5 Steps to a 5: AP Physics 2:

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 CONTENTS

Acknowledgments
About the Author
Introduction: The Five-Step Program

STEP 1 Set Up Your Study Program

1 How to Approach Your AP Physics Course
Ignore Your Grade
Don’t Bang Your Head Against a Brick Wall
Work with Other People
Ask Questions When Appropriate
Keep an Even Temper
Don’t Cram
2 What You Need to Know About the AP Physics 2 Exam
Some Frequently Asked Questions About the AP Physics 2
Exam
3 Building Your Personal Attack Plan
Memorization and Cramming Won’t Help
Building a Plan That Is Right for You
Plan A: I’m Starting in September
Plan B: I’m Starting in January
Plan C: It’s Spring Break and I Just Got Started!

STEP 2 Determine Your Test Readiness

4 Test Yourself: AP Physics 2 Fundamentals
AP Physics 2 Fundamentals Self-Assessment
Answers to AP Physics 2 Fundamentals Self-Assessment
What Do I Know, and What Don’t I Know?
 5 Test Yourself: AP Physics 2 Question Types
AP Physics 2 Question-Types Self-Assessment
Answers to AP Physics 2 Question-Types Assessment

STEP 3 Develop Strategies for Success

6 General Strategies
What Do I Need to Remember from AP Physics 1?
Tools You Can Use
Get to Know the Relationships
What Information Can We Get from a Graph?
Ranking Task Skills
7 Strategies for the Multiple-Choice Questions
Multiple-Choice Basics
How to Get Better at Multiple-Choice Problems
Multiple-Correct Questions
Time: Pace Yourself!
Additional Strategies and Words of Wisdom
8 Strategies for the Free-Response Questions
The Structure of the Free-Response Section
Getting Off to a Good Start
Lab Questions
Practice Designing a Lab
Paragraph-Length Arguments
Student-Contention Questions
Qualitative-Quantitative Transition (QQT) Questions
What the Exam Reader Looks For
Final Advice About the Free-Response Section

STEP 4 Review the Knowledge You Need to Score High

9 Fluid Mechanics
How the Nano-World Influences the Fluid World We Live
In
Density
 Pressure
Static Fluids
Applications of Static Fluids
Barometer
Buoyancy and Archimedes’ Principle
Dynamic Fluids—Continuity
Dynamic Fluids—Bernoulli’s Equation
Practice Problems
Solutions to Practice Problems
Rapid Review
10 Thermodynamics and Gases
Start Small—Atomic Behavior That Produces Thermal
Results
Heat, Temperature, and Power
Heat Transfer
Kinetic Theory of Gases
Ideal Gas Law
First Law of Thermodynamics
PV Diagrams
Round and Round We Go: Cycles
Four Special Processes (Paths) on a PV Diagram
Entropy
Practice Problems
Solutions to Practice Problems
Rapid Review
11 Electric Force, Field, and Potential
Electric Charge
Quanta of Charge, Conservation of Charge, and How
Charge Moves Around
Charge Distribution on Different Objects
Electric Fields
Force of an Electric Field
Electric Field Vector Diagrams
Electric Potential
 Equipotential Isolines
Special Geometries for Electrostatics
Electric Fields Around a Point Charge and a Charged
Conducting Sphere
Electric Potential Associated with a Point Charge and a
Charged Conducting Sphere
The Force Between Two Charges
Mechanics and Charges
Practice Problems
Solutions to Practice Problems
Rapid Review
12 Electric Circuits
Current
Resistance and Ohm’s Law
Ohmic Versus Nonohmic
Resistors in Series and in Parallel
The V-I-R Chart
Kirchhoff’s Rules
Circuits from an Experimental Point of View
Real Batteries and Internal Resistance
Changes in a Circuit—Switches
Capacitors
Parallel and Series Capacitors
RC Circuits
Practice Problems
Solutions to Practice Problems
Rapid Review
13 Magnetism and Electromagnetic Induction
Magnetic Fields
Magnetic Dipoles in a Magnetic Field
Magnetic Field Around a Straight Current-Carrying Wire
Force on a Moving Charged Particle
Magnetic Force on a Wire
Force Between Two Parallel Wires
 Charges in a Magnetic Field and the Mass Spectrometer
Particles Moving Through Both Magnetic and Electric
Fields
Magnetic Flux
Electromagnetic Induction
Magnetic Behavior of Materials
Practice Problems
Solutions to Practice Problems
Rapid Review
14 Geometric and Physics Optics
Transverse and Longitudinal Waves
The Wave Equation
Interference
Electromagnetic Waves
Polarization
Diffraction and the Point-Source Model
Single and Double Slits
Index of Refraction
Thin Films
Wave Behavior at Boundaries
Reflection and Mirrors
Snell’s Law and the Critical Angle
Lenses
Practice Problems
Solutions to Practice Problems
Rapid Review
15 Quantum, Atomic, and Nuclear Physics
What Is Modern Physics?
Space, Time, the Speed of Light, and E = mc2
Subatomic Particles
The Electron-Volt
Photons
Photoelectric Effect
 Photon Momentum
De Broglie Wavelength and Wave Functions
Bohr Model of the Atom and Energy Levels in an Atom
Three Types of Nuclear Decay Processes
E = mc2 and Conservation During Nuclear Reactions
Half-Life
Other Nuclear Reactions
Mass Defect, Binding Energy, and the Strong Nuclear Force
Practice Problems
Solutions to Practice Problems
Rapid Review

STEP 5 Build Your Test-Taking Confidence

The AP Physics 2 Practice Exams
Taking the Practice Exams
Test-Taking Strategies
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 1: Section 1 (Multiple Choice)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 1: Section 2 (Free Response)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 1: Solutions: Section 1
(Multiple Choice)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 1: Solutions: Section 2 (Free
Response)
How to Score Practice Exam 1
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 2: Section 1 (Multiple Choice)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 2: Section 2 (Free Response)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 2: Solutions: Section 1
(Multiple Choice)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 2: Solutions: Section 2 (Free
Response)
How to Score Practice Exam 2
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 3: Section 1 (Multiple Choice)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 3: Section 2 (Free Response)
AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 3: Solutions: Section 1
(Multiple Choice)
 AP Physics 2 Practice Exam 3: Solutions: Section 2 (Free
Response)
How to Score Practice Exam 3
Words of Encouragement
Appendix
Constants
AP Physics 2 Equations
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Well, I just have to say this wouldn’t have been possible without my family
who has always believed in me. You are the best family I’ve ever had!
Thank you from the bottom of my heart. You are the best!
Oh, yeah! Thank you, Todd, for starting me down the path to this gig. I
still owe you a steak . . . or is it two by now?

