White Privilege Misunderstood

Franklin Thompson, Ed.D.

Associate Professor

University of Nebraska-Omaha
College of Education
Roskens Hall 212
6005 Dodge Street
Omaha, NE 68182-0162
(402) 554-0653 (w)
fthompson@unomaha.edu
 White Privilege 1

Abstract

The teaching of white privilege in multicultural courses causes much controversy. This study,

which utilizes survey research, seeks to uncover from a student perspective whether or not the

topic of white privilege should be included in teacher preparation curriculum. Respondents

(N=777) entered a state mandated multicultural course with moderate acceptance of the concept.

The introduction of an eclectic, critical pedagogy brand of multicultural instruction helped

students make significant pretest-to-posttest gains in mean scores (t(771)=-21.906, p<.0005).

There was also increased pretest-to-posttest acceptance of two other variables: (a) “Many whites

miss the bigger race relations picture (t(776)=-12.005, p<.0005), and (b) “Discussions about

racism are still relevant in Post-Obama America (t(777)=12.434, p<.0005). Effect sizes (d) were

large (0.93), approaching medium (0.46), and medium (0.51) respectively. A smaller subgroup

(N=229) of initial opponents of the white privilege concept made an even greater pretest-to-

posttest change in mean scores: (t(228)=-25.980, p<.0005, d=1.94).

A balanced curriculum approach was utilized by highlighting many forms of majority-

group privileges above and beyond skin color. Future teachers must understand how power and

privilege plays itself out on different levels, and that, unfortunately, skin color has become the

most controversial and resisted form of those privileges. The end purpose is not to focus on

white skin per se, but on the sociology of how power is wielded. This research demonstrates that

students are not as fragile as we think they are, and that when taught with a fair-and-balanced

approach, critical multicultural education is not only accepted – it can be a liberating experience

for education majors.

Key words: White privilege, majority-group privilege, post-racial society, critical pedagogy.
 White Privilege 2

Introduction

During the summer of 2011, the school board of a prominent Midwest City purchased a

publication entitled The Cultural Proficient Journey: Moving Beyond Ethical Barriers Toward

Profound School Change (CambellJones, CampbellJones, & Lindsey, 2010) for the purpose of

embarking on a voluntary 2-year plan to bring about a cultural shift in faculty and staff in-service

training. Despite the fact that school officials clearly stated that they were not endorsing every

conclusion drawn in the book – that it was only being used as a means to stimulate meaningful

dialogue – controversy nevertheless arose among opponents who felt the proposed training had a

liberal agenda. Criticism was heard not only locally, but also at the state level with the

Department of Education and the legislature. In particular, opponents found it hard to deal with

the authors’ assertions that (1) white privilege in America is a reality, (2) American institutions

create advantages that channel wealth and power to white people, (3) color blindness will not end

racism, and (4) that teachers should take action for social justice.

The topic of white privilege is a lightning rod. It not only causes splits in school boards,

but also among political parties and family members. At the university level, teacher preparation

programs often face a decision of whether or not to sanction the teaching of white privilege, or

simply leave it up to the discretion of each instructor. This study seeks to uncover from a student

point of view whether or not the concept of white privilege should be included in teacher

preparation curriculum. In providing data-driven results, this paper helps to fill a gap in the

literature that is mostly filled with anecdotal evidence and opinion on the subject matter.

Review of Literature

For purposes of this paper, white privilege will be defined as unearned advantages and benefits,

often invisible, afforded to Caucasians within a system of institutionalized racial oppression

(Case, 2007). The idea of white privilege is not new. The concept first surfaced in the literature
 White Privilege 3

when W. E. B. Du Bois spoke about how poor whites, even though they were misfortunate, were

able to cash in on a “psychological or public wage” that allowed them to receive better treatment

compared to poor blacks (Du Bois, 1995). Theodore Allen (1975) described how whiteness

became a false polemic that was created during Reconstruction to discouraged working class

consciousness. The plan was ingenious: Keep poor whites and blacks fighting over crumbs that

fall from the rich man’s table. This practice effectively sidetracked poor black and white citizens

from uniting over a common cause, while rich entrepreneurs laughed all the way to the bank.

Over the next 22 years, Allen expanded on his theory in a two-volume publication entitled The

Invention of the White Race (1994; 1997).

In a provocative book entitled How the Irish Became White, Noel Ignatiev (1995)

describes how Irish people, once thought to be no better than blacks, were able to gain white

social status by embracing racism and opposition to black social gains. The creation of

American “whiteness” was purposely constructed to mask the real intent of a bourgeoisie

agenda. Sadly, the degradation of Negro labor became more fundamental than the uplift of white

labor. Critical race theorist Cheryl Harris (1993) describes how whiteness took on the

characteristic of a property right written into the laws of southern states during the early years of

our nation. Although outlawed, many unwritten practices continue today via proxy advantages

that are afforded to whites. In today’s society, most academic discussions about race concentrate

mostly on minority disadvantages, while ignoring societal advantages accrued to Whites.

Input from the critical pedagogy field of study also frame the debate from a class conflict

perspective. Giroux (1997) states that educators who adopt a “color-blind” stance exacerbate the

problem because it relinquishes whites from the responsibility of challenging the status quo.

