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Rastafari: Still a 'Back to Africa' movement?

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RASTAFARI: STILL A ‘BACK TO AFRICA’ MOVEMENT?
Lianne Mulder1
Graduate of the University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus, Barbados
Article presented at the Pan African Colloquium, 12-15 January 2016, Barbados, in partial fulfilment of the
requirement for the award of the degree of MPhil Political Sciences
[Updated in January 2019]
ABSTRACT

Since the emergence of the Rastafari movement, its members have continuously argued for repatriation ‘Back to

Africa’. However, not all Rastafarians in the African diaspora seem to aim for repatriation any longer, and prefer

to fight against ‘Babylon’ in their own country instead. Furthermore, the traditionally black movement nowadays

includes numerous followers who do not belong to the African diaspora, and thus might have a different

conceptualization of what their ‘motherland’ is. This article interrogates what the influence is of the globalization

of Rastafari on its Pan-Africanist and Back to Africa philosophies and asks the question: To what extent is

Rastafari still the ‘Back to Africa’ movement it used to be?

The research consists of literature study and analysis of interviews with Rastafarians from ten different countries.

The article shows that while some black Rastas no longer aim for repatriation to Africa, they are nevertheless Pan

Africanists who aim to contribute to black consciousness and cultural awareness of Africans and their descendants

in the diaspora. Furthermore, it shows that even non-black Rastas can contribute to debates about Pan Africanism,

reparations, repatriation, and Rastafari in general.

Keywords: Rastafari; repatriation; black consciousness; African diaspora; “race” and Rastafari.

1. Introduction

Since the emergence of the Rastafari movement, its members have continuously argued for repatriation to Africa.

To many Rastafarians who are the descendants of enslaved Africans, the objective of repatriation is not political,

but moral: it is seen as “a right, to correct a wrong, and is the entitlement of all whose origin lies on the African

continent, whether they choose to exercise that right or not” (Chevannes 2011: 568). The forced removal of their

ancestors from the continent and their deportation to and enslavement in the Western hemisphere convinced many

Rastas that they are Africans in exile who need to go ‘home’. They feel the need to return to a continent where

they can call their own home, instead of residing as ‘captured people’ in a Capture Land (Chronixx 2014). Jamaica

1The author would like to thank all research participants for being so generous with their time, for welcoming her in their
communities and for sharing their knowledge and wisdom so willingly.
and other countries in the Caribbean and the Americas are regarded as captured (stolen) lands because they belong

to the native populations who lived there when Columbus “discovered” them. The call for repatriation is thus not

only informed by a racial consciousness of the African diaspora, but also by respect for and recognition of the

indigenous peoples who should be restored as the rightful inhabitants of the lands. Repatriation is regularly

presented in the literature on Rastafari philosophies as “an act of divine intervention revealed by prophecy”

(Chevannes 2011: 569). According to these writings, some Rastas believe that ships or other modes of

transportation, such as flying saucers (Chevannes 2011; confirmed during my visit to the School of Vision

settlement in Jamaica), will take them to the “East”. The majority of Rastas encountered in my field research

however, are more convinced that repatriation takes place through individual effort and hard work, and has less to

do with direct involvement of God (in the personification of Haile Selassie) in bringing them to the continent.

Some are working hard to save money, and do research on different African countries, to find out which place they

want to repatriate to. They see themselves as Africans who ‘belong’ to the continent. This comes out of Marcus

Garvey’s notion of a black racial identity, which linked Africans in the diaspora with those ‘at home’, and which

was expanded by Leonard Howell and others to an identity of citizenship (Van Dijk in Chevannes 2011). This

citizen identity was fortified when Emperor Haile Selassie sponsored the Ethiopian World Federation (founded in

1937) to create a support base of black people in the US and other countries against the Italian invasion of Ethiopia.

In 1948, as a sign of gratitude for the support that Ethiopia received, Selassie granted land near Shashamane where

members of the diaspora could settle if they wished to do so (Chevannes 2011). Many Rastas in Jamaica also

support government action to bring about repatriation. When the government set up a national commission in 2009

to investigate the case for reparations for slavery, the Rastafari movement was the first to provide statements to

the commission, arguing that there can be “no reparation without repatriation” (Chevannes 2011: 569).

