Society for American Archaeology

INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES

Author(s): Thomas Besom
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 21, No. 4 (December 2010), pp. 399-422
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
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 INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES

Thomas Besom

In the last 25 years, materials from some human sacrifices that the Inkas carried out on high mountains (e.g., Aconcagua
and Llullaillaco) have been thoroughly analyzed and adequately interpreted. Remains from immolations that took place in
other contexts, however, which tend to be poorly preserved and incompletely studied, are not as well understood. In this
article, I begin to remedy this imbalance in our knowledge by discussing the sacrifice from Salinas Grandes, which is a salt
flat situated in northwestern Argentina. I describe the body of the victim?who was very likely a qhapaq hucha, a specially
chosen child?and his clothing, accouterments, and hairstyle. I offer hypotheses on where he came from and on the reasons
behind his ritual dispatch. I demonstrate how the different items that were buried with him all contributed to themeaning

of his immolation. I also show how the lords ofCuzco may have employed the sacrifice to tie the region where the salt flat
is located to the empire.

En los ultimos veinticinco ahos diversos materiales procedentes de algunos sacrificios humanos que los incas llevaron a cabo
en las altas montanas (por ejemplo, Aconcagua y Llullaillaco) han sido rigurosamente estudiados y adecuadamente inter

pretados. Sin embargo, los restos de inmolaciones que tuvieron lugaren otros contextos, que tienden a estarpobremente preser
vados y a haber sido estudiados de manera incompleta, no son tan bien comprendidos. En este artwulo comienzo a reparar
este desequilibrio en nuestro conocimiento a troves de discutir el sacrificio de Salinas Grandes, un salar situado en el noroeste
de Argentina. Para ello describo el cuerpo de la vktima?probablemente un qhapaq hucha, o niho elegido especialmente?y
sus vestiduras, ajuar, y peinado. Propongo varias hipotesis acerca de su procedencia y acerca de las razones detrds de su sac

rificio ritual. Demuestro como los diferentes elementos quefueron enterrados junto a el contribuyeron a dar sentido a su inmo
lacion y tambien muestro como los sehores del Cuzco podrian haber empleado este sacrificio para vincular a su imperio la
region en que se localiza el salar.

Inka Sacrifice documentaries, and even late-nighttalk show jokes.

Some Andean scholars believe that the high
Over thepast 25 years, archaeologists have made altitude immolations were the norm in the Inka
spectacular discoveries on peaks in the southern Empire (Fernandez 1997:157,161-162), which at
Andes (Figure 1). In 1995, JohanReinhard recov theheight of itspower in the early sixteenth cen
ered the body of a 14-year-old female who had tury stretcheddown the spine of South America
been sacrificedby the Inkas onAmpato Volcano in fromEcuador to centralChile (Rowe 1946:Map 4;
Peru. This body was nicknamed "Juanita" by the Figure 1).They arewrong, however: most victims
press (Ceruti 2003:38-39; Reinhard 2005:1-55; were not rituallydispatched by theCuzquefios on
see also Reinhard 1996). Four years later,Reinhard lofty summits.Rather, theywere put to death in
and his archaeological team excavated theperfectly other contexts, including in thevicinity of a salt flat
preserved remains of threevictims?a boy, girl, a called Salinas Grandes that is situated in north
a
and young woman?on Llullaillaco Volcano in western Argentina (Figure 1). The victim at Sali
Argentina (Ceruti 2003; Reinhard 1999, nas Grandes was a boy, whose body and grave
2005:279-342; Reinhard and Ceruti 2000). His goods will be described in detail. I also will dis
finds attracted worldwide attention: numerous cuss the site and region where he was sacrificed
books and articleswere written about them; they and will consider the following questions: What
were the subjects of museum exhibits, television typeof immolation does he exemplify?What pur

Thomas Besom Department of Anthropology, Binghamton University, Binghamton, NY 13902

Latin American Antiquity 21(4), 2010, pp. 399^22

Copyright ?2010 by the Society forAmerican Archaeology

399

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400 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

COLOMBIA
T.
/
La Plata Is. //
/
ECUADOR

PERU

BRAZIL

Pacific
Ocean

Pachacamao
Cuzco

Sara Sara
? \
"Chokepukio BOLIVIA
?
Ampato

Chachani / Lake Trticaca

ElMisti
\
Pichu Pichu \
i
i
Esmeraldav \ i
i.
/ /
/ i
I j
- "
\ /"" .\ r jj
Salinas
INKA Grandes -F? ?A /
/ Chani
EMPIRE Llullaillaco
^ Quehuar/
(c.1500) CHILE -r Chuscha
Freiriha
0 200 400 600 Guacolda ls.
I_I_I_I -/EIToro
Puntludos ?*-l /
kilometers \

Modern City
\? ?/? Aconcagua
Mountain Sacrifice
- p,omo
Santiago J-^l?7~"EI
Low-AltitudeSacrifice
ARGENTINA

Figure 1.Map of the Inka Empire with the locations of Salinas Grandes and other sacrificial sites (Besom 2009a: Map
1.3; see also Beorchia 1985:416YMapa).

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Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 401

pose did his death serve?How might theInkas have vating a deep shaftwith a flat surface at the bot
used his ritualdispatch tounify thepolity's south tom.The victim was given chicha (corn beer) to
eastern quarter? drink and/orcoca leaves to chew,was lowered into
the hole, and was made to sit upright. Offerings
Ethnohistoric Data on Human Sacrifice
were placed around him or her, and the shaftwas
According to ethnohistoric sources?Spanish and filled with earth (Besom 2009a:33-35).
indigenous authors from the 1500s and 1600s?the The Spanish and native authorsmaintain thata
Cuzquenos practiced at least five types of human varietyof itemswere interredwith thechildren and
sacrifice (Besom 2009a:44). They ritually slew young women. They included gold and silver stat
runas, able-bodied adult males (Besom uettes in theformof people and camelids; fine cloth
2009a:44-49); they immolated captured warriors woven fromwool and cotton; beermade from spe
(Besom 2009a:49-55); they performed cially chosen ears of corn; brightlycolored feath
necropampa rites, which involved burying victims ers; bags of coca leaves; mullu, Spondylus shell;
with a dead ruler (Besom 2009a:55-62); and they maize of differenthues; and miniature clothing.
carried out "substitute" sacrifices,which entailed Some goods thatwere buried with the qhapaq
offering one person's life so that another individ huchas were gender specific.Young women were
ual who was dying might live (Besom entombed with tupus,pins of precious metals, and
2009a:62-63). The final and perhapsmost notable spoons.Also interredwith themwere vessels fash
type of immolation in the state involved qhapaq ioned fromgold, silver,wood, and ceramics, often
huchas (more commonly written "capacochas" or diminutive in size.Males (though not necessarily
"Capac Cochas" [Besom 2009a:25^3]).1 boys) were leftwith headbands, medallions, and
The qhapaq huchas were boys, girls, and young q 'ipis,bundles used to carry thingson theback like
women who were specially selected by an imper a pack (Besom 2009a:31-32).
ial official.Chosen for theirgood looks, theycould The ethnohistoric authors give many reasons
have no freckles,warts, or otherblemishes on their forwhy the lords of Cuzco immolated qhapaq
bodies, and had tobe virgins (Cobo 1979:235-238 huchas. Among the explanations was to placate
[1653], 1990:111-113 [1653]). They were taken to significantgods andmajor waqas in theempire.A
Cuzco (Figure 1), the capital, where a large festi number of sacred shrines servedoracular functions,
val was held for them,afterwhich theywere dis so whenever the Inkas asked for advice on impor
tributedto the principal waqas, anything thought tantmatters, theydispatched children. Infantsand
tobe imbuedwith sacred power, forritualdispatch. young women were put to death during crucial
The waqas honored with human lives included not periods in the king's life:when he ascended the
only high peaks (Figure 2) but hills, islands, rocks, throne, became ill, went to war, married, had a son