McLaren (1999) believes “whiteness” is so pervasive that it cannot be easily disaggregated from

our daily lives. He states that white privilege needs to be contested and destroyed. McCann
 White Privilege 4

(2007) favors discontinuing white supremacy and reinventing society in non-hierarchical ways

with the goal of the nation reinventing itself with new rules.

Mainstream educational discourse received a shot in the arm when Peggy McIntosh

published an article entitled White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack (2001).

Whereas previous conversations mostly took place in courtrooms and in journals dedicated to the

topic of class conflict, McIntosh introduced the debate to school boards, building principals, and

teacher preparation programs. In plain language she was able to highlight the fact that (1) whites

alone in this country have the power to define what is normal and healthy, (2) whiteness protects

whites from certain distresses that people of color endure, (3) racial oppression and

subordination often take place right in front of whites without most of them even noticing it, (4)

many whites are taught to view racism only in terms of individual acts of meanness without

understanding the institutionalized and systemic forms, and that (5) most whites possess an

invisible knapsack of unearned assets that are cashed in on a daily basis. Some of these

advantages include things such as shopping alone without harassment, positive representation in

the media, being viewed as smarter and more civilized, finding appropriate goods and services,

and being able to criticize the government without reprisal.

Carol Lund (2010) reviewed the literature and identified additional ways in which

invisible privilege is meted out on a daily basis, namely: The brainwashing is woven into the

fabric of our national culture; because whites never have to think about racism or challenge it –

for many it’s not even on their radar screen, and; white successes are viewed as 100% correlated

with their work efforts and merit, while minority failure is viewed from a deficiency perspective.

Lund (2005) offers the following additional insights regarding white privilege within the school

setting. White educators: Set the standard for all others regarding educational expectations;

maintain a nonracist image without ever addressing racism in the class; distrust and ignore those
 White Privilege 5

who bring up racism without recourse; avoid the problem of having to prove one’s credentials;

have greater access to mentors; bypass having to teach diversity courses and administer minority

programs with little or no recourse, and; get published with less hurdles to clear. White learners,

on the other hands, are more able to: View racism as something from the past; view racism as an

individual act only; see themselves in the stories and examples used by instructors; avoid having

to speak for their entire race; have achievement tests normed on their experiences, and; avoid the

need to create alternative spaces and institutions in order to get their voices heard.

Deborah Megivern (2005) describes how whites who grow up poor initially have

problems with blacks who believe white privilege exists until they realize that as both groups

climb out of their poverty hole most blacks will, nevertheless, encounter triple the amount of

obstacles in their efforts to overcome. Mark Maier (1997) added an important piece to the

debate by reminding us that managers of corporations are mostly white males. Masculine values

of being hard-nosed, top-down, one-up and adversarial are celebrated to a point where females

and people of color who don’t embrace those norms are often viewed as incompetent, thereby

creating opportunities for leadership and its various payoffs to remain in the hands of white

males.

Maier (1997) states that white men tend to view a societal birdcage one wire at a time. In

other words, if a person of color or a white female complains about a boss being unfair whites

tend to respond by saying, “Yes, I know. That happened to me too, but I choose not to whine

about it.” The constant wear and tear of sexual harassment, racial jokes, lower pay, and racial

profiling are just a few examples of issues white males seldom face. The author then proceeds to

identify 24 wires of his symbolic birdcage that serve as impediments to minority and female

progress. A few examples include how whites do not have to worry: that people will assume

you got the job via an affirmative action move; about going overboard proving your competence;
 White Privilege 6

as much about physical attraction; not carrying the burden to reach back and save the

community, and; that marriage and kids will adversely impact prospects for job advancement.

Until white men are able to take a macroscopic view of the whole cage, they will never

understand why the bird trapped inside cannot fly free.

Research Questions and Hypotheses

This study addressed the following research questions:

1. How do teacher candidates view American race relations in the Post Barack

Obama election world?

2. In particular, how will teacher candidates respond to the question of whether or

not white privilege should be included in teacher preparation curriculum?

3. After receiving an eclectic style of multicultural curriculum that has a strong

critical pedagogy component, will there be meaningful pretest-to-posttest changes

in student mean scores?

4. Will the results be impacted by the following demographic attribute variables:

Race, gender, age, prior multicultural education, educational attainment, SES, and

political persuasion?

I hypothesize that in the initial stages students will reject the idea of white privilege but

that after the application of the curriculum, students will gain a better appreciation for the

concept. Secondly, I hypothesize that the same pattern will hold true for a question that queries

whether or not many whites see the bigger picture of racism. Regarding a question on whether

or not we live in a post-racial world, I hypothesize that a majority of students will agree with that

sentiment, but that the curriculum might help moderate that view. Finally, I hypothesize that the

demographic variables will have an impact on mean scores.

Method
 White Privilege 7

Participants

Participants who comprised a targeted sample for this study were teacher and counselor candidates

who attended a Midwestern metropolitan university situated in an urban setting of 800,000 people.

