227 0.178671 20.0548 0.000
Const.
Peacemaking 0.146567 0.046954 3.12153 0.002
Model
Characteristics
F-Cal 9.743
F-Stat 0.000
R-Square 0.0378
2
Adj. R .024
D-W Stat. 2.150
Source: Researcher’s Computation extracted from SPSS outputs in Appendix V

The test of the null hypothesis (H0) against the alternate hypothesis (H1) is that H0 is

rejected if the f-stat value is less than the p-value of 0.05. From the above Table, since the f-stat

of 0.000 is less than the p-value of 0.05, the researcher rejected the null hypothesis and accepted

the alternative hypothesis, which states that there is a significant relationship between

peacemaking during conflict and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

A coefficient of 0.146567 implies that peacemaking during conflict has positive linear

relationship with peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. The R 2 value of

0.0378 implies that the model explain a total of 37.8% of the variation in the dependent variable

73
while 62.2% of the variation is explained by variables not included in the model. The D-W stat.

value of 2.150 indicates the absence of autocorrelation problem in the estimated parameters.

4.4.3 Test of Hypothesis Three

The third hypothesis was that there is no significant relationship between Inter-group

Cooperation and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

Table 4.14: Regression Results for Hypothesis Three

Dependent Coef. Std. Error t-stat p-value
Variable
Peace building
Model Parameters 3.723129 0.162665 22.88837 .000
Const.
Inter-group 0.101814 0.042747 2.381774 .0018
Cooperation
Model
Characteristics
F-Cal 5.6728
F-Stat 0.001
R-Square 0.02236
Adj. R2 .0140
D-W Stat. 2.0914

Source: Researcher’s Computation extracted from SPSS outputs in Appendix VI

The test of the null hypothesis (H0) against the alternate hypothesis (H1) is that H0 is

rejected if the f-stat value is less than the p-value of 0.05. From the above Table, since the f-stat

of 0.001 is less than the p-value of 0.05, the researcher rejected the null hypothesis and accepted

the alternative hypothesis, which states that there is a significant relationship between Inter-

group Cooperation and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. A

coefficient of 0.101814 implies that Inter-group Cooperation has a positive linear relationship

with peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. The R 2 value of 0.02236

implies that the model explains a total of 22.36% of the variation in the dependent variable while

74
77.64% of the variation is explained by variables not included in the model. The D-W stat. value

of 2.0914 indicates the absence of autocorrelation problem in the estimated parameters.

4.5 Discussion of the Findings

The results obtained from the empirical analysis revealed consistent findings. The results

obtained from the test of hypothesis one revealed that there is a significant relationship between

the relationship between conflict resolution mechanisms and peace building in Esan land, Edo

State in the pre-colonial era. Also, the results obtained from the test of hypothesis two there is a

significant relationship between peacemaking during conflict and peace building in Esan land,

Edo State in the pre-colonial era. Furthermore, the results obtained from the test of hypothesis

three revealed that there is a significant relationship between Inter-group Cooperation and peace

building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. These findings are consistent with the

finding of Akahomen (2019) found that Esan traditional method of conflict resolution is rich in

potentials from which we can draw to build modern societies. Olusola and Aisha (2013) found

that non participatory roles of traditional rulers in the present day administration as compared to

their roles in managing and resolving conflict in pre-colonial Nigeria is accounting mainly for

the decades of social conflicts that is manifesting itself in our socio-economic and political

circuit.

75
 CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary of the findings

The key objective of this study was to examine the relationship between conflict resolution

approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. The specific

objectives of the research were examine the relationship between conflict resolution mechanisms

and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era; assess the relationship

between peace making during conflict and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-

colonial era; and determine the relationship between Inter-group Cooperation and peace building

in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. Three hypotheses were formulated and tested in

this study. Bearing in mind the nature of this study, the researcher employed the use of survey

research design in which primary data was obtained through questionnaire administration. Data

for this study was obtained from primary sources. The researcher employed tables and simple

percentage method to analyse the research questions. However, the regression technique was

used to test hypotheses. The findings of the study are summarized below:

(i) There is a significant relationship between the relationship between conflict resolution

mechanisms and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

(ii) There is a significant relationship between peacemaking during conflict and peace

building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

(iii) There is a significant relationship between Inter-group Cooperation and peace building in

Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

76
5.2 Conclusion

This study examined the relationship between conflict resolution approaches and peace

building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era. This study highlighted some Esan pre-

colonial methods of conflict resolution, from the critical prism of appreciating traditional African

mechanism for the promotion of harmonious coexistence in the society. Although, some of the

techniques employed in ensuring peace and stability may be not be fashionable in today world,

such as Okoven trial by ordeal but the spirit behind it, which is been our brother’s keeper should

be imbibe in order to promote a safer world for all humanity. Esan pre-colonial methods of

conflict resolution have the potentials of addressing and responding to new and emerging peace

and security challenges if it is well harnessed.. Based on the findings, the researcher concludes

that there is a positive and significant relationship between conflict resolution approaches and

peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the pre-colonial era.