rivers, springs, lakes, caves, and other features of

by thequeen, and died. Bernabe Cobo (1990:112
the landscape (Besom 2009a:28-33). [1653]), a Jesuitpriest, states that some sacrifices
Some qhapaq huchas did not have towalk far were carried out on a cyclical basis while others
to reach theirdestinations, as therewere numerous were associated with extraordinary events. Among

shrines and sacred sites in and around Cuzco that the formerwere the numerous immolations that
received offeringsof children.Other victims, how took place during the yearly festival of Qhapaq
ever, had to journey thousands of kilometers, so it Raymi, while the latterincluded those thatwere car
would have taken themmonths to get to their ried out in times of great need, such as when there
respectivewaqas. Upon theirarrival, theywere met was famine, pestilence, or war (Besom 2009a:
by state bureaucrats called waqa kamayuqs, and 35-36).
they took part in festivals patterned after the one The institutionof theqhapaq hucha was closely
held in thecapital.A number ofmethods were used tied to the Inka economy. Itwas connected with the
for theiractual sacrifices: suffocation; strangula flow of water in a region,with fertility,and with
tion, sometimes with a cord; blows to thehead or good weather, all of which were vital for agricul
neck; drowning; cutting out theheart; and slitting ture.Likewise itwas linked to success in special
Many qhapaq huchas were buried alive.
the throat. ized production and to thecompletion of significant
This formof immolationwas carried out by exca stateprojects (Besom 2009a:36-38).

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402 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

Figure 2. The people of Kunti Suyu offering a child and guinea pig to Coropuna, a notable mountain waqa (Guaman
Poma 1980:1:246 [1615]).

The sacrificeof children and young women was Material Correlates o/Qhapaq Hucha Sacrifice
related to the social structureand thepolitical orga
There are various featuresof qhapaq hucha immo
nization of thepolity. Itwas concerned with terri
lationas characterized by theethnohistoric sources
torial boundaries, with sight lines, and with the
thatwould allow us to identifya victim's remains
establishment of a network of sacred shrines
in the archaeological record. For instance, there is
throughouttheempire.Qhapaq hucha immolation
age. Boys would tend to be between four and 10.
also was concerned with power: itmade explicit
Then there is costume: given thatmales were
theasymmetrical relationship thatexisted between
brought together in Cuzco from throughout the
Cuzco, thecenterof political and religious author realm and were redistributedto theprovinces, they
ity in the state, and the hinterlands (Besom often ended up being dispatched in foreign lands.
2009a:38^0). Since a victimwould likelydress inhis native gar

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Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 403

merits, theywould contrastwith the clothes worn 99-100, 102, 2009b:332). They are always found
by the inhabitantsof the regionwhere his sacrifice in ritual contexts, both with thebodies of victims
took place (Besom 2009a:40-42). and alone (Besom 2009b:225,332-333). As faras
To prove thata corpse was affiliatedwith a qha I can determine, theynever have been discovered
paq hucha immolation,we would have to demon in ordinary graves and are thus a hallmark of Inka
strate that the individual had been intentionally immolation (Besom 2009b:333).
dispatched. Assuming that thebody was well pre Gaither and her colleagues (2008:108, 113,
served, the cause of death could be determined by 115-116) have identifiedanAndean mortuary prin
a medical examination of it. If a victimwas stran ciple that they refer to as "like with like,"which
gled by hand, then the hyoid bone or the thyroid involved leaving objects ina burial thatin someway
cartilage might be fractured. Similarly, he was
if mirrored, either literally or metaphorically, the
a a
killed with ligature,he may have broken hyoid deceased. When the lordsofCuzco interredanthro
or,more frequently,a fragmented thyroid; theuse pomorphic or zoomorphic figurineswith qhapaq
a
of cord can a
leave mark, which can vary from huchas, theyfollowed thisprinciple: theydeposited
prominent to subtle.A boy who was sacrificedwith feminine statuetteswith girls and young women
a a
a blow to thehead could have linear, diastatic, (Ceruti 2003:76-77; Linares 1966:Figuras 10-12;
a depressed, or a stellate fractureof the skull. It Reinhard 1996:66, 73, 76-77, 81, 1999:44, 46;
would be relatively simple to verify thata qhapaq Reinhard and Ceruti 2000:60-61, 98-101) and
hucha's throat was cut or that his heart was masculine figurineswith boys (Besom 2009b:333;
removed, and a victimwho was buried alive would see also Ceruti 2003:73; Reinhard 1996:74-75,
have no signs of trauma to his body (Besom 1997:42-43,1999:38-39,44; Reinhard and Ceruti
2009a:42). 2000:58, 94; Schobinger 1995:Figura 9; Schob
Are thereadditional material correlates of qha inger et al. 1985:175-186, 2001:Figuras 1, 8-9).2
paq hucha immolation? Supposedly a child who Likewise they placed statuettes representing
was ritually slain could have no spots or other camelids exclusivelywith boys (Besom 2009b:266;
imperfectionson his body. In theethnohistoric lit see also Mostny 1957:46/m, Lamina 12/Foto b;
erature it says thata boy who was tobe sacrificed Reinhard 1999:38-39, 44; Reinhard and Ceruti
might be feasted inCuzco and in a provincial cap 2000:58, 94; Schobinger et al. 1985:186-189,
ital,which often entailed drinking corn beer and/or 2001:Figuras 1,10-11), perhaps because inAndean
chewing coca leaves. If the chicha and coca were society it is usually themales who herd and who
consumed at least 10 days before thevictim's death, are in charge of the llama caravans.3
we would find traces of cocaethylene, a When burying human figurines with qhapaq
cocaine/alcohol metabolite, or benzoylecgonine, a huchas, theInkas followedGaither's mortuary prin
metabolic product of cocaine, in thehair (Besom ciple inanotherway; both thefemale statuettesand
2009a:43). female victims were usually dressed like aqlla
A male qhapaq hucha would be carefully kuna, "chosen women." These virgins served the

entombed in a pit or at thebottom of a deep shaft.
He would be seated, and around him would be
placed (orhewould wear) various offerings,which
could include itemsof Spondylus, a llawfu (head
band), a medallion, and a bracelet
2009a:42-43).
Minimally a qhapaq hucha sacrifice in the
archaeological record would consist of a child's
remains (or those of a young woman) along with
anthropomorphic and/or zoomorphic statuettes.
According to the ethnohistoric documents, such
statuettes?which were fashioned from gold, sil
ver, copper, or Spondylus?made important
ings for notable waqas (Besom 2009a:31,
imperial gods and state (Besom 2009b:339-341,
348-351). Similarly, themale figurines and male
victims were clothed like high-status nobles?the
typeof people who filled the ranks of the imperial
(Besom bureaucracy (Besom 2009b:341-351). Iwill return
to this idea toward theend of the article.
Relative Infrequency ofMountain Sacrifices
Rodrigo Hernandez Principe was a Spanish extir
pator who worked in the north-central sierra of
Peru. In a document from 1622, he records thatthe
Inkas compelled various groups in the region to
offer send their children to hallowed spots throughout
95, thepolity for immolation.At least six childrenmet