Survey respondents (N=777) represent a subset population drawn from a larger data set (N=1335)

aimed at identifying various correlates of effective multicultural instruction. One hundred eighty-

one (24%) of the individuals surveyed were male and 580 (76%) were female. Six hundred

seventy-two persons (88%) were Caucasian, while 90 (12%) were students of color. Of those 90

minority students, 33 were Hispanic, 25 were African American, 20 were Asian, 2 were Native

American, and 10 were of Middle Eastern descent. A low percentage of race minority students

applying to become an educator is a long-standing issue for this, as well as many other urban

communities.

There were 238 persons (31%) who fell in the 17-19 age range, 268 persons (35%) within

the 20-22 age range, 170 persons (22.5%) within the 23-30 age range, and 86 individuals (11.5%)

who were 31 to 64 years old. Five hundred sixty-one persons (73.5%) possessed only a high school

degree, while 165 persons (21.5%) had obtained an associate’s or a bachelor’s degree, and 35

individuals (5%) had a post-bachelor’s degree. Socio-economically speaking, sixty eight students

(9%) classified themselves as belonging to the lower class, 619 students (85%) were middle class,

and 41 individuals (6%) said they were upper class citizens. Two hundred five students (29%) said

that they had received no prior multicultural education. One hundred eighty five (23%) had taken 1

prior class, while three hundred twenty-two persons (44%) had taken two or more prior classes.

Politically speaking, 90 individuals (12%) classified themselves as being conservative, 400

persons (51%) as moderate, and 113 (14%) as liberal. One hundred sixty-one individuals (21%)

said they were politically undecided, and fourteen people (2%) decided to not answer the question.
 White Privilege 8

The rationale for including political affiliation on the survey was to test the popular stereotype

(accurate or not) that conservatives do not value certain aspects of multicultural education. I will

investigate that stereotype from the narrow perspective of education majors.

Study Design

The design of the study contained a pre and post survey of the race relations perceptions of

education majors. Students utilized a 9-point Likert scale (with 1 being very strongly disagree

and 9 being very strongly agree) to answer the three questions found in Appendix A. Because

White privilege is the most controversial and resisted form of majority group power, it became the

main item to test.

Although the study did not utilize 100% strict statistical control techniques to account for

potential social desirability bias (i.e., a tendency to respond in ways to gain the approval of

others), solid steps were, nevertheless, taken to help maximize validity and subject anonymity:

1. Respondents did not use their names, but rather a 4-digit number as an identifier;

2. Pre-survey answers were sealed in a signed envelope, and the instructor returned

them at the semester’s end still sealed and unopened;

3. The grade given for the exercise was done on a pass/fail basis – points were

awarded not on the content of the survey, but rather on completion of the task.

4. A pre-discussion of the importance of avoiding self-deception in survey

research, as well as the need to provide honest answers and not just ones that

instructors like to hear was thoroughly discussed;

5. The value and the wisdom of on-going, life-long, self-analysis was discussed

prior to the survey. The importance of authentic reflective thinking for educators

was fully addressed;

 White Privilege 9

6. Semester-long lessons were conducted on how learning how to disagree without

being disagreeable is better than agreeing just to keep the peace or get along;

7. At the end of the treatment (i.e., a critical pedagogy brand of multicultural

instruction), students privately compared their pre and post scores and reflected

on the differences; and

8. Submission of surveys to the instructor for the purpose of research was totally

voluntary. Because the pre and post reflective exercise is aimed at generating

increased levels of self-awareness, students are given the option of keeping their

surveys at the end of the semester and experiencing no penalty for doing so. In

the end, only 5% of students decided not to donate their surveys for research.

In addition, four quality control questions (refer to Appendix A) were included as a way

of encouraging students to establish academic independence apart from the instructor’s life

experiences. Those questions included a chance to rate (a) the instructor’s attempt to encourage

students to think for themselves and not just become a carbon copy of him, (b) a curriculum

dispositional stance that says educators should teach all sides of an issue – liberal, moderate, or

conservative – and then trust students to make up their own minds apart from what their

classmates or instructor believes, (c) a curriculum dispositional stance that says instructors must

train future teachers how to disagree without being disagreeable, and (d) whether or not the

instructor should have been less experimental and more standard in his instructional approach. It

is hoped that the eight steps listed above along with the additional quality control questions were

enough to encourage students to be authentic in their responses and not engage in social

desirability bias.

Curriculum wise, a balanced approach was utilized by highlighting many forms of

majority-group privileges above and beyond skin color. It is important for future teachers to see
 White Privilege 10

how power and privilege plays itself out in many ways and on different levels, and that skin

color has unfortunately become the most controversial and resisted form of privilege. The end

purpose is not to focus on white skin per se, but rather on the sociology of how power is wielded.

In summary, white privilege (and other forms of power group privileges) were critically

discussed – conversely, white people were not demonized. The reader will also note that

Appendix B is provided so they can gain a better understanding of the eclectic, critical pedagogy

oriented curriculum approach used in this study. Lastly, this study was reviewed by the

university’s institutional review board and accepted.

