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WORKING PAPER
Sheena A. Valenzuela
Ateneo School of Government
This preprint research paper has not been peer reviewed. Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3769833
Sheena A. Valenzuela
Ateneo School of Government
Clarissa C. David, PhD
Ateneo School of Government
January 2021
This working paper is a draft in progress that is posted online to stimulate discussion and critical comment.
The purpose is to mine reader’s additional ideas and contributions for completion of a final document.
The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Ateneo de
Manila University.
Corresponding authors:
Abstract
The COVID-19 pandemic has affected over 200 countries and territories, leading to well
over 40 million confirmed cases and over 1.1 million deaths worldwide (covid19.who.int/).
While many are hopeful, an effective vaccine is not yet assured, and the world still struggles
with the so-called “new normal” during the pandemic. Meanwhile, even prior to the
pandemic, deep structural “mega-trends” have been sweeping across the world, notably
the emergence of a new era of “digital globalization”. These changes promise to re-shape
international economic linkages just like the pr evious waves of globalization relating to
trade, finance, and people. In important ways, this new globalization is linked to the 4th
industrial revolution, which sees automation, artificial intelligence, the internet of things
(IoT) and other technological trends reshaping not just the world economy, but also
creating disruptions and spurring innovations in social and political spheres.
revolution (1IR) from around 1760 to 1840 was propelled by the invention of the steam
engine, in turn leading to the emergence of mechanization of production processes. It
improved transportation, banking, and communications; and it increased manufactured
commodities (Allen 2009). Mechanization replaced agriculture with industry as the main
driver of economic activities, and it also paved the way for the second industrial revolution
(2IR), which took place around 1870 to 1914. The 2IR utilized fossil fuels to produce
electricity that led to the birth of mass production and electric communications such as
telegraphs and telephones (Mokyr 1999). The third industrial revolution (3IR) signified the
start of the information age that occurred during the 1950s up to the 1970s. The automation
of manufacturing was made possible using digital electronics (e.g. computers, mobile
phones) and information technology (e.g. internet) (Greenwood 1997).
Building on the digital revolution, the Fourth Industrial Revolution (FIRe) fuses the
physical, digital, and biological domains through technology, embedding it not only within
societies but also in the human body (Schwab 2016). The FIRe is characterized by
breakthroughs in various spheres such as artificial intelligence, nanotechnology,
biotechnology, 3D printing, and the internet of things (IoT) (Schwab 2016). Cross border
data flows further fuel trade and investments across countries, creating new areas for
productivity enhancement and wealth creation. McKinsey Global Institute (2016:40) notes:
“The amount of cross-border bandwidth that is used has grown 45 times larger since 2005.
It is projected to increase by an additional nine times over the next five years as flows of
information, internet searches, online communications, video, online transactions, and
intracompany internet traffic continue to surge. In addition to transmitting valuable streams
of information and ideas in their own right, data flows help to facilitate the movement of
goods, services, finance, and people (see Figures 2 and 3).
Virtually every type of crossborder transaction now has a “digital component.” Yet
these too raise new challenges, as the benefits of digital trade are premised on trust, which
raises issues of regulation to protect privacy, consumer welfare, and secure data
management (Casalini and Lopez Gonzalez 2019). Across countries, there is wide variance
in institutional readiness to underpin this trust; and within countries, across firms, there is
also wide variance in access online networks (particularly among small and medium scale
enterprises or SMEs).
In 2016, McKinsey noted how the influence of e-commerce had become much more
significant even as over-all goods trade appeared to taper off. Back then:
“16 percent of B2C e-commerce transactions are cross-border, and that share is
projected to reach almost 30 percent by 2020, when international sales could hit $1
trillion […]. Cross-border B2B e-commerce is even bigger. In 2014, it w as an
estimated $1.8 trillion to $2 trillion market. Together, the roughly $2.2 trillion of
cross- border e-commerce in 2015 is equal to approximately 12 percent of global
goods trade. […] Platforms make it possible for users to research products, services,
prices, and alternative choices. This removes some information asymmetries so that
markets function more efficiently, although it may disrupt traditional intermediaries
in the process” (p.34).
In the post-COVID-19 world, it is more likely that this part of international trade
will increase further and faster, fueled in large measure by online connectivity that has
become more important under lockdown conditions. Analysts predict that consumer
behavior may have begun to permanently change under the “new normal” with e-
commerce within and across borders playing a much larger economic role.
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II. Unequalizing trends: From “flat world” to “regional trade, tourism, and
investment bubbles”?
Globalization has been interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic, and it may have erected
additional economic, political and health challenges for many countries, increasing the
possibility that there will be varied progress in establishing the conducive institutional
frameworks for fully engaging in the 4th industrial revolution. Rather than multilateralism,
increased regionalism may become even s tronger in the post COVID-19 world, akin to the
tourism and trade bubbles now being promoted as part of coping strategies for countries
that band together in terms of their relative success in dealing with the pandemic (Locker
2020). Such trends may exacerbate inequality in several ways, particularly in the Philippine
context.
300 workers in a construction site in Taguig City tested positive for coronavirus (CNN
Philippines, 2020). D uring this time, most blue-collar and informal workers in the
Philippines only have two options: s tay at home but get hungry, or continue to work but
increase the risk of virus infection.
the responses to fight COVID-19 are also drawn from the FIRe, offering a demonstration
effect on how useful these new technologies are (and could be used to underpin stronger
health systems from now on): tele-medicine, contact tracing applications, AI-powered and
big-data enabled epidemiological s imulations, and automation in retail, hos pitals, and
various other sectors (Khagram 2020).