At the same time, numerous Rastas encountered in my research no longer aim for repatriation, instead

arguing that there is a need to fight ‘Babylon2’ anywhere in the world, not just on the African continent. They feel

that it is important to ‘chant down Babylon’ or ‘burn Babylon’ in any context, and that the oppression of Africans

abroad needs to be addressed just as much as the oppression of Africans ‘at home’. Furthermore, some argue that

it is easier to live “outside Babylon” in the mountains of Jamaica or the rainforest of Suriname, rather than in parts

of Africa which are strongly controlled by Western imperial institutions and interests, and where the large-scale

Western demand for diamonds, gold, copper and other resources results in civil wars and armed conflicts at the

2Rastas refer to the modern-day western, (neo-)colonialist, capitalist, white supremacist, imperialist hegemony as ‘Babylon’
or the ‘Babylon system’. It is named after the Biblical city which symbolized evil and defiance of God.
expense of the African population. They thus cast doubts at repatriation as the solution for the problems of the

African diaspora, and do not romanticize the living conditions on the continent in the way that some others do. In

addition, some argue that mental repatriation is more important than physical repatriation, and that even though

their bodies are in Babylon, their soul resides in Africa.

Contrary to the early makeup of the movement, Rastafari nowadays includes numerous followers who

are not black and who are not usually considered a part of the African diaspora. Since the internationalization of

the Rastafari movement in the 1970s, the debate regarding repatriation is thus no longer only held by black

Rastafarians. In relation to this fact, and the aforementioned developments and perceptions regarding repatriation,

this article asks the question: Is Rastafari still the ‘Back to Africa’ movement it used to be? How do the younger

generations of black Rastas outside of Africa look at repatriation? 3 And has the participation of non-black people

in the movement changed its outlook on repatriation? The research consists of literature study and analysis of

interviews with more than sixty Rastafarians coming from ten different countries, and who are racially categorized

as black/African, Indian, white/European, or as a mix of African/Indian or African/European. This article does not

have enough space to explore the issue of ‘race’ and Rastafari in depth, so I refer to my thesis (Mulder, 2016) for

a more elaborate analysis of these concepts and their relationship. However, for clarity purposes, there is a need

to emphasize shortly that ‘race’ is not a biological reality but a socio-political invention. It was constructed as a

“mode of classification linked specifically to peoples in the colonial situation” (American Anthropological

Association 1998: 98), and as a way to justify the enslavement of black people. Race and the idea of human

differences – where superior characteristics were attributed to whites and inferior ones to people of colour –

became a strategy for “dividing, ranking, and controlling colonized people used by colonial powers everywhere”

(ibid: 98). The stereotypes formed during this period continue to live on and are embedded deeply in institutions

and collective thought (ibid; Coates 2014; Conley 2003; Roberts 2011). Because these ideas continue to live on so

strongly, it matters little that race is a socio-political invention and not a biological fact, for “if men define the

situations as real, they are real in their consequences” (Thomas in Allahar 1993: 46). The ranking exercise of

human beings therefore has real-life consequences for people’s social status in life, their health, wealth and

opportunities.

The following section of the article discusses the concept of repatriation, its origins, and its theoretical

development in relation to the Rastafari movement. The parts thereafter focus on Rastafari and repatriation in

3This article focuses on Rastas who have not (yet) repatriated to Africa. For literature on Rastas who did repatriate, or who
were born in Africa, I refer to Middleton (2006), Olivier (2010), Savishinsky (1994), and White (2007).
practice. It looks at whether and how Rastafarians practice the philosophy of repatriation, and what the influence

is of the globalization of Rastafari on its Back to Africa philosophies.