Data Analysis

Utilizing the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) computer program, the following

statistical analyses were conducted:

1. A summarization of descriptive findings;

2. A paired-sample t-test to investigate potential pretest-to-posttest mean score

changes;

3. An independent t-test analysis to see if there are significant relationships between

respondent ratings and race and gender; and

4. Several One-Way ANOVA analyses to ascertain potential relationships between

respondent ratings and multiple-grouping demographic attribute variables (i.e., age,

prior education, degree earned, SES, and political affiliation).

Cohen’s d (i.e., population mean divided by the standard deviation) will be used to report effect size

for the various results.

Results

Descriptive Findings
 White Privilege 11

Table 1 provides descriptive results of the study. Respondents rated their race relations views in

the following manner – (1) white racism in America is dead: pre score results = 2.91 and post

score results = 2.20, (2) white privilege is a legitimate concept: pre score results = 5.42 and post

score results = 7.06, and (3) many whites fail to see the bigger picture of racism: pre score results

= 6.12 and post score results = 7.02. For each question, posttest results showed an increase in

level of acceptance [Insert Table 1 here?]

My hypothesis that students would agree with a belief that racism is no longer a major

issue had to be rejected. To my surprise, students disagreed with that sentiment during both the

pretest (2.91) and posttest (2.20) stages. My hypothesis that students would totally go against the

idea that white privilege was real during the pre-stage period had to be somewhat rejected based

upon the fact that respondents gave the item a moderate rating of 5.42, a score that was much

higher than what I had expected. The same must be concluded for the question of whether or not

respondents believed that many whites miss the bigger picture on race relations. The pretest

score of 6.12 signified more agreement than what I had thought I would get on this question.

The quality control questions appear to point to at least some level of control over social

desirability control (see Table 1). On the nine-point Likert scale, respondents gave a mean score

of 7.90 that the instructor constantly encouraged students to think for themselves and not simply

become a clone of his thinking. Likewise, they said that it was important for educators to learn

how to teach many sides of a controversy and trust students to make up their minds (M=8.46,

SD=0.98), and disagree without being disagreeable (M=8.6, SD=0.85). When asked should the

instructor had experimented less and taken a more standard teaching approach, students did not

agree with that assessment (M=2.30, SD=1.71).

Paired-Sample t-test Results

 White Privilege 12

The results of the paired-sample T-test can be found in Table 2. My hypothesis that the treatment

plan (i.e., an eclectic brand of critical pedagogy multicultural education) would make a positive

impact on all three survey questions was accepted. Results indicate that there were statistically

significant pretest-to-posttest changes in mean scores for (a) racism is no longer significant

(t(777)=12.434, p<.0005); (b) whites miss the bigger picture (t(776)=-12.005, p<.0005); and (c)

white privilege is real (t(771)=-21.906, p<.0005). The effect sizes were medium (0.5), medium

(0.5), and large (0.9) respectively. The curriculum helped students better understand the reality

of white privilege and related issues. When the data is disaggregated to show the pre-to-post-test

changes in mean scores for the 29% of respondents (N=229) who initially did not believe white

privilege was real (i.e., as determined by a score of 4 or lower), we see that the change was even

more dramatic: White privilege is real (t(228)=-25.980, p<.0005), with a very large effect size

(d=1.94). [Insert Table 2 here?]

Demographic Variable Impacts

Table 3 shows the results of the t-test analyses for the impact of race and gender. By and large

race and gender did not have a noticeable impact on how the questions were answered. One

significant gender and two significant race relationships were found but because effect sizes

were small, not much attention is given to those findings. [Insert Table 3 here?]

Table 4 shows the results of the ANOVA analysis for the impact political allegiance had

on respondent ratings. Because many of the effect sizes are small, I will once again not elaborate

on those findings. I will, however, elaborate on results whose effect sizes are larger than small.

In particular, conservatives (M=4.80, SD=1.71) and liberals (M=6.02, SD=2.06) significantly

differed (p>.0005) on the concept of white privilege during the pretest stage, with a notable

medium (d=.64) effect size. This is not an unexpected finding, in that white privilege is often
 White Privilege 13

associated with a liberal ideological platform. After application of the treatment plan, however,

significant posttest differences between liberals and conservatives disappeared.

A similar pattern holds true for the question regarding whether or not we live in a post-

racial society. Although conservative and liberal students believed that racism is still an issue in

today’s society, pretest conservative scores (M=3.29, SD=1.62) were slightly higher than those

(M=2.50, SD=1.62) of liberals (p=.006, d=.48), signifying that liberals had less support for a

diminished role of race. During the posttest period, both groups showed increased skepticism of

a post-racial world, but the gap between them closed so that posttest differences were not

significant.

The largest pretest difference between conservatives and liberals was shown for the

question on whether or not whites miss the bigger race relations picture. Results show that

liberal students (M=6.65, SD=1.97) were in more agreement with the statement than were

conservative respondents (M=5.19, SD=2.06), with an effect size approaching large (p>.0005,

d=.72). Although more acceptance took place for both camps and the gap closed as a result of

educational intervention, unlike the first two questions this particular variable continued to have

significant posttest differences for liberal (M=7.48, SD=1.40) and conservative (M=6.43,

SD=1.84) respondents (p>.0005, d=.65). The reader will note that there were several other

significant findings not involving conservatives, but the effect sizes were too small to report.