Special Acknowledgment and Thank You to Greg Jacobs

Everyone who reads this book will quickly notice the similarities to Greg
Jacobs’ outstanding book 5 Steps to a 5—AP Physics 1. 5 Steps to a 5—AP
Physics 2 is shamelessly modeled after Greg’s work for two reasons:
1. It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to know that AP Physics 2 follows AP
Physics 1. I felt it was important to follow Greg’s lead and offer
students a smooth transition in both content, style, and format from one
book to the next.
2. Greg’s previous publication, 5 Steps to a 5—AP Physics B has helped
thousands of students successfully prepare for the AP exam. When AP
Physics B was split into AP Physics 1 and 2, Greg took some of the
original “B” material and utilized it in his new AP Physics 1 book. I
followed this pattern. Material from Greg’s AP Physics B book can
easily be seen throughout the study guide.
In short, this book stands on the foundation that Greg Jacobs built. I cannot
thank him enough for providing a blueprint for success. (You can find out
more about Greg Jacobs by visiting his blog:
http://jacobsphysics.blogspot.com/.)
 ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Chris Bruhn began his career as an aerospace engineer with Bell Helicopter
before choosing teaching as his calling. Since becoming an educator, he has
taught all varieties of AP Physics in schools, including inner-city, suburban,
and charter schools, and he has shown a particular talent at constructing
successful educational programs. Chris was honored as L.D. Bell High
School Teacher of the Year and earned the O’Donnell Texas AP Teacher
Award for “remarkable contributions to his students and school, as well as
to the teaching profession.” The Dallas Morning News ran a front-page
article featuring Chris and his students on January 26, 2010. (Dallas
Morning News article: “AP teacher sparks students’ love of physics and
wins $30,000.”) Chris is an educational trainer. He continues to create and
share curriculum and educational resources as well as lead institutes and
study sessions for teachers and students around the country. Outside of
teaching, Chris likes building things, sports, painting, travel, watching
superhero movies with his kids, and generally having fun. And now he is
writing this book!
 INTRODUCTION: THE FIVE-
STEP PROGRAM

Welcome!
You are in AP Physics 2, which means you probably just completed—or
survived—AP Physics 1 last year. You already have a good idea of what is
involved in getting ready for an AP Physics exam. AP Physics 2 builds
upon the material you’ve already learned in AP Physics 1. Be sure to keep
your 5 Steps to a 5 AP Physics 1 book handy for reviewing material you
learned last year. I’m Chris, and I am going to be your friendly guide
throughout the process of getting prepared for your AP exam.

Why This Book?

To have a good understanding of what makes this book special, it would
probably be helpful if you knew a little bit about me. I’ve been an aerospace
engineer, so I have experience in how physics is used in the real world. I
have run workshops for teachers, helping them become successful with
their own students. I’ve been teaching all varieties of AP Physics 1, 2, B,
and C for more than 25 years, to students just like you in all types of
schools—inner-city schools, suburban schools, magnet schools, charter
schools—schools big and small. In every one of these schools, there are
students, just like you, who learn to love and excel in AP Physics because it
makes such beautiful sense.
That’s where I come in—helping you make sense of it all. I’ve got a
pretty good idea what is needed for you to do well on the AP exam.
Throughout this book you will find:
• Clear, simple-to-understand text
• A thorough explanation of all the topics you will need to know
• Problem-solving tips and solutions
• An introduction to the student-tested Five-Step Program to mastering the
AP Physics 2 exam

Organization of the Book: The Five-Step Program

You will be taking a comprehensive AP exam this May. Since this is not
your first AP Physics exam, you already understand the structure of the
exam and how thoroughly you need to understand the material. When you
walk into that exam, you want to feel excited but calm, as if you are looking
forward to showing off what you can do, not apprehensive or uncertain.
Following the Five-Step Program is the best way to prepare and give
yourself the best chance to earn that 5.

Step 1: Set Up Your Study Program

As you already know from having taken AP Physics 1, you cannot
memorize your way through physics, and you can’t cram overnight. Success
on the AP exam is the result of diligent practice over the course of months,
not the result of an all-nighter on the evening before the exam. Step 1 gives
you the background structure you need before you even start exam
preparation.

Step 2: Determine Your Test Readiness

A problem on the AP exam usually requires conceptual development,
considerable problem solving, or critical thinking skills. AP questions do
not ask for straightforward facts that you can memorize. The AP Physics
exam is designed to test the depth of your understanding of physics
concepts and how well you can apply them. But you’re going to have to
know those basic physics concepts in order to solve more difficult
problems, including the ones you learned in AP Physics 1, so remember to
keep last year’s 5 Steps to a 5 book handy!
You can’t learn physics passively; you have to be actively engaged to
truly understand the concepts. A good place to start preparing for the test is
by quizzing yourself. This way you’ll know your areas of strength and
weakness. The 5 Steps fundamentals quiz in Chapter 4 will diagnose your
areas of strength and weakness. Once you can answer every question on the
fundamentals quiz quickly and accurately, you’re ready for deeper questions
that will challenge you on the AP exam.

Step 3: Develop Strategies for Success

Since this isn’t your first AP Physics exam, you already know that an AP
Physics test requires a much different approach than just about any other
exam you’ve taken. You will be getting a reference table with equations on
it for the entire exam, but it is still critical to know your equations and
understand what they mean. Memorizing equations is not absolutely
necessary, but it is very helpful. Having the equations stored in your
“mental toolbox” means you never have to take the time to search around
the reference table looking for an equation or wonder what relationship is
needed to solve a problem. You will always have the reference table as a
backup, but you will be surprised how many equations you know without
even trying.
An important tool in your arsenal for succeeding on the AP exam is the
ability to predict the behavior of a system based upon a physics equation,
such as ranking things from largest to smallest. I’ll discuss some methods to
help you become successful with those problems.