2. The Concept of Repatriation

During slavery, the white masters did their best to instil in the enslaved a conviction that they were not African

and that anything African is bad, ugly, unintelligent, heathen, and evil. Any association with Africanness was

violently discouraged. This resulted in the creation of a large population of black people in the Western hemisphere

who did not self-identify as Africans, even after slavery had formally ended. Since racist ideologies were

internalized by the victims of racism, and an ‘epidermalization of inferiority’ (Fanon 2008) was developed to form

a self-perpetuating internalized oppression, the Rastafarians of the Caribbean were not only despised by the white

establishment but even by fellow blacks who could not see why Rastas called themselves Africans and wanted to

go ‘back home’ to the continent which had come to represent evil and backwardness. But the more these Rastas

were socially excluded, the more they longed to ‘escape Babylon’ and repatriate to Africa.

According to Campbell, the Rastafari movement is “the foremost Pan-African and Pan-Caribbean

movement” (1985: 59) in the Caribbean today. Rastafarians were strongly influenced by Marcus Garvey, one of

the most important persons in the history of Pan-Africanism, and nowadays one of the National Heroes of Jamaica.

His Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), founded in 1914, spread a threefold message throughout

the globe: First, all black people were Africans, and numbering 400 million in total in those days – at home and

abroad – they were “part of a larger Pan-African whole” (Chevannes 2011: 566). Second, Africa was home to

ancient high civilisations (ibid), and “when Europe was inhabited by a race of cannibals, a race of savages, naked

men, heathens and pagans, Africa was peopled with a race of cultured black men, who were masters in art, science

and literature; men who were cultured and refined (…) Black men, you were once great; you shall be great again”

(Garvey 1986: 77 [emphasis added]). Thus, Garvey did not only link Africanness with pride, but also emphasized

that what had been done before, could be done again. Third, the UNIA argued for repatriation under the slogan

‘Back to Africa’. Garvey believed that skilled and educated members of the African diaspora should return to the

continent to build it up, unify it and organize it into a world power. The successful socio-economic development

of Africa would be intertwined with the fate of Africans in the diaspora. With these ideas, Garvey inspired anti-

colonial movements anywhere black people lived, and helped to create “a mass movement that gave the victims

of racism, humiliation and denigration a sense of pride in who they were” (Chevannes 2011: 566).
 The Black Pride encouraged by the UNIA is a counter-hegemonic ideology. Centuries of slavery and

colonialism created a system which instilled in black people’s minds that they were inferior, and that white people

belonged to a superior race. The white slave masters “tried their best to present Africa as a continent of barbarous

sub-humans” so that the enslaved and their descendants “whose forefathers had continually rebelled, would be

afraid to admit they were Africans” (Campbell 1985: 43). Since that time, Africa was judged by the majority in

Jamaica as “a symbolic representation for much of what was viewed negatively in society” (Thomas 2004: 5).

Even creole nationalists in Jamaica “distanced themselves (…) from the perceived “backwardness” of Africa”

(ibid: 267). This also happened in many other regions of the world. The UNIA and consequently the Rastafari

movement resisted these ideas of ‘Babylon’, and instead offered a new, positive and proud identity and (self-)

image of Africans and their descendants in the diaspora (Barnett 2006, Chevannes 1994). They influenced the

black diaspora in physical, spiritual and/or mental ways (Andwele 2006; Thomas 2004), and thereby shaped a new

form of black identity. Their emphasis on African history and civilization – especially the Ethiopian, Egyptian and

Malian civilization (Chamley 2008) – has been very important for the Rastafari movement, because it made Africa

or Ethiopia into “a symbolic point of reference, whether as ideal home – hence denoting repatriation – or as source

of identity – hence identification” (Chevannes 1994: 34). The idea of Ethiopia or Africa as an ‘ideal home’ also

caught Leonard Howell, generally referred to as the First Rasta. He was the first to preach that Haile Selassie was

the returned Messiah, and in 1933 he was charged for sedition (Post in Chevannes 2011). In 1934, he marched for

repatriation (ibid).