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 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

theirends at lakes,mostly atLake Titicaca (Hernan
dez 1923:28, 41 [1622]; Figure 1). On the other
hand, only one individualwas offeredup on a high
peak (Hernandez 1923:62 [1622]).
Polo de Ondegardo, a judicial/administrative
officialwho served the Spanish Crown during the
1550s, provides a list of venerated sites, shrines,
and objects around Cuzco. Of the subset of these
waqas thatreceived qhapaq huchas, around 40 per
centwere mountains and hills. This figuremay be
inflated,though:many of thewaqas near the cap
italconsisted of sacred stones situatedon summits;
in such instances it is not clear whether the sum
mits were revered along with the stones (Cobo
1990:51-84 [1653]; Polo 1917 [1571]). Regardless,
thepoint is thatmost sacrificeswere not connected
with peaks.
Archaeological Informationon theQhapaq Huchas
Inwhat contexts other thanonmountaintops (Fig
ure 1) have qhapaq hucha immolationsbeen found?
In 1892, the skeletons of a pair of females?
togetherwith six feminine statuettes,six tupus, 12
ceramic vessels, one
gold bowl, and one
nial ax made of basalt?were recovered fromLa
Plata, an island off theEcuadorian coast (Dorsey
1901). The skeletons were undoubtedly those of
young women who were dispatched by the Inkas
(Bray et al. 2005:90; McEwan and Silva
1989:177-183; McEwan and Van de Guchte
1992:362-363). During the 2004 field season,
Gibaja, McEwan, andAndrushko carried out exca
vations at the siteofChokepukio near Cuzco. They
discovered theremains of seven children,who were
between threeand 11 years old and who had been
interredas a group along with numerous artifacts.
The individualswere tightlywrapped in textilesand
bound with rope, and were likely qhapaq huchas
(Andrushko 2007:68; Gibaja et al. 2005).
Although the remains of numerous sacrificial
victims have been found in Chile, theyhave not
always been recognized as such. In 1994, thejum
bled bones of no fewer than threevictims, repre
senting at least one male and one female, were
disinterredon Guacolda, an isletnear thecountry's
central coast.With theosteological materials were Why theApparent Prevalence of
an unknown number of anthropomorphicand llama Mountain Immolations?
figurines?made of copper, Spondylus, and gold? If sacrifices on high peaks were less common than
most of which were taken by looters. There also those fromother contexts, thenwhy have more of
were a silver tupu, 25 malachite and turquoise the formerbeen found during the last quarter cen
beads, fine ceramics, and twogold head ornaments,
one of themexecuted inminiature (Zambra 1994).
East of Guacolda is the village of Freirina, where
therewas once a significantwaqa (Medina 1952:
367, 369, 398-399,402) and where a man named
Rafael Garrido dug up at least one set, and possi
bly many more, of human remains (Medina
1952:392, 423/No. 70, 427/No. 160). Each set
probably represented an immolation.Based on the
principle of "like with like,"we know that theone
burial thatGarrido definitely excavated belonged
toamale: thevictimwas leftwith amasculine stat
uettemade of Spondylus (Medina 1952:392-393).
Garrido unearthed additional itemsassociated with
male qhapaq huchas?a masculine figurine (of
gold), camelid statuettes (of gold, silver, copper,
and Spondylus), andmore tentatively,a star-headed
mace (of stone) and a pipe (also of stone [Medina
1952:401^03,423/No. 68,424/No. 86,425/Nos.
108-110,112,426/Nos. 137,141,Laminas68,86,
108-110, 112, 137, 141]), as well as objects usu
ally leftwith female victims. The latter included
feminine figurines (of gold and silver), a tinypin,
ceremo
jewelry,a stonebox containingpigment, andminia
turevessels, some made in a provincial Inka style
and others in an imperial style (Medina 1952:360,
362-363, 367, 369-370, 398-401, 425/Nos. 103,
114, 116, 426/Nos. 134-136, 429/Nos. 177-178,
430/No. 210, Laminas 103, 114, 116, 134-136,
160,177-178,210). Northeast of thecityofLa Se
rena is a coastal hill called Los Puntiudos. On the
slope of thishillwas a rectangularplatform,around
which were scattered as many as seven burials dat
ing to the lateHorizon. Much of thematerial recov
ered from the tombs was affiliated with female
qhapaq huchas: 36 discoidal beads of silver, two
feminine statuettesmade of silver and another pair
carved from Spondylus, two gold tupus, and two
silverones. There were items connected with male
victims too, including a pair ofmasculine figurines
(one of gold, theother of shell) and threecamelid
statuettes (one of gold, the others of Spondylus
[Iribarren 1962:65-70/Secci6n VII, Ilustraciones
XVIII-XX]).4

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 Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 405

tury?Since 1985, the corpses of 19 victims have (Figure 1), theydiscovered thatthehead and upper
been discovered on summits in southernPeru and torsohad been blown topieces. Pillagers had used
northwesternArgentina (Beorchia 1985; Ceruti dynamite to extract the mummy (Ceruti
2003; Reinhard 2005; Schobinger 2001). During 2003:42^13; Reinhard 2005:257-277). Although
the same period, as far as I can determine, the both high- and low-altitude sites have seen the
remains of only a handful of qhapaq huchas have effectsof looters, a largerpercentage of the latter
been recovered from nonmountain sites (Bray et have been destroyed.
al. 2005:87-88; see also Andrushko 2007; Gibaja
et al. 2005; Olsen 1994:340; Zambra 1994). There
Salinas Grandes
are several explanations for thisdiscrepancy, one
of which relates to preservation. The conditions
The Archaeological Site
that often exist within high-altitude crypts?
constant and low temperaturesand a high relative The mummy of Salinas Grandes was disinterred in
humidity?are optimal for conserving organic 1903 from somewhere around the salt flat (Figures
materials (Reinhard 2005:87-88), including flesh, 3-4), which covers about 220 km2, has the shape
textiles,etc.The threebodies excavated at 6,700 m of a crescentmoon, is splitbetween theArgentine
on Llullaillaco were sowell preserved thattheystill provinces of Jujuy and Salta (Fernandez
had blood frozen in their veins (Reinhard 1997:158-159), and is located at 3,350 m asl. The
2005:320). On the other hand, the conditions at salt there is between 10 and 50 cm thick (Boman
coastal sites inEcuador and central Chile, where 1918:96). Near the crescent's southern horn are
both temperatures and the relative humidity tend twinhills, which rise about 470 m above the salt
to be high, are perfect for promoting decay. The flat and which together bear the name "Dead
skeletons dug up on La Plata were deteriorated and Child." Based on this toponymic evidence, Fer
fragmentary,and no part of them could be saved nandez (1997:159,162) hypothesizes thattheqha
(Dorsey 1901:255); not a traceremained of any tex paq hucha was buried on one of them.
tiles. The sitewhere the child was interreddid not
There is another reason why qhapaq hucha exist in isolation but was closely tied to the Inka
remains are now unearthed more frequently on infrastructure in the region (Figure 3). The
peaks than in other contexts.During the sixteenth Cuzquenos established a north-south road that may
and seventeenth centuries, Spanish priestswaged have split into two branches, one ofwhich skirted
a brutal campaign towipe out the"idolatrous" prac thewestern margin of Salinas Grandes, while the
tices ofAndean peoples, including theveneration otherwound around the eastern edge. The grave
of sacrificial victims.As part of thiscampaign, the was most likely situated just off thewestern artery.
priests systematically searched for and destroyed The two branches would have joined to the north
the tombs of qhapaq huchas (Reinhard 1985:302; of Salinas Grandes at a site called Rinconadillas,
see also Albornoz 1967 [1583?]; Hernandez 1923 which was a tampu, a way stationwhere imperial
[1622]). Since the low-altitude sites were more administratorswho were travelingalong the royal
accessible to them than the high ones, they were roads could stay.At a tampu, food and othermate
able towreck more of the former. rials thatwere considered vital to the statewere
Treasure hunters have taken their toll on the often stored.Another Inka site, Puesto Calvario,
graves of victims too (Reinhard 1985:302-303). also a tampu,was positioned on the hypothetical
Modern looters, like the priests, have generally western arteryabout 50 km southof theboy's prob
found that tombs situated on islands, in caves, or able burial spot.A thirdway station,El Moreno,
was located along the eastern branch of the road,
by lakes are easier to plunder than those on lofty
summits; the siteonGuacolda Islandwas badly pil separated from the grave by the great expanse of
fered (Zambra 1994). salt (Acuto 1996-1998; Fernandez 1997:157,
I do notmean to imply thatmountain siteshave 162-163,Mapas l-2;Raffino 1981:229-232; Raf
escaped the ravages of treasure hunters.When fino et al. 1978:101). It is likely thatthechild lodged
Reinhard and his crew excavated the body of a at one of these tampuswhile making his way to the
young woman on a peak called Quehuar in 1999 waqa for sacrifice.