Step 4: Review the Knowledge You Need to Score High

This is a comprehensive review of all the topics on the AP exam. Now,
you’ve probably been in an AP Physics class all year; you’ve likely read1
your textbook. Our review is meant to be just that—review, in a readable
format, and focused exclusively on the AP exam.
These review chapters are appropriate both for quick skimming, to
remind yourself of key points, and for in-depth study, with plenty of
practice problems for you to work through. I do not go into nearly as much
detail as a standard textbook, but the advantage of the lack of detail is that
you can focus on only those issues specific to the AP Physics 2 exam.

Step 5: Build Your Test-Taking Confidence

Here are three full-length practice tests. Unlike other practice tests you may
take, this one comes with thorough explanations. One of the most important
elements in learning physics is making, and then learning from, mistakes. I
don’t just tell you what you got wrong; I explain why your answer is wrong,
and how to do the problem correctly. It’s okay to make a mistake here,
because if you do, you won’t make that same mistake again on the “big
day” in May.

The Graphics Used in This Book

To emphasize particular skills and strategies, icons are used throughout this
book. An icon in the margin will alert you that you should pay particular
attention to the accompanying text. These three icons are used:

1. This icon points out a very important concept or fact that

you should not pass over.

2. This icon calls your attention to a problem-solving

strategy that you may want to try.

3. This icon indicates a tip that you might find useful.

1Or at least tried to read.

 STEP 1

Set Up Your Study Program

CHAPTER 1 How to Approach Your AP Physics Course

CHAPTER 2 What You Need to Know About the AP Physics 2
Exam
CHAPTER 3 Building Your Personal Attack Plan
Another random document with
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with every consideration. At their own request he confirmed them in
the lordship, assigning to the eldest Chalco city, with more than half
the towns in the province, while the younger received Tlalmanalco
and Chimalhuacan, with Ayotzinco and other places subject to them.
[1053]

The eight captives were kindly treated, and sent to Mexico with
peace proposals similar to those transmitted by the former captors;
but there came no reply. The secession of Chalco was a blow to the
Mexicans even more severe than the capture of Iztapalapan, owing
to the bad example to submissive and wavering provinces, and
Quauhtemotzin hastened with allurements and threats to reimpress
upon them the necessity for remaining true to the empire. These
messages were also sent to the towns round Tezcuco; and the
caciques of Coatlichan and Huexotla came to the Spanish camp in
great distress, to say that all Mexico was coming upon them. They
were doubtful whether to flee to the mountains or come to Tezcuco.
They were reassured and promised succor when required;
meanwhile they must entrench themselves and prepare the warriors.
The Mexicans did little, however, beyond making raids on farms and
stragglers from two towns,[1054] wherein they were entrenched, not
far from Tezcuco. This attack on the larder of the army could not be
endured, and Cortés went forth on two occasions to secure the
threatened crops for himself, driving off a force of marauders who
had come with quite a fleet in the expectation of a fine harvest, and
capturing their strongholds on the lake.[1055]
All this made communication with Tlascala insecure, and on last
leaving that province Sandoval had strictly forbidden any one to
cross to Tezcuco without a permit. It so happened that a vessel
arrived at Villa Rica with over thirty soldiers, besides the crew, eight
horses, and a quantity of war stores. Knowing how pleased Cortés
would be, a young soldier broke the rules, adventured his life, and
carried the tidings to the general, who freely forgave the
disobedience of orders. This young cavalier also reported that the
brigantines were completed and ready for transport. Since siege
operations could not begin until the brigantines were floated on
Tezcuco Lake, no time was to be lost, and Sandoval received orders
to proceed at once to Tlascala and convoy the precious train. In
going he must pass through Zoltepec, five leagues distant, near the
eastern border of Acolhuacan, and there inflict chastisement for the
murder of the Yuste party during the late uprising.
Sandoval set out with fifteen horse and two hundred foot. On the
way a house was passed bearing upon its wall the touching
inscription, “Herein the unhappy Juan Yuste was a prisoner.” The
inhabitants of Zoltepec, henceforth termed ‘pueblo Morisco,’ had
long expected this descent, and no sooner did the party appear in
sight than they hastened to the mountains. One body of soldiers
entered the town to plunder, and found among other things relics of
the dress, arms, and accoutrements of their slain comrades in one of
the temples.[1056] Another body pursued the fugitives, killing a few
and capturing a large number, chiefly women, who were enslaved.
Their pleading so moved the heart of Sandoval that he issued a
pardon to those who had escaped.
Meanwhile Martin Lopez, the master shipwright in Tlascala, had
arranged for the transportation of the brigantines. A trial launch had
been made of one or two above a dam thrown across Zahuatl River,
[1057]and this proving satisfactory they were broken up. Upon the
shoulders of eight thousand carriers were now loaded the separate
pieces of timber and planks, duly marked and numbered for fitting
them together; also the spars, cordage, sails, together with a
quantity of ammunition, two heavy guns, and other effects.[1058]
Gayly they bent to the burden wherein lay enginery so portentous for
the destruction of the hated Aztecs. The caravan set forth, escorted
by a large force of warriors, and halted at Hueyotlipan to await the
Spanish convoy. After a time the Tlascaltecs became impatient, and
regardless of warnings proceeded. While encamped near the border
an alarm was raised, and tumultuously the warriors rushed to arms
to protect a portion at least of the train which had cost such labor
and embodied such hopes. The next moment a cheer was heard. It
was Sandoval and his men.
With this new protection many of the Tlascaltec escort could be
dismissed, and the remaining twenty thousand were redistributed,
the rear being assigned to the leading chief, Chichimecatl, and the
flanks to Axotecatl and Teotepil.[1059]
It was a strange sight in those parts, this serpentine procession
as it wound its way across the Tezcucan border, along the narrow
defiles of the mountains,[1060] extending two miles from front to rear,
it is said. A fleet impelled by human agencies over mountain and
plain, through forest and dale, it was indeed a “cosa maravillosa,” as
Cortés expresses it. The feat of Vasco Nuñez stood repeated, but
magnified in some respects, in the number of the vessels, in the
distance of the journey, the lurking foe being ever present, and in the
audacity of purpose, the subjugation of the proudest metropolis on
all this vast continent. And great was the rejoicing at Tezcuco as the
caravan came in sight on the fourth day, arrayed in gala attire, with
brightly gleaming devices and ornaments, and waving plumage,
advancing in one long line to inspiring music. With a large retinue,
also in gala dress, Cortés went forth to meet them, and as the
procession passed into the city the Tlascaltecs rolled forth their
newly acquired Spanish vivas: “Viva el Emperador!” “Viva Malinche!”
“Castilla!” “Tlascala, Tlascala, Castilla!” The march past occupied six
hours, says Cortés. Ship-yards were prepared for the vessels on the
border of a creek or irrigation canal, which had been deepened and
widened for nearly half a league, fortified in places with timber and
masonry, and provided with dams and locks. This labor had
occupied eight thousand Tezcucans fifty days.[1061]