In 1955, an Ethiopian World Federation (EWF) representative announced that Selassie was building a

Merchant Navy which could bring Jamaicans to Ethiopia. This announcement resulted in “a religious revival

among the Rastafarians” (Barrett in King 2002: xxi). The movement quickly doubled in membership and began to

work actively towards repatriation in the late 1950s and early 1960s – to the annoyance of the Jamaican government

(King 2002). In 1959, a number of Rastas sent an ultimatum to the Chief Minister, which read:

“We have never failed from declaring our Intention of repatriating to our homeland Africa, we do not
seek political power and titles from the British. We are now demanding of you in a united voice to use
your instrumentality to cut loose the bonds of serfdom, before it is too late. We have always resisted the
British government and her colonial puppets passively. Yet now the hour has come, that we will not
hesitate to raise the standard of Armed Rebellion, Guerilla Warfare and Arson in our determined bid for
Freedom” (Campbell 1987: 222).
By 1965, many Rastas were expecting Selassie to send ships to Jamaica to take the oppressed masses to Ethiopia,

and thus they advocated for political disengagement. However, the visit of the Emperor to Jamaica “increased the

political consciousness of the Rastafarian movement” (King 2002: 32). A new concept of repatriation was
proposed by Selassie: Instead of immediate physical repatriation, “Rastafarians should liberate the Jamaican

people before repatriation to Africa” (Barrett in King 2002: 34). As a consequence, a part of the movement’s

members departed from the philosophy of political disengagement to put forward political demands (Jacobs in

King 2002). That development resulted in a division between “political” and “religious” Rastafarians. In the

following years, a tension continued “between passively awaiting repatriation to Africa and political activism

within Jamaica” (King 2002: 52). Although many Rastafarians and Rasta newspapers argued for repatriation over

revolution, their focus on repatriation did not blind them to the injustices in Jamaica (King 2002). They continued

to reason against capitalist exploitation, increasing food prices, poverty and neo-colonialism. The critical reggae

music which famous Rasta artists made, reflected these discussions.

When the Jamaican government sent for a Mission to Africa in 1961, the results described in the Majority

and the Minority Report of Mission to Africa were positive: many of the African officials whom the Jamaicans met

were willing to accept repatriates. At the same time, officials were concerned that Jamaicans “exposed to ‘western

ideals and customs’ would find it difficult to assimilate to African culture. Furthermore (…) African countries

desired emigrants who possessed “artisan” skills, such as mechanics or carpenters” (King 2002: 71). During their

visit, the members of the Mission to Africa met with two Caribbean pioneers from Montserrat, Mr. and Mrs. Piper.

They had started farming in Shashamane, on the land which the Emperor had donated to the EWF. They

encouraged Jamaicans to repatriate: The soil was fertile and “hard-working Jamaican farmers should be able to

live fairly comfortably on these lands” (Foreman et al. 2010: 89). By the 1970s, a small group of Rastas had settled

in Shashamane and were farming the land (Campbell in King 2002). For most others however, the dream of

repatriation could not be fulfilled during their lifetime. Although some were able to visit one or more African

countries, they could not settle there for various reasons.

3. Rastafari and Repatriation in Practice

Many of the Rastas I interviewed agree with the idea of repatriation, and see (a region of) Africa as their homeland,

but do not have a serious plan to make this journey happen. Most Rastas argued that for those who want to

repatriate, it should be paid out of reparations. One of my participants argued: “When France, Belgium, Britain

and all of them have paid their reparation for what has happened in slavery, then that money would be put towards

building communities and for ships to take people home, making plane rides available so that all black people who

want to return to Africa have that opportunity”. He is cautious to mention however that he is afraid the reparation

money might go into the pockets of the Jamaican government. In his opinion, the government should not receive

any money because “the whole government system in Jamaica is the slave master’s own government, so it would
be a sham to say that you are seeking reparation (…) because Queen Elizabeth is the sovereign constitutional head

of Jamaica”. Another informant, Errol, is also sceptical about reparations, because he believes that “we nah go get

that. Mistress [the Queen] not going to give we that. Because she a the head slave master enuh. Because a she and

her followers them such as the Europeans and the Americans were the ones who captured us and carried us to them

capture land here cah dem land ya”. He argues that since Africa is his motherland, he would be glad to reach its

soil and live there with integrity, to enjoy the African traditions and cultures. Whereas in his view Babylon teaches

the people they will go to heaven, Marcus Garvey taught him he would go to Africa. Another participant, Aswad,

feels he needs to know first which part of Africa his ancestors were from. He would repatriate if he knows more

about what is going on in each country, so he can make his informed choice, but for now he focuses on Ethiopia.