All these trends underscore how vast numbers of workers may face employment
challenges even as the “lockdown recession” already deeply impacted the labor market. As
noted earlier, there are over 27 million unemployed Filipinos, and recently, the D epartment
of Labor and Employment (DOLE) forecasted that up to 10 million Filipinos could lose
their jobs due to the COVID-19 lockdown (Yumol 2020). Even prior to COVID-19,
analysts were already predicting that over 18 million jobs in the Philippines could be
automated, raising the challenges of strengthening education (to better thrive in the new
technology environment), re-skilling for better jobs matching, boosting innovation and
ample social protection and training mechanisms during the adjustment period (see among
others, Albert et al 2018, Dadios et al 2018, and Moraje 2017). Meanwhile, analysts
forecast millions of new high-quality jobs created as part of the 4th industrial revolution,
and the Philippines is well placed to move up the quality ladder from BPOs to corner many
of these jobs.
and jurisdictions) with better governance may be better prepared and may mount relatively
more effective responses compared to those with weaker governance and institutions.
Given the importance of trust in government and social cohesion in more effective
pandemic responses (e.g. behavioral changes such as complying with mobility restrictions,
mask wearing, hand-washing, health-seeking in case of suspected infections, etc), one
might also these factors to be stronger in better governance environments, where there is a
longer history of good governance, and robust systems embedded in more inclusive health
and social protection systems. While we only have prima facie evidence at this early stage,
we hypothesize here that economic actors may start differentiating across governance and
institutional environments, producing “bubbles” of trade, investment and tourism ties
among countries (and w ithin them jurisdictions) w ith similarly strong s ystems, excluding
those without. (In particular, for those flows for which health security matters, there could
be a self-selection into countries and jurisdictions with better sys tems.) This s uggests a
slightly more difficult recovery for those countries and jurisdictions with already weak
governance and institutional environments, further perpetuating non-inclusive recovery.
III: Science and technology for inclusion: Main ingredients for policy foresight
From a mapping of the policy context, there are additional factors to consider in crafting a
foresight strategy on technology and development. First, globalization has been
interrupted, and it is crticial to understand whether this will be a brief interruption or a short
blip. Due to the factors related to CO VID-19 and perhaps also the political environment
(e.g. populism), it is possible that this is likely going to be a more protracted adjustment
period for broader globalization trends (Neuman 2020). Second, in the immediate future,
Asia and key large countries like China, India and Indonesia will be critically important,
not just because of their size (and the size of their emerging middle class), but because of
the important role they now play in the global economy (ADB 2020). Nevertheless, geo-
political risks and challenges also suggest that there could be some challenges ahead for
Philippines as it balances continued high and inclusive growth and development with
sustainability objectives (Habito 2020; World Resources Institute 2020; World Economic
Forum 2020). And while there is still considerable uncertainty due to COVID -19 at the
time of writing this article, this should not deter reformists from exercising bold foresight
in building the necessary elements for successful recovery from COVID-19 and the
lockdown recession, while also thriving under the mega-trends characterizing the 4th
industrial revolution. There are at least four areas for policy foresight and action.
heavily by quarantines and lockdowns. The case of the Philippines highlighted how the
deep divides between the healthcare-haves and have-nots, and the technology-haves and
have-nots (for online education and work-from-home vs “no work no pay” daily wage
earning) made the crisis trade-offs noted earlier even more acute. Moving forward, among
the key areas for policy focus under the “new normal”, strengthening and building a more
crisis-resilient and inclusive healthcare system is probably the most critical investment
from both medium-term and long-term perspectives.
opportunity costs of non-users but also amplifies income inequality within and across
countries (Canazza 2016). In terms of technology transfer, there are barriers such as high
trade costs that limit firm innovation, which might have caused the low levels of technology
adoption --- only 9 percent of firms in the country have internationally recognized quality
certifications and only 11 percent of firms use technology licensed from foreign companies
(World Bank 2018). As Diop et al. (2020) observed, there is a “tendency to frame
technology transfer in terms facilitating transfer from own public research organizations
(PROs) and not necessarily from cheaper and more efficient technology in the market” (p.
110). Furthermore, a more open economic environment will be crucial to help facilitate
investments that carry with them the potential for new technology.
Conclusion
As explained in this article, the FIRe provides opportunities as well as challenges. While
technological revolutions help s pur globalization, they also have a tendency to outrun the
capability of governments in managing their implications. The consequences include the
exacerbation of inequality due to the loss of jobs for the less skilled workers and the
widening great digital divide between populations with access to computers and the
internet and the underprivileged members of society without access, which are already
highlighted due to the COVID -19 pandemic. To ens ure that the Philippines can reap the
benefits of the FIRe, the government needs to protect investments in human capital by
building a more crisis-resilient and inclusive healthcare system and equipping the
vulnerable population with STEM education as well as specialized education to combat
disinformation. Lastly, barriers in technology adoption among businesses and populations
need to be addressed through flexible and adaptable government policies. Taken together,
all these investments emphasize how science and technology can be a force for inclusion,
and lowering inequality. This policy orientation will be critically important in the decades
to come, particularly as many mega-trends reshape economies and societies, on top of the
adjustments that COVID-19 already demands.
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