FOOTNOTES
[1013] Many favored Ayotzinco, near Chalco, which offered also a good launching
place for the vessels. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118.

[1014] Where now is the chapel of San Buenaventura. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176.
Yet Lorenzana says: ‘Por constante tradicion se trabajó en un Barrio de
Hueyothlipan, que llaman Quausimalán, que quiere decir, donde labran los Palos.’
Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 167. But it is more likely to have been on the river passing
through Tlascala city, and near Matlalcueye Mount.

[1015] The timber came probably from the Matlalcueye slopes; the masts from
Hueyotlipan; the pitch from the pine woods near Huexotzinco, says Bernal Diaz,
where it was prepared by four sailors, for the natives did not understand its
manufacture. ‘Es la Sierra Matlalcuie,’ states Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., i. 524.
‘La brea se saca de ... la sierra de la Agua de Xalapa,’ near San Juan de los
Llanos. Bustamante, in Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 13. This applies rather to
colonial times. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118, 124, names a number of those who
aided in building. See also Mora, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 302-3.

[1016] Bernal Diaz names several of the thirteen soldiers. The captain was
Francisco Medel. One of the men, Monjaraz, was said to have murdered his wife.
He kept aloof from all combat, but once he ascended a tower to look on, and was
that same day killed by Indians. Hist. Verdad., 118-19.

[1017] Such are in substance the famous regulations of Cortés. The document
was witnessed on the 22d of December by the leading officers, before Juan de
Ribera, ‘notary public in all the kingdoms of Spain,’ and was publicly read at the
review of the troops, the 26th, by Anton García, crier. The full text has been
reproduced in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 445-51, and Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 13-
23, owing to the defects of the copy by Prescott, and the briefness and blunders of
earlier references to it.

[1018] ‘Quedò tal, que no boluio en si, ni pudo tragar en vn mes.’ Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xx. One soldier was lashed for imposing on an Indian, and another
degraded.
[1019] This is Cortés’ own account, with the exception that he gives the field-
pieces as eight or nine. Cartas, 165. Gomara says 540 infantry and nine guns.
Hist. Mex., 174. Vetancurt writes six guns, which may be a misprint. Teatro Mex.,
pt. iii. 150.

[1020] ‘Anqueras,’ as Spaniards call the covering, are still in use by rich horsemen
in Mexico, highly ornamented.

[1021] Thompson describes the armor of Alvarado at the Mexico museum. It

indicates that this renowned cavalier was a smaller man than Cortés, whom he
supposes to have been of Napoleon’s size. Recol. Mex., 119.

[1022] In Cortés, Cartas, 165-6, are given the main points of the speech, too brief
evidently for Gomara, who fabricates a verbose spiritless oration according to his
fancy, Hist. Mex., 174-5, while shorter versions are presented by Ixtlilxochitl,
Oviedo, Torquemada, and Clavigero.

[1023] See Native Races, ii. 405-12, for description of arms, banners, etc.

[1024] Herrera, who objects to Ojeda’s large figure, gives 60,000 archers, 40,000
shieldmen, and 10,000 pikemen, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx., and this Vetancurt accepts,
Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 150, while Solis reduces the men at the review to 10,000,
though he allows over 60,000 to join the march the following day. Hist. Mex., ii.
287-8.

[1025] If any there were who followed not of their free-will they should remain
behind. He had enough men as it was. The lords replied that they would rather be
drowned in the lake than return without victory. Torquemada, i. 526. On this
occasion may have been presented to the Tlascaltec battalion the red damask
banner, bearing on one side the crowned image of the virgin with the hands
uplifted in prayer, and on the other the royal arms of Castile and Leon, a banner
which Boturini obtained possession of with proofs of its genuineness. Catálogo,
75. Yet this design appears to belong to a standard borne by the Spaniards on
entering the conquered Mexico.

[1026] The chief motive for restricting the number was, according to Gomara, the
trouble of sustaining them. Hist. Mex., 176. Bernal Diaz mentions only 10,000
warriors, wherein he evidently does not include carriers. Hist. Verdad., 119.
Herrera increases the number to 80,000, under four captains, directed to a certain
extent by Ojeda and Juan Marquez. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx.

[1027] ‘Acordé de entrar por esta de Tezmoluca, porque ... el puerto dél era mas
agro y fragoso.’ Cortés, Cartas, 167. Yet Lorenzana adds a note of explanation
which shows that he misunderstands the text. Ixtlilxochitl calls the road
Tlepehuacan. Hist. Chich., 306. Through the Rio Frio Mountains. Chimalpain, Hist.
Conq., ii. 19. The present improved road from Vera Cruz to Mexico. Orozco y
Berra, in Noticias Mex., 255.

[1028] ‘Lugar de Enzinas.’ Herrera, loc. cit. Now San Martin Tezmeluca.
Bustamante, in Chimalpain, ubi sup.

[1029] Herrera leaves the impression that a new road was now opened to escape
the entrenchments and traps already formed by the enemy. But he is evidently
wrong.

[1030] ‘Prometimos todos de nunca dellas salir sin victoria, ó déjar allí las vidas.’
Cartas, 169. ‘We vowed, if God gave success, to act better in besieging the city.’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 119.