[Insert Table 4 here?]

Discussion

Overall, students were did not resist the message of white privilege during the pre or the post-test

stages. The future of our schools appear to be in solid hands. Still, multicultural curriculum

served to further sharpen the focus of education majors and give them a greater appreciation for

the importance of diversity. The issue of utilizing White privilege as a viable teaching construct
 White Privilege 14

experienced the most pretest-to-posttest growth. While the change in means scores for the other

two variables demonstrated a medium effect size, the change in acceptance of white privilege

showed a large (d=0.93) impact. When it came to examining just the 29% of students (N=229)

who initially fought the idea of white privilege, the pre-to-post-test change results were dramatic.

Their scores went from 3.92 to 6.62 (signifying increased agreement with the concept), with a

very large effect size (d=1.94). Education also made a larger impact on this subgroup regarding

the other two diversity questions (see Table 2).

It was encouraging to know that despite the election of America’s first black president,

students became aware that we have a long way to go before we declare that we live in a post-

racial society. They also were able to see that the majority group does not always view the world

the same way that minorities experience it. Whether or not this optimism exists amongst other

college majors or with our nation’s older population remains to be tested. But at least when it

comes to our future teachers, we can say that they come into a program of study with an open

mind and then allow an eclectic, critical pedagogy form of curriculum to further make a positive

difference in their worldview. While this study does not specifically detail what that curriculum

looks like, Appendix B is provided to give the reader a general overview of it.

These results did not come by happenstance. Had I taken an old school approach where

there was an emphasis on guilt and blame, these results probably would have turned out much

different. Instead, much care was put towards teaching that white skin is not the only determining

factor impacting the phenomenon; majority group power and privilege often operates above and

beyond skin color. In this study, equal attention was given to examining both skin color and the

non-skin color forms of power and privilege and the strategy appeared to work.

SES, degree earned, and number of prior multicultural classes taken did not make a

significant statistical difference on student ratings. Race and gender made a minimal difference, but
 White Privilege 15

the effect sizes were too small to report. The most notable demographic attribute variable to make

an impact was political allegiance. Conservative and liberals differed on their initial views

regarding the question on white privilege, as well as the question on whether or not we live in a

post-racial world. Although no political group gave overwhelming support for a belief that white

privilege was a reality during the pre-stage period, liberals were clearly more accepting than

conservatives. A medium (.64) effect size was found for that difference (p>.0005). During the

posttest period, both groups showed increased acceptance, but the gap between them proved no

longer to be significant.

The question regarding whether or not whites had higher levels of multicultural

unawareness demonstrated the same pattern, except that a statistically significant difference still

remained during the posttest stage, albeit the gap was somewhat closed. Regarding overall

awareness, an eclectic brand of critical multicultural education helped to moderate the views of both

political camps, as well as close the gap between them.

There are a few limitations to this study. Survey results that rely on self-reported scores are

often under suspicion for validity. Likewise, statistical purists may not agree with my organic

method of controlling social desirability bias. I would counter by saying that numbers don’t always

tell you everything. There is more than one way to skin a cat and when done correctly, a lot of

genuine dialogue can take place in our classrooms. People can be accurate and authentic in their

responses when the instructor is adept at creating a safe and trusting classroom climate where

students are not punished for thinking against the grain. I am 100% confident in the findings of this

research – there are way too many students who contact me long after the fact and thank me many

years later for helping them “get it” for me not to believe in what I have accomplished. My

procedures are not sloppy, still I also acknowledge a need to follow up this study using more

rigorous methodology. The transferability of these findings may also not be large due to the fact
 White Privilege 16

that educators may very well be more optimistic about human potential and multicultural matters

than compared to other fields of study. It is also limited in that additional discussion needs to be

had regarding the overall curriculum approach included in Appendix B and in the body of this

paper. Not enough space is provided here to go into that kind of detail, but I plan to address those

issues in future publications.

This study is no more than what it is: a limited, yet an important first step in addressing a

topic from the “difficult dialogue” category. It tackles a subject matter that heretofore has mostly

been handle via opinion and personal anecdote. It charts a path for other teachers to traverse, and

provides sound suggestions on how to tackle difficult race relations topics. A nice side benefit to

the targeted focus on white privilege comes as a result of the 4 quality control questions. The

responses of 777 students to the teaching strategies utilized in this study can be added to the best

practices portion of the multicultural discussion, an area that continues to have large gaps in the

literature. Very few instructors, for example, teach students how to disagree without being

disagreeable. The importance of teaching students how to juggle opposing points of view and

having the integrity to still work with people who are unlike them is a value not shared by enough

educators. If trust is lacking in your multicultural class, maybe it’s not the course content. Maybe

it’s your process and/or your ability to orchestrate the learning environment that needs to be called

into question.