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406 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

Figure 3. Satellite photograph of Salinas Grandes and the surrounding region, with the locations of modern towns and
Inka sites: (1) Cobres; (2) Dead Child Hill; (3) Rinconadillas; (4) El Moreno; (5) Mount Chani; (6) San Antonio de los
Cobres; and (7) Puesto Calvario (courtesy of Google Maps).

There is yet another Inka site in the region that
may be related to theone at Salinas Grandes. Itcon
sists of over a dozen platforms and terraces that
were constructedby theCuzquenos near the5,896
m-high summit of Chani (Figures 1, 3^-). When
Reinhard and Ceruti carriedout salvage excavations
at this site in 2000, they found a dense scatter of
materials across it,fromwhich theyconcluded that
large numbers of people had taken part in ritual
activities there.The peak may have been the focus
of amajor pilgrimage (Beorchia 1985:67-70; Bray
et al. 2005:88-89; Ceruti 2001,2003:32-33; Rein
hard 2005:339-340).
In 1905,Coronel E. Perez was excavating a plat
form just below the summitwhen he discovered
thebody of a qhapaq hucha. The victim, a child of

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Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 407

Figure 4. Photograph of Salinas Grandes with Mount Chani in the background (the snowcapped peak).

about five,was buried with a tunic, two ponchos, tion 1996). Based on some of theartifactsthatwere
a pair of textilebands, a cloth bag thatwas deco leftwith the child, however?including the pyro
ratedwith feathersand fullof coca leaves, twopairs engraved box and thewooden comb?I would say
of sandals, a pyro-engraved box made from a hol that the victimwas female (see Ceruti 2003:33).
low reed, a ceramic disk, and a wooden comb
The Mummy of Salinas Grandes
(Beorchia 1985:70; Ceruti 2003:32-33; Millan
1966:2-3; Perez 1995). The boy was sacrificed when he was about six
The archaeological materials fromChafii, like (Boman 1918:97; Fernandez 1997:161). Accord
those fromSalinas Grandes, ended up at theMuseo ing to Eric Boman, who examined his corpse in
Etnografico Juan B. Ambrosetti inBuenos Aires. 1917, itwas well preserved. This was partly
Having received a grant from theNational Science because ithad lain in theground for four centuries
Foundation, I visited themuseum in 1995 and again and had become impregnated with salt, which
in2005, where I examined thehuman remains from inhibitsdecay (Boman 1918:96-97). It also was
both sites. The set fromChani was so badly pre conserved through saponification (Fernandez
served thatitwas impossible todetermine the indi 1997:161), theprocess by which the fattyacids in
vidual's sex.Therefore I obtained two samples from a cadaver turntoa substance like soap, and through
it?one of bone, theother of dry tissue?and sent dehydration.
them to the Lifecodes Corporation of Stanford, Before his death, the individual had assumed a
Connecticut. At Lifecodes, specialists processed "loose" fetal position (Figure 5): he was partially
thesamples separately: theyextracteda tinyamount sittingand partially on his back, knees bent and legs
of DNA, which was degraded; they amplified it drawn up so that the leftheel almost touched his
using primers for theAmilogenin gene; and they buttocks. The rightheel rested on the instepof his
looked forDNA fragments thatare unique to the leftfoot.The thoraxwas twisted toward the right,
X orY chromosome. Unfortunately they did not with thehead contorted even furtherin thatdirec
get any results (Ivan Balazs, personal communica tion. Both arms were flexed, with the righthand

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408 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

Figure 5. Photograph of the sacrificial victim's body as it appeared in the early twentieth century (Boman 1918:Figura
1; courtesy of theMuseo Etnografico, Buenos Aires).

touching his head and the leftone reaching forhis into the empire.
throat (Boman 1918:96). As I stateearlier, theethnohistoric sourcesmen
While studying the remains in 1995 and 2005, tion that before qhapaq huchas met their ends,
I found thattheywere deterioratingbadly (see Fer they sometimes took part in festivals involving the
nandez 1997:161). Flesh was flakingoff*the bones, mastication of coca leaves. To find out if the child
completely exposing the skull and partly revealing from Salinas Grandes had ingested coca in antic
the ribs.The arms and legs were falling to pieces ipation of his ritualdispatch, I cut a braid fromhis
(Figure 6). head and sent it toLarry Cartmell, director of the
Prior to sacrificing the qhapaq hucha, the Department ofAnatomical and Clinical Pathology
Cuzquenos had carefullyfixed his long,black hair, at theValley View Regional Hospital inAda, Okla
plaiting it intonumerous braids, each about 12 cm homa. Cartmell washed the hair sample. Then he
long and .5cm thick(Boman 1918:99). In thedraw divided it into 10 segments, each ofwhich was just
ings of Guaman Poma de Ayala, an indigenous over a centimeter long and represented about a
who worked in the early 1600s, month's growth. Next he employed the radioim
author/illustrator
Inkamen are always portrayedwith shorthair (Fig munoassay method to test the individual segments
ure 7). Among some of their subjects, though, it for traces of benzoylecgonine (BZE), thus estab
was common formales to have longer locks (Fig lishing a month-by-month record of coca con
ures 8-9) thatwere plaited. One such group, the sumption by thevictim.Unfortunately themethod
Lupaqa (Mostny 1957:33,55-56, 114/No. 4), had could not be used to ascertain if the boy had
established a powerful polity to thewest and south chewed leaves rightbefore his death (LarryCart
of Lake Titicaca but had been defeated militarily mell, personal communication April 11, 1994;
by the lords of Cuzco and had been incorporated Cartmell etal. 1991).

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Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 409

Figure 6. Photograph of the corpse as it appeared in 1992 (Museo Etnografico, Buenos Aires; courtesy of Carlos
Estanislao Martinez, photographer).