[1031] Herrera calls them 100,000; Vetancurt, 140,000.

[1032] At Tlepehuacan, near the border. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 306-7.

[1033] Ixtlilxochitl calls him in one place the brother of Cohuanacoch. Id., 299.

[1034] ‘As a spy,’ adds Cortés, Cartas, 176. Ixtlilxochitl states, contrary to Cortés,
that this general sent him to Tezcuco on the same errand as the previous envoy.
Hist. Chich., 306. But this appears a needless exposure of an important
personage.

[1035] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés nevertheless embraced the envoys, three of
whom were relatives of Montezuma. Hist. Verdad., 120.

[1036] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 214.

[1037] Prescott says Nezahualpilli’s, but this was burned at this very time
according to the only authority on the point, Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 10.
Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that the allies stayed at Huexotla, which is
doubtful. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 402.

[1038] The stuffed skins of the five horses were found, and other things, offered to
the idol. Cortés, Cartas, 183. Strange that the Tezcucans should not have
removed so palpable evidence against them.

[1039] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 306.

[1040] Real Cédula, 1551. In this cédula are named a number of the brothers, but
the pagan name is not given in every instance. Bernal Diaz and Torquemada
confirm this baptismal name for the ruler now appointed; Cortés writes merely
Fernando; Ixtlilxochitl adds Tecocoltzin; Sahagun gives the latter name and calls
him legitimate, as he was in a certain sense. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 143.
Clavigero calls him Fernando Cortés Ixtlilxochitl; Chimalpain interpolates De
Alvarado in lieu of Cortés, but substitutes Tecocoltzin for Ixtlilxochitl in one place.
Hist. Conq., 21, 55. Vetancurt evidently accepts the true name, but applies the
baptism and appointment to Ixtlilxochitl. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 152. The latter, who
succeeded to the Tezcucan rulership toward the end of 1521, received the name
of Fernando Pimentel, and it is this similarity of the first name that has led to the
pretty general confusion about the appointee. Lockhart actually attempts to rectify
the correct statement of Bernal Diaz with a blunder, Memoirs, ii. 411; and
Zamacois, in doing the same with the blundering Solis, gives a long note
amusingly erroneous. Hist. Méj., iii. 585.

[1041] Ixtlilxochitl states not wrongly that Tecocoltzin was chosen by general
request, but he adds that while the political horizon was so cloudy the electors
preferred that a legitimate heir like Ixtlilxochitl should not fill so dangerous a
position; nor did the latter care to rule while the elder brother lived. Hist. Chich.,
307; Hor. Crueldades, 11-13. Pretty good excuse for a prince who forcibly wrested
half the domain from Cacama. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that he feared to
be suspected of seeking a Spanish alliance merely to obtain the crown. Hist. Nat.
Civ., iv. 409. But this design he had long harbored, as even the abbé intimates at
times. He no doubt stood, with his strong character, as one of the powers behind
the throne. Cohuanacoch does not appear to have had much influence.

[1042] Solis takes this opportunity to elaborate a few of his specimen speeches.
Hist. Mex., ii. 315-16. ‘Fue el primero que en publico en Tezcuco se casò, y velò.’
Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 152.

[1043] Bernal Diaz differs somewhat, and gives the proportion of forces, attended
also by Alvarado and Olid. Hist. Verdad., 121. The Tlascaltecs numbered about
4000, and the Tezcucans, according to Ixtlilxochitl, from 4000 to 6000.

[1044] Gomara assumes that they sought to allure the Spaniards into the town.
Hist. Mex., 179.

[1045] So estimated by Cortés and others. Herrera reduces it to 5000.

[1046] Cortés states that he saw men cutting the dike as he entered the town, but
did not consider the significance until the water rose and recalled it to him. Cartas,
174.

[1047] So says Cortés, while Bernal Diaz assumes that two men and one horse
were lost, he himself receiving so severe a wound in the throat as to become an
invalid for some time. Hist. Verdad., 121. Solis refers to the affair as a glorious
victory.

[1048] Four, says Cortés, and Lorenzana enumerates several which may have
embraced them. Hist. N. Esp., 196. Brasseur de Bourbourg confounds some with
southern Chalco towns.

[1049] Duran states that the Chalcans had sent presents with offers of alliance
before the Spaniards crossed the mountain border. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 491. But this
is doubtful. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that they appealed first to his namesake, as their
suzerain, and he advised submission to Cortés. Mizquic and Cuitlahuac appear to
have joined in the submission.

[1050] Bernal Diaz writes that two archers fell and seven of the foe. Owing to this
incident Sandoval left orders that no reënforcements from Villa Rica should
advance beyond Tlascala till further orders. Hist. Verdad., 122. Prescott wrongly
assumes that this attack occurred on the march to Chalco.

[1051] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich. 314. On another page, 307, he names Omacatzin
and four other caciques, and Chimalpain, several others, Hist. Conq., 36-7; but
they appear nearly all to be sub-caciques. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the first
lord Itzcahuatzin.

[1052] He had served the Spaniards during the late uprising. Cortés, Cartas, 178-
9.

[1053] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 123; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 174. After
taking them back to Chalco, Sandoval escorted from Tlascala some Spaniards
and Don Fernando, the new ruler of Tezcuco.

[1054] Chimalpain names Chimalhuacàn, Chitlahuaca, and Chicoaloapan. Hist.

Conq., ii. 24.

[1055] Some of the raided fields were Mexico temple properties. One Spaniard
was killed and twelve wounded, while the Mexicans lost over a dozen, besides a
number of prisoners. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 122-3. The caciques of the
captured strongholds came now to submit. The Aztecs recaptured them, and had
again to be driven forth. Cortés, Cartas, 180-1; Torquemada, i. 529.

[1056] ‘Dos caras que auian desollado ... quatro cueros de cauallos curtidos ...
muchos vestidos de los Españoles q̄ auiã muerto.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 124.

[1057] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v., intimates that all were launched, as do
Camargo, Prescott, and others, but Torquemada observes that it would have been
needless injury to the timbers to put all together. Besides, all were made on one or
two models, the different pieces being shaped in exact imitation of those for the
models.