However, none of these three have made any serious plan to bring repatriation about.

To some Rastas, the “Promised Land” is outside Africa. In the Caribbean, but also in Europe and North

America, there are Rastafarians (from different ethnic groups) who aim to live either in Jamaica, another Caribbean

island, or Suriname, rather than in Africa – contrary to the strong desire of the early members of the Rastafari

movement. To the former, the liberation of former colonies in the western hemisphere from capitalism, neo-

colonialism and imperialism, is just as important as the liberation of African countries from these ideologies and

power structures. They fight against ‘Babylon’ in their own local contexts in the ways they are able to do so. For

example, many aim to be as self-sufficient or independent as possible in their food production, energy

consumption, health care, and in the labour market – e.g. be self-employed craftsmen/women or artists. They seek

to limit their dependence on products and services from ‘the Babylon system’, and express the preference of buying

from fellow Rastas instead of “baldheads”, the name used for non-Rastas. Thereby, they practice group economics

in line with the teachings of Marcus Garvey. What we see here is that self-determination and self-sufficiency are

taken up by Rastafari from the Garvey movement, and broadened beyond political nationalism to the concept of

‘livity’, meaning “the totality of one’s being in the world” (Lewis 2006: 52).

Amde Selassie, an elder in Jamaica, argued: “His Majesty say this: anywhere you find yourself on earth

today, (…) stand up against injustice and fight for equal rights and justice. So, if we cannot fight for equal rights

and justice right where we are, when we go to wherever, how you gonna fight to get your equal rights?” This

resembles the words of Walter Rodney: “black struggle must be universalized where black people happen to be”

(in Campbell 1987: 219). Thus, Rastas do not necessarily have to go to Africa to struggle for liberation. On the

other hand, Rodney also suggested that

 “the struggle of black people in Africa has a certain strategic importance – a greater strategic importance
for black people as a whole than say what’s going on in the Caribbean. I feel that, to the extent that the
African struggle advances and that continent is freed from the coils of capitalism and imperialism, to that
extent the impact on the Caribbean and, particularly in the United States, on the black population will be
decisive. Yes, I would use as strong a term as decisive – because our history has been bedeviled by the
fact that we, as a colonized people in the Western world, have never had a power to which we could turn
and that our oppressors have never felt any sense of having to account to somebody else for the treatment
which they accorded to us” (in Campbell 1987: 219-220).

This means that it could be useful to focus less on the personality of Selassie 4, and to widen the scope of their

focus to African liberation and the development of solidarity between Caribbean and African peoples.

Furthermore, the nurturing of relationships with “particular progressive governments, particular liberation

movements, and particular social organizations – whether they be trade unions, women’s movements, students’

unions – various groups that develop a perspective on African struggle” (Rodney in Campbell 1987: 230 [emphasis

in original]) could also be emphasized. During my field research, I have not encountered any Rastas who were

partaking in such an effort. The great majority, with a few exceptions, did not have friends or acquaintances on

the African continent, and their knowledge about Africa mainly concerned ancient history (e.g. Kemet, Timbuktu,

Dahomey), not present-day conditions, politics or events. A small group of Rastas believed that Selassie-led

repatriation would take place to “New Jerusalem” or Palestine, because the Priest of their community has told

them so. They were surprised when I told them that Palestine is not considered to be located on the African

continent, for the building of the Suez Canal has separated the African and Eurasian continents. One research

participant argued that in Africa, there are no traffic jams and that the air is always clean. Another was convinced

that Africa has a President (as if it is a country).

Some have their own conceptualization of repatriation. For example, Ras Scorcha believes that

“repatriation is getting together and become one unit, one organization, and recognize that we are all Africans,

that’s repatriation”. David thinks that although repatriation is a good thing, not all people are suitable to make the

journey. He argues that Selassie expressed the need for skillful people, who can be pioneers in the improvement

of the continent. He thus does not support “the masses fi get up and just mek one movement and go inna Africa”,

but only those who are able to make a positive contribution. Dread Bean, my youngest participant, plans to gain

much more knowledge about Africa first, “cause yuh affi know bout them before yuh can mek a move”.