Implications for Educators

There are two main reasons why the topic of majority group power and privilege is important for

education majors to learn about in this new global era. First and foremost, it helps students

better understand underlying dynamics behind class structure, social stratification along racial

and other group identification lines, and the unequal distribution of wealth. If the promotion of

social justice is truly a major tenant of why we teach, it is imperative that we equip future
 White Privilege 17

teachers with the proper academic tools and dispositional mindset that will encourage their

students to embrace the task of building a society that is more equitable and fair. Too much of

the diversity portion of teacher training is left up to opinions, feelings, and anecdotal evidence.

The more we integrate research and important findings from multiple fields of study into our

multicultural education efforts, the quicker we will reach the social justice goals established for

the world by leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr., Mahatma Gandhi, and Mother Theresa.

Sadly, white privilege has become the most resisted of the various forms of majority

group power and privilege. Perhaps this is so because race and racism are political hot potatoes.

Taking the emotion out of and demystifying the debate is the second reason why colleges of

education should include white privilege as part of teacher training. When students open a

history book and see a disproportionate amount of Europeans and their descendants at the

forefront of major wars and colonization efforts, they need to understand the real political and

sociological implications behind that reality. No, white people aren’t inherently more evil and

greedy compared to other races. Rather, Europeans were historically positioned to first come out

of the technology gate – a reality which placed them on the world’s largest stage, with the

brightest spotlight and the biggest temptation to do both good and evil. To be sure, there always

have been whites who never drank the Kool-Aid of oppression. Without the tireless work of

critically thinking whites, for example, slavery in America would have never ended.

I refuse to agree with Campbell (2010) that the acceptance of white privilege in our

discourse equates to the abandonment of solid reasoning. The rationale for studying white

privilege has nothing to do with guilt and blame. It has everything to do with understanding

power and privilege, and how they work in the world beyond skin color. The effects of power

and privilege rears its ugly head when we consider not only race, but also sex, religion, national

origin, ability awareness, and many other factors. There are many cases such as Rwanda and
 White Privilege 18

Serbia, for example, where the abuse of power and privilege resulted in same-skin-color

discrimination. In the final, analysis skin color does not make a person more or less guilty. Rather,

it is uncritical thinking, greed, and the abuse of power and privilege that doom us.

I also believe the reason why Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown type murder cases

create a philosophical rift in our nation is due in part to flaws in the delivery of multicultural

education. Traditional multicultural instruction does not prepare students for the subtleties and

complexities of race relations. Multicultural education can’t afford to be the product of neither a

guilt-based nor a feel-good paradigm. It must be something that all groups can identify with, while

also retaining the capacity to stretch learners. An eclectic instructional approach that incorporates

a critical pedagogy component is one of the better weapons we have in our toolbox

If handled with care and fairness, the study of white privilege is not only accepted – it can

be a liberating experience for education majors. Educators who understand the bigger picture

help society to mend one student at a time. But, instructors really don’t have to debate the issue.

All they need to do is teach the whole truth with balance and integrity, and give students time

and space to make their own decisions regarding diversity in our schools.
 White Privilege 19

References

Allen, T. W. (1975). Class struggle and the origin of racial slavery: The invention of the white

race. Radical America, 9(3), 41-63.

Allen, T. W. (1994). The invention of the white race, volume one: Racial oppression and social

control. London, England: Verso Publishing.

Allen, T. W. (1997). The invention of the white race, volume two: Racial oppression and social

control. London, England: Verso Publishing.

Campbell, D. G. (2010). White privilege: A shield against reason. Academic Quest, 23, 496-

504.

CambellJones, F., CampbellJones, B., & Lindsey, R. B. (2010). The cultural proficient journey:

Moving beyond ethical barriers toward profound school change. Thousand Oaks, CA:

Corwin/Sage Publication.

Case, K. A. (2007). Raising white privilege awareness and reducing racial prejudice: Assessing

diversity course effectiveness. Teaching of Psychology, 34(4), 231-235.

Du Bois, W. E. B., (1995). Black reconstruction in America: 1860-1880. (1995 reissue of the 1935

original). New York, NY: New York Free Press.

Giroux, H. A. (1997). Rewriting the discourse of racial identity: Towards a pedagogy and politics of

whiteness. Harvard Educational Review, 67(2), 285-320.

Harris, C. I. (1993). Whiteness as property. Harvard Law Review, 106(8), 1709-1795.

Ignatiev, N. (1995). How the Irish became white. New York, NY: Routledge.

Lund, C. L. (2010). The nature of white privilege in the training of adults. New Directions for Adult

and Continuing Education, 125, 15-25.

Lund, C. L. (2005). Perpetuating racism in the adult education professoriate: A liberatory process

for professors of white European descent. Unpublished dissertation, National-Louis University.

 White Privilege 20

Maier, M. (1997). Invisible privilege: What white men don’t see. The Diversity Factor. Summer

edition, 28-33.

McCann, K. (2007). Rhetoric of whiteness: The critical theories of whiteness. Paper presented at the

NCA 93rd Annual Conference, Chicago, Illinois, pp. 1-23.

McIntosh, P. (2001). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. In P. S. Rothenberg (ed.),

White privilege: Essential readings on the other side of racism. New York, NY: Worth

Publishers.