[1058] Ojeda, who appears to have rendered great service as interpreter and in
controlling the Tlascaltecs, was soon after rewarded with what he terms a
generalship over all the auxiliaries under Cortés. Herrera makes a special later
expedition of 5000 Tlascaltecs convey the guns and other effects, carried in
wooden beds by relays of twenty natives for each. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vi.

[1059] The names are written in different ways by different authors. The former is
probably identical with the chief of Atlihuetzian, who afterward killed his two sons
for becoming Christians, says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 176. Chimalpain calls
them brothers. Hist. Conq., ii. 26. Camargo, followed by Herrera, assumes that the
original native force was 180,000. Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl allow 20,000 to have
been retained, besides carriers; others give each of the chiefs 10,000 men, while
Bernal Diaz, who as a rule seeks to ignore the value of native aid, reduces the
number to 8000 warriors and 2000 carriers. Chichimecatl became quite indignant
at finding himself removed from the van. He was a lord of Tlascala, and had ever
been accustomed to posts of honor and danger. ‘For this very reason,’ replied
Sandoval, ‘have I placed you in the rear, for there the foe will be most likely to
attack.’ Though mollified in the main, Chichimecatl still grumbled, and considered
his army sufficient to guard the rear without the aid of the Spanish force attached
to his. Sandoval no doubt took the van, though Bernal Diaz states that he joined
the rear. Hist. Verdad., 124. Cortés implies that the change was owing to the risk,
in case of attack, to have in the van the cumbersome timber under Chichimecatl’s
care. Cartas, 184-5. Chimalpain supposes that the chief carried his points. Hist.
Conq., ii. 27.

[1060] North of Telapon, as the easiest route, is the supposition of Orozco y Berra,
in Noticias Mex., 256.

[1061] ‘Hizieronla quatro cientos mil hombres.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 191. That is,
8000 fresh men daily for 50 days, to judge by the figure. Ixtlilxochitl fails not to
adopt a number which speaks so well for the size of his province. Hist. Chich.,
307; Relaciones, 416. ‘La zanja tenia mas de dos estados de hondura y otros
tantos de anchura, y iba toda chapada y estacada.’ Cortés, Cartas, 206.
Bustamante claims to have seen traces of it, Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 66-7, as did
Lorenzana in his time. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 234. For the caulking of the vessels
cotton was also used, and for want of grease, human fat was obtained from slain
enemies, writes Gomara. Oidor Zuazo was assured of this pagan consecration for
the fleet. This has been denied by others, observes Oviedo, iii. 423-4; but there is
nothing improbable in a partial use thereof, for human fat had been frequently
used in other cases, as Cortés admits. Additional timber was obtained in
Tolantzinco, says Ixtlilxochitl.
 CHAPTER XXXI.
PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

March-May, 1521.

Plan for the Investment of Mexico—Reconnoitring Tour round the Lake

—Cortés in Command—Alvarado and Olid Accompany—They Proceed
Northward from Tezcuco—Capture of Cities and Strongholds—
Xaltocan, Quauhtitlan, Tenayocan, Azcapuzalco, Tlacopan, and back to
Tezcuco—Chalco Disturbed—Peace Proposals Sent to Mexico—
Further Reconnoissance of the Lake Region—Many Battles and
Victories—Quauhnahuac Captured—Burning of Xochimilco—Second
Return to Tezcuco—Conspiracy.

The arrival at Tezcuco of the brigantines recalled the necessity

for planning the investment of Mexico, and this involved a
reconnoitring tour round the lake, for which the Tlascaltecs in
particular were importunate. Chichimecatl pressed this measure the
moment he arrived at Tezcuco. He had come to serve the emperor,
to join the Spaniards in avenging their fallen countrymen. Cortés
expressed appreciation of his zeal, “but rest now,” he said, “for soon
you shall have your hands full.” A few days later the general set out
from Tezcuco with twenty-five horse, three hundred foot-soldiers,
twenty-five archers and crossbowmen, and over thirty thousand
allies, chiefly Tlascaltecs, with a number of Tezcucans. Among the
war material were six field-pieces.[1062] Alvarado and Olid
accompanied the expedition, and also a number of the Tezcucan
leaders, partly as hostages, while Sandoval remained in charge. A
northward course was taken, though the aim and destination were
divulged to but a few, owing to the distrust still entertained of the
Tezcucans.

The Valley of Mexico.