4 Even though Haile Selassie was deposed in 1974 and has passed away at the age of 83, most Rastas continue to hold on to
his image as the Emperor of Ethiopia. The continual embrace by Rastas of Selassie is to some “an affront to the struggles of
the African people” (Campbell 1987: 9). The ruling party in Ethiopia and its allies received 100% of the votes during the last
election (the Guardian 2015), the opposition lost its only seat in parliament, the freedom of the press is limited, and also
during the rule of Selassie it was a far from perfect country. Repatriation to Ethiopia – though one of the most important aims
for the early Rastafari (Tafari 1985) – might therefore not be the most logical option when one wants to live in freedom.
Furthermore, he finds it important to inform other people in the Caribbean about Africa, because “nuff a dem nuh

know weh dem come from”. Since he learnt about Rastafari as a teenager, he feels that “di Almighty expect

something from you or something. Expect certain movements a I&I fi deal wid di repatration back to Africa caa

just him di yutes dem need fi seek and find”. Like almost all participants, he also thinks that repatriation should be

paid out of reparations, because not only did black people labour for hundreds of years without payment, the

Europeans also “use di Bible gainst dem fi trick dem (…) yea dem should give back weh dem tek from black

people, cause if them never do that we would a be somewhere else right now. We would a deh some weh more

higher and better than this if dem never tek way wi ancestor dem from weh dem did deh and guh ship dem”.

Jabari, although supporting repatriation in theory, does not want to repatriate himself at all: “How yuh fi

guh pon plane and fly lef yuh bredda and sista dem? Mi nuh waan repatriate, caa mi a go lef mi bredda and sista

dem round deh, suh who a go care fi dem? Mi waan stay ya wid dem”. He even believes that some who have

repatriated to Africa are “cowards” who have “ran away” from the problems of violence in Jamaica. He thinks that

it is more important to make his fellow citizens to stop killing one another, and to participate in a revolution against

the government. The view of repatriates as ‘cowards’ is a perspective I have not encountered among any other

Rastas.

One of the ladies living in the School of Vision settlement (where daily Bible study is practised), thinks

that “going to Africa won’t help my perspective, because we waiting on fulfilment of Scriptures especially

Revelation 13 verses 16-18. It speaks of the Mark of the Beast. We are here waiting on that revelation, so going to

Africa won’t stop it from coming, it won’t protect you from what is to come, because the Bible says if you take

the mark you will be doomed. You have no part on that you cannot go with him in his chariot of fire.” Furthermore,

she sees “New Jerusalem” as her homeland, where she and others will go to if they are faithful.

Scubbu has already travelled to Zimbabwe and South Africa. Although he sees Ethiopia as his homeland,

he hopes to be able to go back to South Africa first, so that he can work there and make enough money to help him

get to Ethiopia to live there for a long time. He believes that it can be hard for him to survive in Ethiopia, because

the Ethiopians will see him as a foreigner and he might not get work and “be hungry and have stress”. Thus, he

does not romanticize Ethiopia and is quite realistic about how repatriation might look like in practice. Nevertheless,

this does not stop him from wanting to repatriate: “After nuff a di elder dem pass away seem like di repatriation

boat is like it capsize (…) but di repatriation zeal is there and is still going on”.
 This section has shown that there is a broad variety of perspectives regarding repatriation among black

Rastas, and that the philosophy of ‘Back to Africa’ is no longer uncontested. The generalization of Rastafari as a

‘Back to Africa movement’ has thus become only partially true.