McLaren, P. (1999). Unthinking whiteness, rethinking democracy: Critical citizenship in

gringolandia. In C. Clark and J. O’Donnell (eds.), Becoming and Unbecoming White: Owning

and Disowning a Racial Identity. Westport, CT: Bergan and Garvey.

Megivern, D. (2005). Supposed to know better. In S. K. Anderson and V. A. Middleton (eds.),

Explorations in Privilege, Oppression, and Diversity. Belmont, CA: Thompson/Brooks/Cole.

 White Privilege 21

Table 1

Descriptive results: Student ratings of white privilege and other race relations topics.

Dispositional Question Pre-Mean SD N Post-Mean SD N

(1-9 Likert Scale; refer to appendix B) Score Score

1. Main Targeted Questions

White Privilege is real in America. 5.42 1.80 814 7.06 1.74 776
Racism is not a big issue in this post- 2.91 1.75 879 2.20 2.20 778
Obama America.
Many whites miss the bigger picture 6.12 1.90 817 7.02 1.70 777
regarding race and racism.

2. Quality Control Questions

The teacher encouraged me to think for ____ ____ ___ 7.90 1.57 799
myself.
We must teach all sides of an issue, then ____ ____ ___ 8.46 0.98 589
trust our students to make their
decisions.
We must learn to disagree without being ____ ____ ___ 8.61 0.85 746
disagreeable.
The Instructor should have experimented ____ ____ ___ 2.30 1.71 785
less and given more traditional delivery.
 White Privilege 22

Table 2

Paired-Sample t-test Results: Pretest-to-posttest differences in mean scores of white privilege

and other related race relations topics.

Disposition Pre SD Post SD df t-score p d

(1-9 Likert Scale; refer to appendix B) Mean Mean

1. Full Data Set (N=772)

White privilege in America is real. 5.42 1.80 7.06 1.74 771 -21.906 >.0005 0.93
White racism is not a major thing 2.91 1.75 2.20 1.34 777 12.434 >.0005 0.46
in a post-Obama America.
Many whites miss the bigger 6.10 1.89 7.02 1.71 776 -12.005 >.0005 0.51
picture regarding race and racism.

2. Initial White Privilege

Opponents Only (N=229)
White privilege in America is real. 3.92 0.89 6.62 1.89 228 -25.980 >.0005 1.94
White racism is not a major thing 3.16 1.68 2.26 1.37 229 8.363 >.0005 0.59
in a post-Obama America.
Many whites miss the bigger 5.08 1.83 6.57 1.80 229 -10.074 >.0005 0.82
picture regarding race and racism.
 White Privilege 23

Table 3

T-Test Results: Significant relationships between survey responses and race and gender.

Survey Item Demographic t- score df M p d

Variables

1. White privilege is real: pre- Race -2.150 131.447 ----- .033 .23
test scores
White Students ----- ----- 5.37 ----- -----

Minority Students ----- ----- 5.79 ----- -----

2. Racism is no longer a major Race 2.252 116.732 ----- .026 .25

issue: post-test scores
White Students ----- ----- 2.24 ----- -----

Minority Students ----- ----- 1.91 ----- -----

3. Racism is no longer a major Gender 3.488 264.858 ----- .001 .31

issue: post-test scores
Male Students ----- ----- 2.53 ----- -----

Female Students ----- ----- 2.09 ----- -----

 White Privilege 24

Table 4

One-Way ANOVA: Significant relationships between survey items and political allegiance.

Survey Item Demographic Variables M SD n df F p d

1. White privilege is real:

pre-test scores
Political Allegiance ----- ----- ----- 3, 756 8.779 >.0005 -----

Reference Group Conservatives 4.80 1.71 89 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Liberal 6.02 2.06 113 ----- ----- >.0005 .64

(compared to) Moderate 5.41 1.78 400 ----- ----- .017 .35

Reference Group Liberal 4.80 1.71 89 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Undecided 5.17 1.60 158 ----- ----- .001 .46

2. White privilege is real:

post-test scores
Political Allegiance ----- ----- ----- 3, 758 3.451 .016 -----

Reference Group Liberal 7.38 1.76 111 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Undecided 6.80 1.73 161 ----- ----- .034 .34

3. Racism is no longer a
major issue: pre-test
Political Allegiance ----- ----- ----- 3, 760 4.147 .006 -----

Reference Group Conservatives 3.29 1.62 90 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Liberal 2.50 1.62 113 ----- ----- .006 .48

Reference Group Liberal 2.50 1.62 113 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Undecided 3.09 1.74 161 ----- ----- .027 .35

4. Many Whites miss the

bigger picture: pre-test
Political Allegiance ----- ----- ----- 3, 760 10.452 .016 -----
 White Privilege 25

Reference Group Conservatives 5.19 2.06 90 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Liberal 6.65 1.97 113 ----- ----- >.0005 .72

(compared to) Moderate 6.11 1.84 400 ----- ----- >.0005 .47

(compared to) Undecided 6.17 1.60 161 ----- ----- >.0005 .52

Reference Group Liberal 4.80 1.73 89 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Moderate 5.17 1.60 158 ----- ----- .033 .28

5. Many Whites miss the

bigger picture: post-test
Political Allegiance ----- ----- ----- 3, 759 6.402 >.0005 -----

Reference Group Conservatives 6.43 1.84 90 ----- ----- ----- -----

(compared to) Liberal 7.48 1.40 113 ----- ----- >.0005 .65

(compared to) Moderate 7.03 1.71 400 ----- ----- .013 .34

Note: Alpha = .01

 White Privilege 26

Appendix A
Multicultural Survey 4 Digit Code ______________
White Privilege & Unseen Majority Group Power (Make up a 4 digit number you can remember)

Directions: Use the following Likert Scale to answer the questions. It is extremely important that you answer the items not in a way
that pleases the instructor, but rather in a truthful way that helps get at the issue of what really makes for good
multicultural education. This is a pass/fail assignment. Your responses will remain anonymous.