On the Tecama Plain, four miles from Tezcuco, a hostile force

approached, probably by accident. After routing them the army
encamped. The following day they proceeded to Xaltocan,[1063] a
prominent town situated on an island in the northern end of the lake
bearing that name. Once the capital successively of a Toltec, Otomí,
and Chichimec principality, it had succumbed to the vicissitudes of
political revolution and wars, and was at present one of the chief
strongholds belonging to the tripartite power in the valley. It was
approached by a causeway provided with breastworks and
drawbridges.
The intention of the army had been surmised, so that
preparations were made in every direction to resist an entry, and the
water swarmed with canoes. In advancing along the causeway a
tempest of stones, arrows, and darts came upon them from both
sides, while hampered on a narrow road, hemmed in by the waters,
and able to do little against the floating enemy, who were
comparatively safe behind the bulwarks fitted to their canoes.
Advance was soon stopped by the first trench in the causeway, not
only wide and deep, but protected on the farther side by strong
breastworks. The situation was embarrassing. Falling back a little,
with the loss of one man, the guns were brought forward to protect
the allies while filling the gap; but at this juncture two Tezcucans
informed Cortés that they could guide him across by a fordable
passage.
The offer was eagerly accepted, and while a part of the forces
attracted the foe to the causeway, and the horses covered the rear,
Cortés led another party by the ford. The water reached only to the
waist, and though the enemy hastened forward, resistance was in
vain, and soon the town was reached, and all who had not escaped
immediately surrendered. Good spoils were secured of fabrics and
other merchandise, as well as some gold. Since the canoe fleet
might attempt a night attack, it was not considered safe to camp on
the island, and as the army withdrew to the plain one league beyond,
a part of the town was fired, in further warning. Xaltocan had more
than once before risen from her ashes, but these were the flames of
her funeral pyre. She never assumed importance again, and is now
but a pretty village.
The next camp was formed in Quauhtitlan, “a large and beautiful
city,” as Cortés calls it, which was found deserted. Thence they
followed the route which had been taken after that night of
ineffaceable horrors, when the foe seemed to fill the air and beat
their faces in the blackness like the birds of Avernus, cutting off the
stragglers faint with wounds and hunger, and sending terror to the
hearts of the bravest. Now they came in confident strength, yet again
the foe hovered round, though only at a distance, along the safe hill
slopes, while from the summits rose pillars of smoke to proclaim the
coming of the avengers. They passed through Tenayocan, once the
capital of the Chichimec empire, and now renowned only for the
immense serpent idols in its temple, from which the Spaniards called
it El Pueblo de los Sierpes. Thence to Azcapuzalco, the former
proud seat of the Tepanec kings.[1064]
No resistance being offered at any of these towns, they were
spared the brand, whereat the disappointed sackers felt aggrieved.
As the army neared Tlacopan a large opposing body appeared,
which was reinforced by warriors from the towns thereabout and
from Mexico. The ground being level, the cavalry easily broke
through their lines, and the infantry completed the rout, pursuing
them into the city. After clearing the greater number of streets from
foes, camp was formed in the palace.
There was hardly any evidence of the late ravages to which
Mexico and its approaches had been exposed during Spanish
occupation, and Cortés saw that it would be no easy matter to
besiege such a stronghold, or series of strongholds, as the massive
buildings may be termed, held as they were by so obstinate a people
as the Aztecs, with whom any trifling or imaginary success seemed
to efface the effect of continual defeats.
The prospect was not encouraging, and as he looked at the
causeway full of those pitfalls which had defeated his high purposes,
gloomy thoughts filled his breast. “Why so sad, your worship?” broke
in a cavalier.[1065] “Yours was not the fault, and never will you be
compared with heartless Nero.” “I am not thinking of that sorrow
alone,” said Cortés, “but of the struggles yet required to achieve the
mastery. Still with God’s approval we will soon attempt it.”[1066]
In the morning hostile forces again appeared, only to be driven
back, whereupon the allies dispersed to sack and fire, with the
determination to avenge the attack made upon them during the flight
from Mexico. “And in this they used such diligence,” writes Cortés,
“that even our quarters were endangered.” The general was nothing
loath to see the flames, for it suited his plans not only to chastise the
people, but to render the place less strong in view of later operation;
furthermore, it was no easy matter to restrain the Tlascaltecs. Next
day the enemy came again in force, but this time they waited not to
be routed. They retired steadily to and along the causeway to
Mexico, drawing the Spaniards after them. It was the very spot
where they had suffered so severely the year before. Cortés had led
the cavalry far along the causeway and across one bridge, when the
Mexicans with inspiring shouts and doubled force came rolling back
on front and flank, from houses and lanes, thrusting with pikes and
striking with swords, the roofs meanwhile swarming with slingers.
Cortés quickly sounded retreat, and the troops retired, but the
onslaught had been tremendous, and it required no small effort to
stay themselves. Almost every one was wounded, it is said, and
several fatally. In crossing the bridge Alférez Juan Volante was
knocked into the water. Several canoe-men seized him, but he was a
powerful fellow, and with the strength of desperation he shook them
off and sprang back to his comrades with his banner. Cortés made
repeated charges with the horses to relieve the pressed foot-
soldiers, till open ground was gained and the danger past.[1067]
On the following days the Mexicans sought to repeat their
manœuvres, but Cortés was more prudent, and covered his rear
carefully as he advanced. Observing this, the Mexicans tauntingly
called out: “Enter, O brave ones, and fight! for to-day you will be
masters of Mexico. Enter to feast, all is prepared!” And again: “You
shall find no Montezuma now to do your bidding. Begone, therefore,
to your own!” Others confined themselves to insults directed against
the Tlascaltecs. “Rogues,” they cried, “never would you thus dare to
approach us but for the Christians, whose concubines you are. But
wait awhile; we shall eat you both with chile, for you are not fit to be
slaves!” The Tlascaltecs were not slow to answer: “Always have you
fled before us like treacherous cowards. We are the men, you the
women. Never have you entered our territory as we yours. The
Castilians are not men but gods, one of whom suffices to rout a
thousand such as you!” This verbal skirmish led in several cases to
challenges, the principals being accorded a free field wherein to
settle their disputes; and since they were generally men selected
from both sides for their bravery, skill, and strength, the struggles
were eagerly watched.
On one occasion a solitary warrior of great stature stepped from
a canoe to the causeway, armed with sword and shield, and
challenged any Spaniard to combat, for he desired to appease the
gods with blood. The soldiers gaped in astonishment at this
rashness. “What, you hesitate, you cowards!” he cried. The next
instant a soldier named Gonzalo Hernandez rushed upon him with
sword and shield, whereupon he leaped into the water, pursued by
the soldier, who sought to despatch him. A number of canoes stole
up, however, and Hernandez was seized by the warriors. His
comrades rushed to the rescue, and so beset the canoes as to kill a
chief and bring their champion ashore.[1068] During one of the sallies
Cortés reached the breach in the causeway where his men had
suffered so severely during the Sorrowful Night. The bridge was
down, and he appealed to the warriors on the other side: “Why so
foolishly court destruction? If there is a leader among you, let him
appear, so that I may speak.” “Speak,” was the response, “we are all