5.3 Recommendations

(i) In Esanland, there is need for harmonious living that will ensure not only by intrinsic

integrative forces and ingredients, but also by the people’s ability to devise additional

mechanism for communal living and peaceful coexistence.

(ii) Esan communities should be conscious of their common traditions of origins, kinship ties

and share historical experiences and this will help to bind them together.

(iii) Esan ethnic group in Benin kingdom should be consolidated by economic factors and

social cultural ties, the necessity to cooperate against external harassments.

77
(iv) It is important for union leaders and those connected with the management of conflicts in

the five Esan local government areas to be grounded in their conflict resolution

approaches and peace building in Esan land.

5.4 Suggestions for further research

A future research maybe conducted to examine the relationship between conflict resolution

approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo State in the post-colonial era. Study areas on

the effect of alternative disputes resolution on peaceful coexistence in Benin kingdom in the pre-

colonial and post-colonial eras are worth researching.

78
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 Appendix I

Post Graduate Studies

Department of Peace and Conflict Resolution
Faculty of Social Science
National Open University of Nigeria
4th May, 2023.

Dear Respondent,

I am a post graduate student from the above named institution. I am currently carrying out a

research on the topic “Conflict resolution approaches and peace building in Esan land, Edo

State in the pre-colonial era”. I assure you that all information provided will be treated

confidently. More so, the information will be used for academic research purpose only.

Thank you for your anticipated co-operation.

Researcher

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 APPENDIX II
QUESTIONNAIRE
SECTION A: Demographic Data
Please mark (√) in the box the answer you think is appropriate.
1. GENDER: Male [ ] Female [ ]
2. AGE: 20 years [ ] 20 – 29 years [ ] 30 – 39 years [ ] 40 – 49 years [ ]
50 and 59 above [ ]
3. MARITAL STATUS: Single [ ] Married [ ] Widowed [ ] Divorced [ ] Separated [ ]
4 QUALIFICATION: SSCE/GCE [ ] OND NCE [ ] HND BSC [ ] MSC MBA [ ]
Others [ ]
5 OCCUPATION: Trader [ ] Craftsmen/ Craftswomen [ ] Civil Servant [ ]
Educationalists [ ] Others [ ]

SECTION B: Research Questions Construct

INSTRUCTION: Please tick () against your chosen option and express your view where
necessary. The 5 Likert scale is used in construction of the questionnaire to elicit your responses
opinions on each statement. The options are as follows:

STATEMENTS SA A SD D UN
5 4 3 2 1
Conflict resolution mechanisms
1. In pre- colonial Esanland (Otoesan), kings (Onojie) with
the assistants of their appointed chiefs (Ekhaemhon)
played significant role in conflict resolution and in the
dispensations of justices.
2. The traditional police, court and other executive as well as
legislative organs were also agents of conflict resolution.
3. Alternative disputes resolution was employed where the
Edion usually met at the village square (Okoghele) where
all parties to the case at hand were given ample
opportunity to aired their views.
4. Conciliation conflict resolution approach was adopted
where the Enijie (kings) functioned as conciliators when
disputes occur. , so as to reestablish harmony and keep up
agreeable relations among families and communities
5. Reconciliation approach was also employed where the
Enijie (kings) functioned as reconcilers so as to reestablish
harmony and keep up agreeable relations among families
and communities
Peace making during conflict
6. Peacemaking efforts were aimed to change beliefs,
attitudes and behaviors of Esan people during and after
conflict.
7. Peacemaking was to transform the short and long term
dynamics between individuals and groups toward a more

85
 stable, peaceful coexistence among Esan people.
8. Peacemaking efforts speeded up conflict resolution
negotiation between Esan people and other ethnic groups
or among Esan people.
9. In pre-colonial Esan era, the processes of peacemaking
and any other peace began at the level of the individual
and his household, Uelen made up of a man, his wife or
wives, his children and younger brothers and their wives,
his children and younger brothers and their wives, the
unmarried sisters and his mother.
10 The peacemaking process in pre colonial Esan era was
based on the underlying principle that a man, Okpia who
is free from inner and domestic conflicts is able to not
only to behave in a less aggressive manner but also a
builder and keeper of peace
Inter-group Cooperation
11 An intricate system of socio-political, economic and
cultural co-operation had been established between Esan
people in the pre-colonial era.
12 The major feature of the socio-political organization
during the pre-colonial period was the presence of Benin
kingdom imperial expansionist policies which encouraged
the need for the people to develop large and expansive
polities copied from centralized state systems, which
created inter-group cooperation
13 The common traditions of origin, common experience of
migration, and ancestral and genealogical affinities are of
central importance in understanding the unity and
intermingling of the groups even across the immediate
neighbourhood
14 There seems to be good reasons to believe that the
ancestral ties and the common experience shared by the
founders of particular group of villages helped to bring the
people together in the early period of their history.
15 Inter-group cooperation provided a forum for contracting
inter-group relations between one village group and
another
Peace building
16 Peacebuilding efforts aim to manage, mitigate, resolve
and transform central aspects of the conflict through
official diplomacy; as well as through civil society peace
processes and informal dialogue, negotiation, and
mediation.
17 Before conflict became violent in the precolonial era,
preventive peacebuilding efforts were made, such as
diplomatic, economic development, social, educational,

86
 health, legal and security sector reform programs, address
potential sources of instability and violence.
18 Peacebuilding efforts were made to have address
economic, social and political root causes of violence and
fosters reconciliation to prevent the return
of structural and direct violence.
19 Peacebuilding efforts were activities undertaken to
reassemble the foundations of peace and provided the
tools for building on those foundations something that is
more than just the absence of war
20 Peacebuilding efforts covered a wide range of efforts by
diverse actors in government and civil society at the
community, national, and international levels to address
the root causes of violence and ensure civilians have
freedom from fear (negative peace), freedom from want
(positive peace) and freedom from humiliation before,
during, and after violent conflict.