Cartmell determined that the child may have body was being removed from its tomb (Boman
been exposed toa small amount of cocaine approx 1918:100; Figure 6).
imately threemonths prior to his immolation.The Boman (1918:101) says that theonly other tex
value obtained for the sample, however, was less tile foundwith the child was wrapped around his
than 3 ng of BZE per 10mg of hair,which is the throat,which probably indicates thathe was stran
detection limitof the radioimmunoassay method gled. As Imention above, theCuzquenos used this
and which means that the test resultmust be con method to put victims to death. During my exam
sidered negative (Cartmell and Van Horn 1996a).5 inationof the remains, I saw fragmentsof a brown
As with the remains fromChani, I acquired a cloth imbedded in the saponified flesh of theneck
bone sample from themummy of Salinas Grandes, (see Fernandez 1997:161; Figure 6).
which I sent to theLifecodes Corporation. There The boy was interredwith a variety of adorn
lab technicians decalcified the sample, isolated ments. He had a bracelet called a chipana thatcon
DNA from it,amplified the genetic material, and sisted of a rectangular sheet of copper thatwas 10
searched itforDNA fragmentsthatare found exclu cm long, 5 cm wide, and about 2 mm thick?each
sively with theX or Y chromosome. The results of whose corners had been cut (Figure 10). It cir
were a faintpattern indicating thepresence ofmale cled his rightwrist (Boman 1918:100-101). In
genetic material. Hence the sex of the victim was 1995,1 noticed fragmentsof oxidized copper with
confirmed (Balazs, personal communication 1996). thecorpse, which may have been from thisbracelet
(see Fernandez 1997:161; Figure 6). On each ring
Clothing and Accouterments
finger the qhapaq hucha wore a copper ring that
When the corpse of the six-year-old firstcame to had been fashioned from a rectangular lamina.
light, was dressed in an unku, a sleeveless tunic
it Affixed to the frontof one of themwas a copper
worn by men (Figures 7-9). The garment was ornamentwith serpentine shapes executed in relief
woven of camelid wool and was reddish purple in (Boman 1918:100; Figure 11).The ringseither fell
color. But it largely disintegrated, perhaps as the apart or were lost (Fernandez 1997:161).

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410 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

Figure 7. A "captain" from Cuzco; he wears his hair short and has a tunic, a mantle, a bracelet, anklets, a headband with
feather panache, a bag, and sandals (Guaman Poma 1980:1:138 [1615]).

The Diadem schematic representations of featherpanaches. In

geometric terms, each consisted of an isosceles
The six-year-old also had a piece that Boman trapezoid, from themiddle of whose wider base
(1918:99-100; Figure 12) refers to as a diadem,
projected a truncated isosceles triangle.The ver
which was of thinlybeaten gold and which mea tices of the formswere rounded.Whereas thebase
sured 12 cm in lengthand 9 cm inheight. It had a of the trianglewas slightly convex, its sides were
complex shape, consisting of a curving band that somewhat concave. Henceforth Iwill referto these
terminatedat each end with an elliptical disk. Ris
figures, for lack of a better term,as stylizedforms.
ing above the band were two forms thatBoman There were two holes punched into the curving
believes to be stylized human figures; as an alter band of the adornment, each one directly under a
native interpretation,I propose that theycould be
stylized form. Sometime during thepast 75 years,

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 Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 411

mcA co

Figure 8. A "captain" from Qulla Suyu; he has long hair and wears a tunic, a mantle, a bracelet, an H-shaped pendant,
and moccasins (Guaman Poma 1980:1:148 [1615]).

thediadem disappeared (Fernandez 1997:161).
The diadem is closely related to other adorn
ments and head ornaments in the Inka state. Such
pieces served to indicate thewearer's regional ori
gin, ethnic affiliation (Reinhard 2005:308), and/or
social status. In the drawings of Guaman Poma,
noble males fromQulla Suyu (more commonly
written "Collasuyu"), the southeastern quarter of
the polity, are always shown with H-shaped pen
dants dangling under theirchins (Figure 8). At least
two examples of these adornments are known from
the archaeological
record (Bandelier 1910:Plate
XXXII/No. 4;Mostny 1957:Lamina 10/a).Both are
made of silver and were found inritual contexts:
one of themcame from the Island of theSun inLake
Titicaca, which was one of themost sacred places
in theempire and which during the late Intermedi
ate period was the site of an importantLupaqa
shrine (Stanish and Bauer 2007:69-70,74-75); the
other piece was discovered with thebody of a boy
who was sacrificed onMount El Plomo in central
Chile (Mostny 1957:56). They consist of two cres
centmoons thatare joined in themiddle by a band;
thehorns of thecrescents point upward.Minimally
thereare two holes punched into theupper-middle
part of the superior crescent. Strings tied to these

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 412LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

*>
EL3>0 Z E CAPITAM

C
Apo.C

Figure 9. A "captain" from Chinchay Suyu; he has moderately long hair and sports a tunic, a headband, a headdress/col
lar that looks like a corolla, and sandals (Guaman Poma 1980:1:144 [1615]).

holes were fastened to the opposite sides of a under the chin, for if ithad been, the stylized form
^^^^
llawfu, a headband that circled the crown of the would have jabbed thewearer in the throat.Rather,
wearer. The pieces hung freely. itwas affixed to the frontof a headband, forwhich
a
Bandelier published picture of another orna purpose ithas fourholes in it (instead of theusual
ment from the Island of the Sun. Itwas fashioned two). One pair of holes is situated in the lower
fromsheetcopper and consists of anH-shaped pen middle (rather than the upper-middle) part of the
dant, to the top of which was added the stylized superior crescent,while theother pair is located in
form;we knowwhich end isup in thepiece because theupper-middle partof the inferiorcrescent. Itwas
the horns of the crescents always point skyward. thus securely sewn to a llawfu, with the stylized
In thisexample of thestylizedform,theconvex base form rising above the forehead like a feather
of the isosceles triangle is decorated in repousse panache.
with two lines of dots (Bandelier 1910:Plate That the proper position for the stylized form
LXVI/No. 14). Unlike most H-shaped pendants, was thewearer's pate is confirmed by a discovery
Bandelier's adornment could not be suspended made on Llullaillaco Volcano inArgentina. The