leaders here; leaders who shall make a banquet of thee and thine!”
Six days had been spent at Tlacopan, and since nothing could
be achieved, not even an interview with Quauhtemotzin, for which
Cortés ardently longed, he turned homeward. This abandonment of
what the Mexicans had probably regarded as the beginning of the
siege created no small exultation among them, and eagerly they
pursued the retreating army, though repelled now and then with
some punishment by the cavalry. The following day the pursuing
forces had swelled to larger proportions, and were more daring than
ever. Cortés accordingly ordered the infantry to advance, while he,
with twenty horses, divided into several parties and formed an
ambuscade. No sooner had the unsuspecting Mexicans reached the
spot than the cavalry charged into their midst with thundering war
cries. The surprise, no less than the execution, caused a panic, and
the infantry hastened back to join in the usual chastisement.
Molestation ceased.
From Quauhtitlan the army proceeded by way of Acolman to
Tezcuco. The presence of so large a body of allies being considered
for the moment unnecessary, the greater number, elated with
success and laden with spoil, were dismissed to their homes, there
to prepare for the gathering to follow the completion of the
brigantines.[1069]
The withdrawal from Tlacopan encouraged the Mexicans to
attempt the recovery of Chalco and to inflict chastisement for its
secession. The place was indeed most important to Mexico, since
from its fertile plains came the largest supplies, now more than ever
required. The threat had been held over the Chalcans ever since
their submission to Cortés, and the two young lords had hardly
returned from Tezcuco before they sent messengers to implore aid.
This occurred while Sandoval was preparing to leave for Tlascala to
convey the brigantines, and no further troops could therefore be
detached without great risk, so that the Chalcans were told to wait.
As the messengers were leaving with this cold comfort envoys
arrived from Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan. They had seen the
signal pillars of smoke of the hostile allies, and had come to ask if
they could be of service. The proposals came most opportunely.
 The Huexotzincas and Quauhquechollans had long entertained
a hatred of the Chalcans, as natives of an Aztec province against
whose forces they had often been arrayed, but Cortés represented
the true state of affairs and convinced the respective envoys of the
important service they could render themselves and their new
sovereign, to whom all owed allegiance, by forgetting occurrences
for which their oppressors were to blame, and to combine for mutual
aid. His arguments were convincing, and both Huexotzinco and
Quauhquechollan promised immediately to support the Chalcans
with a large force.
The Aztecs do not appear to have gone much beyond threats
until after the Spanish retirement from Tlacopan, but two days after
their return to Tezcuco, Chalcan messengers appeared with such
supplications that Sandoval was despatched to their aid with twenty
horse, three hundred infantry, and a force of allies,[1070] largely
reinforced at Chalco by Huexotzincas, Quauhquechollans, and
Chalcans. On arriving before Chimalhuacan,[1071] he found the
enemy drawn up in battle array in three large divisions. A rush at the
invaders was made. The cavalry met them, breaking their ranks and
throwing them into confusion. Retiring to more broken ground, where
they were comparatively safe from the horses, they rallied to face the
infantry, but the well directed volleys of fire-arms and cross-bows
proved another surprise, which prepared the way for an effective
charge from swordsmen and lancers. Now the retreat assumed more
the form of a flight, the Spaniards pursuing eagerly. During this
operation Gonzalo Dominguez was thrown from his horse, which fell
upon him, inflicting such injuries that he died within a few days. In
him the army lost one of its most dashing horsemen, and the equal
of any in daring.
The troops then retired to the town for the night. Next day they
marched to Huastepec, the objective point of the expedition, where
fifteen thousand Mexicans, composed partly of the defeated forces,
attacked them with such energy that five horses and a number of
soldiers were wounded. The Spaniards soon routed them, and
chased the fleeing through the town, a number taking refuge in a
stronghold. While a portion of the troops, together with the
Tlascaltecs, dispersed in quest of the rich spoil, and the cavalry were
tending their horses, the fugitive garrison stole back to the town and
fought their way to the stronghold near the square, where they took a
stand behind some breastworks. Their position was not long
maintained, however, after the troops had collected for the assault.
The entire force of Mexicans was then driven for over a league, with
considerable slaughter. The army now took up their quarters for two
days in the palace. A peaceful summons was sent to the lord of the
place, without meeting any response; another to Yacapichtla brought
an insulting answer. The insolence was due to the confidence of the
garrison in its strength, situated as it was on an almost inaccessible
height.[1072] The Chalcans implored Sandoval to capture the place
and drive forth the occupants, who would otherwise not fail to
descend with fire and sword on their land. The proposition was by no
means agreeable after so arduous a march and with so many
wounded, including himself; but Sandoval never shrank from what he
regarded duty, and soon he appeared before the fort to repeat his
demands, only to hear taunts and jeers. The ascent was steep, with
few points affording cover, and when the Chalcans were urged to
begin the attack for which they had pleaded they objected unless the
Teules accompanied them. Sandoval unhesitatingly placed some
horsemen to guard the rear, and dismounting with Tápia the two took
their shields and swords and led the way, followed by a number of
soldiers.
The garrison lustily plied their stones and darts, and despite the
protecting shields several were wounded, among them Tápia and
Osma, while others were overthrown by the concussion and came
tumbling down. With cheering Santiagos the soldiers urged one
another onward until even the Chalcans joined the assault. The first
Spaniard had hardly reached the summit before the occupants
attempted flight, only to bring death upon them the quicker. Many
were chased over the cliff, to fall into equally relentless hands below;
others in their fear and despair cast themselves headlong from the
height. So freely flowed blood, the soldiers say, that the creek at the
foot of the fortress was stained sanguine, and so remained for an
hour, repelling in horror the victors who approached it to quench their
thirst.[1073] The Chalcans being now content, Sandoval returned to
Tezcuco with considerable spoils and a number of pretty slaves.
Informed of the victorious advance of the Spaniards, Emperor
Quauhtemotzin hastened to send reinforcements to his garrisons,
and hardly had Sandoval tendered a report to his general before the
alarmed Chalcans sent messengers stating that a fleet of two
thousand large canoes with numerous warriors were descending
upon them. Believing that Sandoval must have been too hasty or
negligent, Cortés without deigning to listen to excuses ordered him
to return immediately. Meanwhile the Chalcans, encouraged by the
allies, had faced the invaders bravely and routed them in a fierce
battle, killing quite a number and capturing over twoscore warriors,
among them the general and several chiefs.[1074] When Sandoval
came up the fight was over, and the proud victors surrendered their
captives, who were sent to Tezcuco, the Spaniards following as soon
as the danger appeared to be over.
Aggrieved at the brusqueness of his commander, Sandoval sent
in his report without presenting himself; but Cortés had by this time
recognized the injustice of his treatment, and actuated by policy no
less than by affection, he summoned his captain and frankly avowed
his haste, thus strengthening the friendship which ever after bound
them. The victories in Chalco left secure the entire region between
Villa Rica and the Spanish lines, and communication was henceforth
regularly maintained, permitting fresh supplies and war material to