4. The Universalization of Rastafari and its Influence on the Repatriation Debate

In addition to the foregoing section, which showed that black Rastas no longer all aim to repatriate, a development

has been taking place since the 1970s in which Rastafari is becoming increasingly universal, via the globalizing

processes that go against and undermine “the mainstream of economic globalization” (Zips 2006a: xiii). Rastafari

has “given rise to a plethora of cultural expressions and is now exponentially more complex than its Jamaican

incarnation” (Yawney in Homiak 2013: 59). Apparently it was not only blacks who needed ‘emancipation from

mental slavery’ (to paraphrase Bob Marley), non-black people were attracted to Rastafari philosophies too – hence

the emergence of Rastafari amongst all kinds of populations. According to Zips, the Rastafari calls for ‘global fire’

find fertile ground among youth in the international community, “where considerable segments of the young(er)

generations make the turn to activist and anti-globalization movements” (Zips 2006b: 133). In my research, I

interviewed non-black Rastas from Japan, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, the United States, Canada

and Hungary. The majority of them first learned about Rastafari through reggae music, and from there on they

started to investigate its philosophies. This short section analyses how they view repatriation, what they see as

their homeland, and what their perspectives on black/African consciousness are.

All members of this group positively value Africa, African cultures, and Africans (whether ‘at home’ or

in the diaspora). Some are very active in sharing knowledge on African history and present, others have learnt a

local African language (such as Amharic), and yet others support Rastafari initiatives either in African countries

or in countries with a majority of African descendants, such as Suriname or Jamaica. Most non-black Rastas

support the concept of reparations, and argue that repatriation of Rastas who are the descendants of enslaved

Africans should be paid out of reparation funds. Furthermore, they are advocates of racial justice in other areas as

well, such as in the labour market, the education system and the general society. They thus stand on the side of

most black Rastas in these debates, and frequently sound as if they are part of the same racial group. Via social

media, the writing of books, and many other means, they promote these perspectives among those who are new to

the subject.

Ras J is a Japanese Rasta who lives in Jamaica with his Japanese family. He was the only Japanese

participant. Just like most other Rastas, he does not believe in heaven but in Zion. Interestingly, he sees “Ithiopia”
as his homeland – similar to many black Rastas (Augier 2013) – and he aims for repatriation. Although he is not

black, he feels that someone’s skin colour does not matter because “the rainbow have whole heep a colour. If only

one colour, nuh suh beautiful. Seven or eight colour together beautiful eno”.

Within the group of white Rastas there was great variety, just like in the group of black Rastas. For

example, some see Africa as their homeland, others say they have no homeland or that the whole world is their

homeland. Naomi, a Rasta lady from the US, feels that anyone who wants to repatriate to Africa, should be able

to go if they can get a passage and get enough money to build a house. Although she would like to visit East Africa

and Ghana for at least a year, she doubts that she would be given the opportunity to partake in an organized

repatriation program because “when they look at me they not gonna think I was taken away from Africa”. She

would like to see Ethiopia as well because she heard that Rastafarians, Jews, Christians and other groups live

together as one without animosity. She expects this to be “very gratifying and inspiring” to see.

Lion RasTafari, a white male Rasta from The Netherlands believes that

“you must first repatriate the soul and mind in the Iself before you repatriate to Mama Africa. Cause if
the I in Iself is not ready then the step to repatriation is a difficult task. And when InI repatriate, we must
bring knowledge, tools, etcetera with us to build things up and to teach the people with proper education.
HIM Haile Selassie I told it so much in many speeches”.
He wants to see Suriname first, and then Africa. He believes that his African consciousness comes from “spirit

reincarnation from the original spirit (…) I started to search and study where humanity came from. And it was a

truth for I (…) InI identify I with each other based on common ancestral, social, cultural experience. To I, ethnicity

is primarily an inherited status. To I Lion it defined by a shared cultural heritage, origin myth, history, symbolic

systems such as religion, mythology and ritual, dressing style, art, and mental appearance”. Lion is one of the

white Rastas who in speech, dress and philosophies barely differs from the black Rastas. He speaks in a Jamaican

vernacular and feels very connected to Africa, just like many of the other white Rastas. He is active on social

media such as Facebook and uses the platform to share knowledge about anything Rastafari-related.