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 Besom] INKA SACRIFICE
Figure 10. The copper chipana from Salinas
(Boman 1918:Figura 3).
body of a girlwho had been sacrificed by the Inkas
came to light there.On her forehead was a silver
plaque shaped like thestylized form.The topof this
piece, like the adornment described by Bandelier,
has a line of dots executed in repousse (Reinhard
2005:Photo 19;Reinhard and Ceruti 2000:Foto 25).
In conclusion, the gold diadem from Salinas
Grandes would have been attached to a headband
and worn with the stylized formspointing upward.
The piece could not have hung under the chin, as
has been suggested by one reviewer, since the styl
ized formswould have hit thewearer in thegullet.
It is affiliatedwith theH-shaped pendants, which
were themselves closely associated with the peo
ple ofQulla Suyu and,more specifically,with the
nobility from theLake Titicaca area. Hence itmay
have served to indicate the six-year-old's high sta
tus and regional origin.
Miscellaneous Items
When the corpse of the child was unearthed, sup
posedly therewere ceramic vessels with it;Boman
never saw them, however. Their presence
have been unusual, as such pieces were usually
reserved for female victims (Boman 1918:101),
theonly known exception being a boy who was sac
rificed on Mount Ampato in Peru (Reinhard
1997:42-13).
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AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 413
Figure 11. A copper ring worn by the sacrificial victim
(Boman 1918:Figura 4).
Grandes
The Scepter
An additional item thatwas leftwith the six-year
old, and the only one I was able to examine first
hand, is a scepter (Figure 13). Itmeasures 26 cm
in lengthand ismade from twodeer bones thathave
been cut and joined together.At the point of con
tactbetween thebones, thepiece iswrapped with
a stringcomposed of vegetable fibers. Sticking out
of the topmostbone is a gray/white tuftof camelid
wool (Boman 1918:101).
Guaman Poma has a drawing titled"Entiero de
Colla Svios" that shows themummified corpse of
a noble fromQulla Suyu (Figure 14).The mummy
has long hair,wears a tunic and moccasins, sports
an H-shaped pendant under the chin, and holds
what I believe tobe a scepter.As I see it,this scepter
is just like theone fromSalinas Grandes: itappears
tobe made from two pieces thathave been joined,
and seems to have a tuftof wool protruding from
the top. A reviewer interpretsthe picture differ
ently, saying that the figure may be grasping a
weapon such as a lance. Having studiedGuaman
Poma's illustrationsextensively, however, I have
found thatthearms he generally depicts?the kunka
would kuchuna, battle ax (Guaman Poma 1980:1:67
[1615]); the chanpi, star-headed mace (Guaman
Poma 1980:1:76 [1615]); thechuki, lance (Guaman
Poma 1980:1:51 [1615]); and the hardwood club
(Guaman Poma 1980a: 128 [1615])?all have long
handles. Therefore it is unlikely that theobject in
 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

Figure 12. The gold diadem (Boman 1918:Figura 2).

question is a weapon. Actually it isunique, appear

ing in no other drawing done by the indigenous
author/illustrator(Guaman Poma 1980:1 [1615],
1980:2[1615],1980:3[1615]).
Part of the text thataccompanies thepicture of
themummy is inAymara, which is unusual for
Guaman Poma (1980:1:269 [1615]), who generally
wrote in Quechua and Spanish (Hamilton
2009:xxi-xxii). Aymara was spoken around Lake
Titicaca (Moseley 1992:31), though. Its inclusion
in the document may indicate that itwas thedead
noble's native tongue and thathe came from the
vicinity of the lake.

The Boy as a Qhapaq Hucha

The child from Salinas Grandes was almost cer

tainlya qhapaq hucha (Boman 1918:101; Fernan
dez 1997:157,161). At six, he was the rightage for
amale victim.He had theclothing, accouterments,
and hairstyle of an individual from theLake Titi
caca area (whichwas a distant land): he originally
sported an unku, a chipana, and the diadem with
two stylized forms (which are related to theH
shaped pendant); his long locks had been plaited
into numerous braids like those worn by the
Lupaqa; and he held what both I and Boman inter
pret tobe a scepter.About threemonths prior tohis
immolation, he may have been taken from his
homeland toCuzco, where he may have partici
pated ina festival thatinvolved chewing coca (there Figure 13. Photograph of the possible scepter that was
may be a trace of BZE in his hair). He probably found with the sacrificial victim.

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 Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 415

Figure 14. The mummified body of a noble from Qulla Suyu; he has moderately long hair, wears a tunic and moccasins,
sports an H-shaped pendant, and holds what may be a scepter (Guaman Poma 1980:1:268 [1615]).

was designated as an offeringforSalinas Grandes; a group ofmitmaq-kuna, settlers,whom the Inkas

afterwalking to thiswaqa, the Inkas very likely moved from theirnative land toHuailas province,
strangledhim, placed him at thebottom of a hole where theyproduced ceramics. The settlerswere
in a semiseated position, and buried him. given a pair of children by the state,which they
offered to some pits along with sahu mama, good
Possible Reasons for theSacrifice
quality clay. They made these sacrifices to ensure
Why was the six-year-old immolated at Salinas that theydid not run out of rawmaterial (Hernan
Grandes? According to various ethnohistoric dez 1923:34 [1622]).
authors, the lords of Cuzco dispatched qhapaq The Cuzquefios may have immolated the boy,
huchas to honor waqas?which were sometimes girl, and youngwoman on Llullaillaco because this
conceived of as deities?that were associated with volcano was responsible for the flow of water in
vital resources. Hernandez Principe tells us about the surrounding region, which is extremely dry.

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 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

Water was critical for agriculture (Ceruti Inkas,who sometimesworshipped waqas fromafar
2003:130-131,213; Reinhard and Ceruti 2000:86). but from spotswith clear visual lines toward them
They may have dispatched thepair of females on (Besom 2009a:39-40, 132-135). Fernandez
La Plata as the islandwas tied to theSpondylus trade (1997:159, 162) maintains that the twin summits
(Marcos andNorton 1981:146,149,1984:14-15). of Dead Child Hill are in perfect alignment with
Spondylus was esteemed throughout theAndes. the top of Chani. As I discuss earlier, Chafii was
And theymay have sacrificed the seven or so vic the site of a qhapaq hucha immolation.
timson Puntiudos because thehillwas closely iden Citing the sight line between Dead Child and
tifiedwith theextraction of copper (Castillo 1994; Chani, one reviewer says thatthemummy from the
Iribarren 1962; Stehberg 1995:76). Salinas formermay have been intended as an oblation for
Grandes, too,may have been venerated because it the latter.As the reviewer points out, there is eth
supplied an importantresource?salt. Without this nohistoric evidence for the veneration of a high
basic commodity, lifewould be impossible in the peak from low knolls. Hernandez Principe recounts
highlands (Moseley 1992:43). Today large quanti the storyof Tanta Carhua, a girl who was buried
ties of themineral are removed from Salinas alive on amountain inAixa, afterwhich theprovin
Grandes and shipped to therestofArgentina, while cial folkmade minor offerings toher from the sur
in the prehispanic era the Cuzquenos may have rounding hills. There was always a visual link
extracted salt and transported itvia llama caravan between the shrines on the hills and her tomb
to other parts of the empire. (Hernandez 1923:62 [1622]). There also are archae
It is possible that the immolation at Salinas ological data that suggest that the Inkas did not
Grandes, like those on Puntiudos, was connected have to sacrifice a victim directly on the summit to
with copper mining, since the area around the salt which he or she was dedicated. Coropuna was
flat is rich in themetal. Near thedouble hill where greatly revered and almost certainly received
the child was probably buried is the village of immolations (Albornoz 1967:21,35 [1583?]; Cieza
Cobres, which specializes in theextraction of cop 1959:151-152 [1553], 1967:97-98 [1553]). But
per.The lordsof Cuzco operated amine there.The because itsupper slopes are permanently covered
Inka siteofEl Moreno was also associated with the with snow and are heavily glaciated, it is unlikely
production of themineral, and 65 km south of the that theCuzquenos could have climbed to itspin
likely intermentspot is the townof San Antonio de nacle to leave offerings. So theymay have dis
losCobres, where thereused tobe a major copper patched twopeople near itsbase and interredthem
mine (Acuto 1996-1998:2; Fernandez with textilesand ceramics (Beorchia 1985:55-57).
1997:162-163; Raffino et al. 1978:101; Figure 3). Be thatas itmay, I know of no case (mentioned
What was the conceptual linkbetween thedis in either the ethnohistoric or the archaeological
patch of a qhapaq hucha and the exploitation of a literature)where a human sacrificewas carried out
natural resource? In theAndean belief system, the on a hill to honor a peak that also had an immo
sacrificeof the six-year-oldwould have established lation on its crest. Such a scenario makes little
a reciprocal relationshipbetween theSapa Inka, the sense tome: given thatChani was likely theobject
emperor, inwhose name the immolationwas car of numerous pilgrimages, and that itwas fre
ried out, and thewaqa. The formergave the latter quently ascended, why would the lords of Cuzco
a human life as a gift; following the rules of ayni, have dispatched the boy on Dead Child? I doubt
a simple and balanced form of exchange (Isbell thatthemummy of Salinas Grandes was intended
1980.T67/Section 7.1; Silverblatt 1987:227), the as an oblation for themountain; rather, I would
god of Salinas Grandes would have owed a debt to suggest that both the salt flat (or the hill) and
the emperor,which could have been repaid in the Chani were importantwaqas thatwere worthy of
formofminerals (Duviols 1976:33-34/Secci6n 3). human lives.
Since itwas the Sapa Inka?as opposed to the Justas theremay be a visual linkbetween Dead
inhabitantsof the region?who made theoffering, Child and thepeak, so theymay have been tiedby
itwas he who could claim the resource. sight lines toa largernetworkofwaqas, all ofwhich
Another interpretationof the sacrifice relates to received qhapaq hucha immolations. Such a net
sight lines. They were of great significance to the work, spread over the landscape like a geopolitical