Scale
Strongly Disagree Somewhat Disagree Agree With Some Reservations Solid Agreement Very Strongly Agree
________________________________________________________________________________________________

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
_______________________________________________________________________________________________

Directions: Use the scale above to rate your response to the following race relations perspectives:

1. ______ White privilege is a reality in this country, and it should be included in the teacher prep
curriculum. Most Whites are unaware of the unearned power and privilege they possess.

2. ______ Many (though not all) Whites miss the bigger picture when it comes to assessing the realities
and the impact that racism and social injustice have on minorities in America today.

3. ______ The election and reelection of Barack Obama as President of the USA proves that White
racism in America is no longer a major problem.

4. ______ Remain professional to others even when communicating with people we disagree with. In
order to be an effective educator, I must learn how to disagree without being disagreeable.

5. ______ Despite my instructor having his/her own views about diversity, he/she encouraged me, to do
the following: Become an independent thinker, look at all the various ideological positions,
and then arrive at my own conclusions and not just become a clone of the instructor.

6. ______ I would have grown more by this class experience if my instructor had experimented less and
used a more standard, mainstream approach to teaching multicultural and diversity education.

7. _______ The extent to which I believe a multicultural state mandate for certifying educators is a
helpful thing for personal growth and professional development.

Demographic Information:

1. ________ I considered myself to be a political [only chose one of the following answers]: (1) Conservative (2)
Moderate and/or Eclectic Thinker (3) Liberal (4) Radical (5) Undecided, or I’d like to pass on this

2. Age: _______ Gender: Male _______ Female _______ Race/Ethnicity: __________________

3. Highest Academic Degree Obtained: HS Degree _____ AS or BS Degree _____ Post Bachelor’s Degree_____

4. _________ Number of multicultural classes or workshops taken prior to this course—(Note: If none, put a zero).

5. _________ Socio-economic class: (1) lower class, (2) middle class, (3) upper class, (4) I’d like to pass on this.

Appendix B
A comparison of a traditional versus a non-color blind approach to multicultural instruction
Traditional Multicultural Approach
I. Foundational principles
 Regardless of ethnicity, culture, and family
background, all kids can learn.
 Don’t fear diversity; celebrate it!
 A rising tide raises all boats.
 Love and education will conquer all problems.
II. Teacher self-statements
 Poverty and miseducation are the main reasons
for continued social problems.
 Help poor kids master middle-class values.
 Electing a Black President shows how far
we’ve come in race relations.
 Teacher candidates will be positively impacted
by greater knowledge, awareness, and skill
training.
III. Instructional strategies utilized
 Choose lessons that create a safe, caring, and
accepting classroom atmosphere.
 Choose lessons that highlight our similarities.
 Use lessons that honor heroes and their deeds.
 Language policing and practicing how to talk.
 Use group work and interactive learning.
 Use journaling, service learning & portfolios.
IV. Potential impact on majority teachers
 I am a good person who means well.
 There is a magic recipe that exists. Once I learn
it, all my students will be successful.
V. Potential impact on minority students
 The way to be successful is to either (a)
emulate the majority group, (b) create a viable
alternative, or (c) rely on sports and music.
White Privilege 27
Non-Color Blind Curriculum Approach
(Note: NCBC incorporates many of the elements found in the traditional curriculum
approach, while attempting to extend student awareness into new areas)
 It’s better to be color-respective than to be
color-blind. Question political correctness.
 Unless you address the root of a weed, it will
continue to sprout back up.
 Don’t ignore impact of power & privilege.
 Greed & uncritical thinking is our enemy.
 Highlighting the accomplishments of a few
while ignoring the problems of the many is
neither fair nor wise. Don’t soft-shoe racism.
 Embrace controversy as a teaching tool.
 Awareness, knowledge, and skills are not
enough. The application of dispositions (if
done correctly) is a key missing link.
 Teach towards the gaps. Find the missing
pieces. Teach both content and process.
 Investigate power & privilege interferences.
 Investigate ego defense mechanisms.
 Train teachers to be critical thinkers.
 Reflection, dialogue, interactive learning.
 Use a 35/65 traditional-critical curriculum
 It’s not about me; it’s about the kids!
 It’s not about what I do; but rather, it’s about
who I am and the role model I present.
 I can forgive. I can overcome. I can succeed.
I can change my trajectory.
 I’m multifaceted. You can’t put me in a box!
White Privilege 28