US-based reggae photographer and Rastafarian archivist Jim Marshall has an archive of over 265,000

Rasta-related items. He proposes:

“ALL mankind came from Africa, so all mankind can look at her as Mother Africa and we should all want
to return to the home base that we've never visited, some for a while, some for the rest of our lives.
Mankind has taken so much from Africa that I'd like most to take things back to her, youth, inspiration,
imagination, funds and most of all "follow-through". Haile Selassie I gave the EWF 500 hectares of land,
and not only all of that should be returned to them, another 500 or more hectares of land should be added
to it, for the resettlement of ANY who want to move there and contribute to the community and national
economy. Unfortunately, the Rastafari community has not been well treated by the Ethiopian hosts as
there are articles all the time about Sashamane and the unattained hopes of the settlers there. It seems
like there will always be isms and schisms between mansions, and still more from native citizens and the
 Rastafari, but I'm convinced they wouldn't be that way if they could see the POSITIVE ways things CAN
be.”
So, although Jim sees Africa as his motherland, he is also aware of the challenges that repatriation would create,

and of the conflicts between the local population and the Rastafari community in Ethiopia. Other white Rastas

have also emphasized, just like Jim, that the ‘cradle of humanity’ is in Africa, and that in the end, we are all

descendants of Africans – regardless of our skin colour. Some argue therefore that everyone has the right to

repatriate to Africa, if they wish to do so. However, several of them also emphasized that in this migratory process,

nobody should be exploited, and nobody’s land should be taken away to give to repatriates. They should refrain

from taking up too much space, and should be very careful not to bring colonial attitudes. They should always

have respect for local traditions and customs and “know their place”.

The great majority of non-black Rastas I interviewed see Africa in a much more positive light than Europe

or North America. They support the Rastafari calls for repatriation and often even argue for reparations to be paid

out by the colonizing countries, so that Africans in the diaspora can ‘go home’ if they wish. I have not encountered

non-black Rastas who, in any way, obstruct the repatriation aims and philosophies of black Rastas. In the literature

I have found no such evidence either, so it seems that the universalization of Rastafari so far has no known negative

effects on the repatriation debate. The Rastafari thus found some strong allies among non-black people in the cause

for repatriation.

4. Conclusion

This article aimed to answer the question: Is Rastafari still the ‘Back to Africa’ movement it used to be? Among

the group of black/African Rastas, there is a wide variety in perspectives regarding repatriation. On the one hand

there are those who dream of ‘going back home’. Some of them have already visited one or more African countries

and are realistic about how repatriation might work out in practice. Others romanticize the living conditions on the

continent and have an unrealistic idea of life as a repatriate. A small group of Rastas, at a settlement in Jamaica,

believes that repatriation will take place through divine intervention, where chariots of fire will take the ‘faithful’

to the ‘Promised Land’ – although they think this is New Jerusalem, not Africa. At the same time, I have

encountered many black Rastas who no longer aim to repatriate to Africa and see other countries as their homeland.

However, they still identify as Africans and aim to contribute to black consciousness through their philosophies

which are informed by Marcus Garvey, Walter Rodney and other Pan-Africanists. Furthermore, with their African-

inspired philosophies – spread successfully via critical reggae music – they have encouraged cultural awareness

of Africans and their descendants in the diaspora. These Rastas continuously work to undo the effects of 500 years
of oppression and the epidermalization of inferiority. Besides that, they found different ways to resist ‘Babylon’

in their own contexts, for example through increasing self-sufficiency in different areas of life.

The non-black Rastas I interviewed value Africa positively. Most support the idea that repatriation of

black people who wish to repatriate should be paid out of reparations for slavery and colonialism. Some hope to

repatriate to Africa as well, others aim at living in a Caribbean country. During the interviews, they frequently

sounded as if they were part of the same racial group as the black Rastas. This shows that the Rastafari

consciousness, which originated from black people, has struck root in non-black people as well. Furthermore, even

non-black people can contribute to debates regarding black consciousness, Pan Africanism, reparations, ‘Back to

Africa’, and Rastafari in general. Several white Rastas are very conscious of their white privilege, and are careful

not to “take over” Rastafari in a way that silences the voices of the people from which the movement originated.

The foregoing shows that the generalization of Rastafari as a ‘Back to Africa movement’ has become

only partially true, and that it is important to be aware of the great diversity within the movement regarding

perspectives on repatriation, resistance, and liberation.

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Discography

Chronixx. 2014. “Capture Land.” Album: Dread and Terrible. Kingston: Chronixx Music.

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