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Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS GRANDES 417

map, could have metaphorically unified the terri Interpretation ofMeaning

tories that composed the southeast quarter and Cummins says thatwhen dealing with sets of rit
defined the limits of the empire (Besom ual objects from the lordsofCuzco, includingmate
2009b:272). rials associated with sacrifice, we should avoid
The sacrificecarried out at Salinas Grandes may
interpretingthemeaning of individual pieces in
have been associated with traveland trade (Besom
isolation. It isprobable thatthe significance of one
2009b:266-267). The Cuzquenos, along with the itemwould have been related to thatof another item
members of particular ethnic groups, transported and thateach of themwould have contributed to a
largequantities of rawmaterials and finishedgoods single, coherentmessage. Such a message (espe
around the state (D'Altroy 2002:199-201, 243;
cially in the case of a human immolation) would
Rowe 1946:270-271). For this purpose they have been connected with power (Cummins 2007).
employed llama caravans.According to some Span I believe thatthechildmay have served as a sym
ish authors,people who engaged in tradevenerated bol of the state bureaucracy. Although no ethno
peaks as an integral part of their travels.Ayala historic documents specifically say thatthevictims
(1974-1976:282-283 [1614]) maintains thatas the
represented imperial officials, theydo assert that
natives of Chinchaycocha journeyed through the these people were richly dressed (in clothing and
Andes laden with goods, they invoked and made with adornments that only the elite could use)
offerings to themountains that they passed and before being dispatched (Betanzos 1968:247, 284
entreated thesewaqas togrant themsuccess, health,
[1557], 1987:51, 84,142 [1557], 1996:46, 77-78,
and a safe trip. 132 [1557]; Cieza 1959:150-151 [1553],
If,as proposed by Fernandez, therewas an Inka 1967:95-96 [1553]; Hernandez 1923:62 [1622]).
road that followed thewestern edge of Salinas The boy had thegarments,ornaments, and hair
Grandes, itwas probably dominated byDead Child.
style of a provincial noble from the southeastern
In fact, thehill, rising about 470 m above the salt,
quarter.Guaman Poma's (1980:1:250,336 [1615])
may have served as a landmark for the camelid
manuscript features several pictures of state func
trainsmaking theirway across thiswasteland. So tionaries fromQulla Suyu who are dressed like the
the lords of Cuzco may have immolated the six victim. For instance, "El Catorze Capitan" shows
year-old on the pinnacle to protect traders from a military "officer"with a tunic, a bracelet, an H
harm and tomake sure thattheyreached theirdes
shaped pendant (which is related to the six-year
tinations.
old's diadem with stylized forms), long locks, and
Yet another explanation for the sacrifice relates moccasins (Figure 8). I have littledoubt thatwhen
to political authority within the polity. Murra the child was entombed by theCuzquenos, he too
(1980:122) maintains that the Cuzquenos often wore moccasins on his feet, which disintegrated.6
exercised control indirectly:ratherthan incorporate Some of the items thatwere leftwith the boy
a conquered group directly into the empire, they would have been considered
inappropriate foruse
would reinforce the power that a kuraka, a local a
by child. During his short life, the six-year-old
ruler,exerted over his people and would tiehim to almost not
certainly had participated inwarachiku.
the state (Patterson 1987:119). The nexus between As
part of this initiationrite,which normally took
the provincial noble and the polity took the form when a was 14 or so, he would have
place youth
of a rite involving thedispatch of a qhapaq hucha received a warn (breechcloth) and a black llawt'u,
(Hernandez 1923:61-63 [1622]; see also Silverblatt which were symbolic ofmanhood (Cobo 1990:202,
1987:94-96). An immolation of this type,which see also 126-127 [1653]). But the individual from
could only take place with Inka consent (Ulloa Salinas Grandes was too young tohave takenpart
1885:45/Secci6n 14 [1586]), simultaneously in itand was notwearing a warn when he was dis
enhanced thekuraka's regional authorityandmade
interred;ifhe was too immature to have a breech
him subservient tohis conquerors. Thus theoffer
cloth, thenhe should not have sported a headband
ingof theboymay have constituted the indirectbut either, or the diadem, which would have been
critical linkbetween an indigenous group thatlived affixed to theheadband.
near Salinas Grandes and the empire (Besom The fact remains, however, that the child did
2009b:291-292).

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 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 4, 2010