87
 APPENDIX III
Descriptive Statistics Tests

Conflict
resolution Inter-group Peace
mechanisms Peace making Cooperation building
Mean 3.488000 3.180000 3.072000 3.368000
Median 4.000000 3.000000 3.000000 3.000000
Maximum 5.000000 5.000000 5.000000 5.000000
Minimum 1.000000 1.000000 1.000000 1.000000
Std. Dev. 1.524188 1.080867 1.148954 1.037730
Skewness -0.379493 -0.170634 0.002405 -0.044976
Kurtosis 1.626541 2.460147 2.321940 2.343221

Jarque-Bera 25.65052 4.249007 4.789468 4.577609

Probability 0.000003 0.000092 0.000097 0.000008

Sum 872.0000 795.0000 768.0000 842.0000

Sum Sq. Dev. 578.4640 290.9000 328.7040 268.1440

Observations 250 250 250 250

88
 APPENDIX IV

Regression Results for Hypothesis One

Model Summaryb
Adjusted R Std. Error of Durbin-
Model R R Square Square the Estimate Watson
1 .183a .033 .029 1.5015 1.647
a. Predictors: (Constant), Conflict resolution mechanisms

b. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding

ANOVAa
Sum of
Model Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
1 Regression 19.316 1 19.316 8.567 .004b
Residual 559.148 248 2.255
Total 578.464 249
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding

b. Predictors: (Constant), Conflict resolution mechanisms

Coefficientsa
Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
Model B Std. Error Beta t Sig.
1 (Constant) 3.631991 0.168468 21.559 .000
Conflict
resolution .183 2.926 .003
mechanisms 0.129585 0.044272
a. Dependent Variable: : Peacebuilding
Residuals Statisticsa
Minimu Maximu Std.
m m Mean Deviation N
Predicted Value 3.019 4.050 3.488 .2785 250
Residual -3.0497 1.9810 .0000 1.4985 250

89
Std. Predicted
-1.684 2.017 .000 1.000 250
Value
Std. Residual -2.031 1.319 .000 .998 250
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding

Source: Researcher’s Computation via SPSS

90
 APPENDIX V

Regression Results for Hypothesis Two

Model Summaryb
Adjusted R Std. Error of Durbin-
Model R R Square Square the Estimate Watson
1 .219a 0.0378 .024 1.0567 2.150
a. predictors: (constant), Peacemaking

b. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding

ANOVAa
Sum of
Model Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
1 Regression 13.968 1 13.968 9.743 .000b
Residual 276.932 248 1.117
Total 290.900 249
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding

b. Predictors: (Constant), Peacemaking

Coefficientsa
Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
Model B Std. Error Beta t Sig.
1 (Constant) 3.583227 0.178671 20.0548 0.000
Peacemaki
ng 0.146567 0.046954 .219 3.12153 0.002
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding
Residuals Statisticsa
Minimu Maximu Std.
m m Mean Deviation N
Predicted Value 2.753 3.577 3.180 .2368 250
Residual -2.5774 2.2471 .0000 1.0546 250

91
Std. Predicted
-1.803 1.678 .000 1.000 250
Value
Std. Residual -2.439 2.127 .000 .998 250
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding
Source: Researcher’s Computation via SPSS

92
 APPENDIX VI
Regression Results for Hypothesis Three
Model Summaryb
Adjusted R Std. Error of Durbin-
Model R R Square Square the Estimate Watson
1 .210a 0.02236 .0140 1.1256 2.0914
a. Predictors: (Constant), Inter-group Cooperation

b. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding

ANOVAa
Sum of
Model Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
1 Regression 14.510 1 14.510 5.6728 .001b
Residual 314.194 248 1.267
Total 328.704 249
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding

b. Predictors: (Constant), Inter-group Cooperation

Coefficientsa
Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
Model B Std. Error Beta t Sig.
1 (Constant) 3.723129 0.162665 22.88837 .000
Inter-
group
Cooperati .210 .0018
on 0.101814 0.042747 2.381774
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding
Residuals Statisticsa
Minimu Maximu Std.
m m Mean Deviation N
Predicted Value 2.521 3.452 3.072 .2414 250
Residual -2.4516 2.4788 .0000 1.1233 250

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Std. Predicted
-2.282 1.573 .000 1.000 250
Value
Std. Residual -2.178 2.202 .000 .998 250
a. Dependent Variable: Peacebuilding
Source: Researcher’s Computation via SPSS

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