have a llawt 'u, thediadem, thepossible scepter,and adult sized and/or are not suitable for a child, they
thebracelet, which were the accouterments of an must have had emblematic significance for the
older person and emblems of authority in the Inka Inkas (Besom 2009b:297-299).
polity. So I propose thathe represented an imper The male fromLlullaillaco also seems to con
ial official fromQulla Suyu, and thaton a more note a high-status functionary(Besom 2009b:299).
abstract level he symbolized, and his sacrifice cel He has hair down to the nape of his neck. He is
ebrated, thepolitical organization of the state.Itwas dressed in an oversized unku of red and blue and
only through their "organizing genius" (Rowe inayaqolla (mantle) of red and brown. On his right
1946:329) thatthe lordsofCuzco were able toeffi forearm is a silver bracelet, on his legs are white
ciently administer and to unify theirvast empire anklets, and circling his crown is a woolen sling
(Besom 2009b:294-296). thatserves as a llawt'u. This sling holds a panache
The six-year-old from Salinas Grandes is not the of white feathers inplace over theboy's forehead.
only qhapaq hucha whose remains have been found Although he wears moccasins on his feet, twopairs
in thearchaeological record and who appears tobe of ujut'as were interredwith him, along with a
dressed like an elite bureaucrat. There also are the ch'uspa (woven bag [Ceruti 2003:73, Figuras 16,
boys fromAconcagua and Llullaillaco (Figure 1). 80,248/S-28 and S-29,256/S-43, Foto 19,Lamina
In the former case (Besom 2009b:296-297), the 9/S-28 and S-29, Lamina 10/S-30, Lamina 12/S
victim was a child of about seven, who was 43; Reinhard 1999:38-39, 2005:Photo 28,
wrapped in layers of cloth tomake amummy bun 325-326; Reinhard and Ceruti 2000:57-58, 94,
dle like theones from thePeruvian coast, andwho 162/No. 34,163/Nos. 47-48, Fotos 34,47-48]).
was buried on a peak inwest-centralArgentina. The One ofGuaman Poma's pictures,which is called
boy has moderately long hair and a necklace of "El Noveno Capitan," shows an elite Cuzquefio?
Spondylus, lapis lazuli, and malachite beads. the typeof person who carried out the day-to-day
Among the textilesthatshroudedhim are tunicsand operations of theempire.This individualhas a tunic,
mantles, of both cotton and wool, many of which amantle, anklets, a bracelet on his rightwrist, a bag
are decorated with stylizedbirds and fish?designs thathangs fromhis leftarm,a headband with feather
thatappear to be from littoralareas. A high-status panache, and sandals (Guaman Poma 1980:1:138
item thatwas interredwith him is a cotton unku [1615]), just like the child. Some of the articles
that is covered with red and yellow feathers; they foundwith theboy, however, do not seem to have
forma stepped patternon theupper part of thegar belonged tohim but, rather,appear tohave had spe
ment and volutes on the lowerpart of it.This piece cial significance connected with his immolation.
resembles some of theplumed tunics thathave been They include the sandals thatwere placed along
recovered from the north coast of Peru, dating to side him, the llawt'u and panache thathe was prob
theChimu period. Another elaborate article from ably too immature touse, and theunku thatwas too
thebundle is a headdress. Ithas theformof a corolla large forhim. Hence I reject the inference thathe
and was fashioned fromyellow and black feathers. was the actual son of an Inka noble; besides, his
Additionally there are a pair of ujufas (sandals), locks are too long (the lordsofCuzco kept theirhair
possibly made frommaguey fibers, two braided short),and he wears moccasins. Instead I contend
cords thatresemble llawt 'us,and three waras (Abal thathe was meant to embody the imperial bureau
2001; Schobinger 1995, 2001). cracy par excellence (Besom 2009b:299-300).
Guaman Poma has numerous illustrations of "
nobles and state officials from Chinchay Suyu "Fixing Reality
(more oftenwritten "Chinchasuyu"). In a picture Drurnmond says thatculture is not themonolithic
titled "El Doce Capitan," he portrays a military entity thatwe perceive it to be. Rather, it consists
leader from thenorthwesternquarterwithmedium of a continuously changing mass of perspectives,
length locks, a tunic,a braided headband, sandals, some of which overlap, while others contradict
and a plumed headdress/collar thatlooks like a halo each other (Drurnmond 1983; Hodder 1986:150).
(Figure 9). The seven-year-old fromAconcagua Since people find thisambiguous quality tobe dis
has similarhair,clothing,and accouterments.Given turbing,theyattempt to compensate by creating a
that some of the items thatwere leftwith him are single version of reality.Their aim is to reassure

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Besom] INKA SACRIFICE AND THE MUMMY OF SALINAS
themselves of theirplace in theworld, of theirrole
in society,and of theappropriateness of theirbehav
ior in a given social context (Kertzer 1988:10;
Moore 1975:234).
The elite also tryto control reality: to the extent
that they can reify a particular image of their
society?one inwhich theirposition of privilege
and power is unquestioned?they can successfully
legitimate theirrule (Giddens 1979:195-196). But
how is reality/meaning"fixed"? The process partly
involvesmanipulating ritual; themembers of the
dominant class will regulate differentvariables in
a rite?including time, space, movement, color,
sound, smell, emotion, andmost important,theuse
of symbols, especially material symbols. As sig
nificance is contextual?it isbased on the range of
associations and dissociations, comparisons and
contrasts in a ceremony?they can influence mean
ing (Hodder 1986:151). Given thatpeople's per
ceptions of theworld are framed by systems of
meaning, the elite can mold their sense of reality
(Kertzer 1988:4-5; Nieburg 1973:54).
By carrying out the sacrifice near the salt fiat,
and by burying thebody of thevictim dressed as a
state official, the Cuzquenos may have been
attempting to reify the notion that the region had
been incorporated into their empire. Simultane
ously theymay have been tryingto "fix" the idea
thatthepolity,with its sophisticated administrative
system,would effectivelycontrol thearea. The six
year-old, as a physical emblem, not only would
have reflectedInka authoritybutwould have helped
to constitute it (Besom 2009b:301-302).
Acknowledgments. I would like to thank Jose Perez Gollan,
the former director of the Museo Etnografico in Buenos
Aires, and Myriam Tarrago, the current director, who autho
rized my research on themummy of Salinas Grandes. I also
would like to express my appreciation toNorma Perez, who
was in charge of conservation at the museum, and to Ines
Baffi, who was head of the bioanthropology section, for aid
came
ing me inmy study. Financial support for the project
from theNational Science Foundation, which awarded me a
DissertationImprovement Grant in 1994.
I am grateful to Constanza Ceruti for sharing information
with me on the sacrifice, to Carlos Estanislao Martinez for
to Juan
providing photographs of the victim's body, and
Leoni for translating the abstract. Sarah Walker scanned the
illustrations forme, JustinMiller helped to prepare themap,
Larry Cartmell carried out the segmental hair analysis, and
the Lifecodes Corp. conducted the DNA study; I am
indebted to them all. Furthermore I would like to acknowl
invalu
edge the article's anonymous reviewers, who offered
able suggestions for improving thework.
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GRANDES 419
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the drivers of llama trains?bothtoday and in the prehispanic
era?are/were always male. Also, the Inkas buried llama fig
urines only with male statuettes (Ceruti 2003:118, 130; see
also Reinhard 1999:38, 44).
4. Other authors who provide information on low-altitude
qhapaq hucha sacrifices include Checura (1977), Checura et
al. (1985), and Uhle (1903).
5. At the same time that I obtained a lock of hair from the

Notes mummy of Salinas Grandes, I got one from theCham" corpse.

It too was sent toCartmell, who cut it into 11 segments, each
1. Different authors use
the term in different ways. of which was tested for BZE. The results were negative
Whereas Betanzos
(1996:132 [1557]) defines qhapaq hucha (Cartmell and Van Horn 1996b).
as a particular kind of human sacrifice, to Cieza (1959:190, 6. Similarly, the nine-year-old sacrificed on El Plomo was
192 [1553]) it denotes any offering that is left at an idol or decked out like an imperial official from the southeastern
shrine. Following Hernandez (1923:32, 41, 60-62 [1622]), I quarter (Besom 2009b:294-295): He wore an unku, ayaqolla
take the term tomean a specific type of victim. (mantle), a llawt'u, a chipana, an H-shaped pendant, and
2. In her book on the sacrifice from Mount El Plomo, moccasins. His long hair had been braided into hundreds of
Mostny states that the female statuette (of silver) was not tinyplaits (Mostny 1957). The girl immolated on Llullaillaco
found in direct association with the corpse of the boy. Rather, had not only the silver plaque shaped like the stylized form
the figurine came from another part of the Enterratorio, the but moccasins (Ceruti 2003:81), which means that she too
structure where the child was buried, or perhaps from its may have been from Qulla Suyu.
annex (Mostny 1957:46/n; see also Besom 2009b:208;
Medina 1958:54).
3. Flannery et al. 1989:67, 98-99, 105-112, 114-116;
Flores-Ochoa 1979:37-38, 61, 69, 95,102-109,119. In these Submitted September 16, 2009; Accepted October 30,
books, the authors take it for granted thatAndean herders and 2009; Revised March 12, 2010.

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