Teach Like a Champion 3.

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Techniques that Put Students on the
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Table of Contents
Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Acknowledgments
The Author
About Uncommon Schools
Preface to the 3.0 Edition: Equity, Justice, and the Science of
Learning
Notes
Introduction to the Third Edition: The Art of Teaching and Its
Tools
SPECIFIC, CONCRETE, ACTIONABLE TECHNIQUES
THE ART OF USING THE TECHNIQUES
DEFINING WHAT WORKS
THE KEYSTONES
BEYOND THE BOOK
Chapter 1: Five Themes: Mental Models and Purposeful
Execution
MENTAL MODELS
PRINCIPLE 1: UNDERSTANDING HUMAN COGNITIVE
STRUCTURE MEANS BUILDING LONG-TERM MEMORY
AND MANAGING WORKING MEMORY
PRINCIPLE 2: HABITS ACCELERATE LEARNING
PRINCIPLE 3: WHAT STUDENTS ATTEND TO IS WHAT
THEY WILL LEARN ABOUT
PRINCIPLE 4: MOTIVATION IS SOCIAL
PRINCIPLE 5: TEACHING WELL IS RELATIONSHIP
BUILDING
 Notes
Chapter 2: Lesson Preparation
TECHNIQUE 1: EXEMPLAR PLANNING
TECHNIQUE 2: PLAN FOR ERROR
TECHNIQUE 3: DELIVERY MOVES
TECHNIQUE 4: DOUBLE PLAN
TECHNIQUE 5: KNOWLEDGE ORGANIZERS
Notes
Chapter 3: Check for Understanding
TECHNIQUE 6: REPLACE SELF-REPORT
TECHNIQUE 7: RETRIEVAL PRACTICE
TECHNIQUE 8: STANDARDIZE THE FORMAT
TECHNIQUE 9: ACTIVE OBSERVATION (ACTIVEOBS)
TECHNIQUE 10: SHOW ME
TECHNIQUE 11: AFFIRMATIVE CHECKING
TECHNIQUE 12: CULTURE OF ERROR
TECHNIQUE 13: SHOW CALL
TECHNIQUE 14: OWN AND TRACK
Notes
Chapter 4: Academic Ethos
TECHNIQUE 15: NO OPT OUT
TECHNIQUE 16: RIGHT IS RIGHT
TECHNIQUE 17: STRETCH IT
TECHNIQUE 18: FORMAT MATTERS
TECHNIQUE 19: WITHOUT APOLOGY
Notes
Chapter 5: Lesson Structures
TECHNIQUE 20: DO NOW
TECHNIQUE 21: TAKE THE STEPS1
THE GUIDANCE FADING EFFECT
 WORK SAMPLES VERSUS RUBRICS
TECHNIQUE 22: BOARD = PAPER
TECHNIQUE 23: ACCOUNTABLE INDEPENDENT
READING
TECHNIQUE 24: FASE READING
TECHNIQUE 25: CIRCULATE
TECHNIQUE 26: EXIT TICKET
STAMP: LORD OF THE FLIES
Notes
Chapter 6: Pacing
TECHNIQUE 27: CHANGE THE PACE
TECHNIQUE 28: BRIGHTEN THE LINES
TECHNIQUE 29: ALL HANDS
TECHNIQUE 30: WORK THE CLOCK
TECHNIQUE 31: EVERY MINUTE MATTERS
Notes
Chapter 7: Building Ratio Through Questioning
TECHNIQUE 32: PHRASING FUNDAMENTALS
TECHNIQUE 33: WAIT TIME
TECHNIQUE 34: COLD CALL
TECHNIQUE 35: CALL AND RESPONSE
TECHNIQUE 36: MEANS OF PARTICIPATION
TECHNIQUE 37: BREAK IT DOWN
Notes
Chapter 8: Building Ratio Through Writing
TECHNIQUE 38: EVERYBODY WRITES
TECHNIQUE 39: SILENT SOLO
TECHNIQUE 40: FRONT THE WRITING
TECHNIQUE 41: ART OF THE SENTENCE
TECHNIQUE 42: REGULAR REVISION
Notes
Chapter 9: Building Ratio Through Discussion
TECHNIQUE 43: TURN AND TALK
TECHNIQUE 44: HABITS OF DISCUSSION
TECHNIQUE 45: BATCH PROCESS
TECHNIQUE 46: DISCIPLINED DISCUSSION
Notes
Chapter 10: Procedures and Routines
TECHNIQUE 47: THRESHOLD AND STRONG START
TECHNIQUE 48: HABITS OF ATTENTION
TECHNIQUE 49: ENGINEER EFFICIENCY
TECHNIQUE 50: ROUTINE BUILDING
TECHNIQUE 51: DO IT AGAIN
Notes
Chapter 11: High Behavioral Expectations
TECHNIQUE 52: WHAT TO DO
TECHNIQUE 53: RADAR AND BE SEEN LOOKING
TECHNIQUE 54: MAKE EXPECTATIONS VISIBLE
TECHNIQUE 55: LEAST INVASIVE INTERVENTION
TECHNIQUE 56: FIRM, CALM FINESSE
TECHNIQUE 57: ART OF THE CONSEQUENCE
TECHNIQUE 58: STRONG VOICE
Notes
Chapter 12: Building Student Motivation and Trust
TECHNIQUE 59: POSITIVE FRAMING
TECHNIQUE 60: PRECISE PRAISE
TECHNIQUE 61: WARM/STRICT
TECHNIQUE 62: EMOTIONAL CONSTANCY
TECHNIQUE 63: JOY FACTOR
Notes
How to Access the Videos
 CUSTOMER CARE
Ready to Learn More?
ENGAGE WITH THE TEACH LIKE A CHAMPION TEAM
Index
End User License Agreement

List of Illustrations
Chapter 3
Figure 3.1 Reject Self-Report Mini Case Studies
Chapter 4
Figure 4.1 Stretch It Prompts: Degree of Directedness
Chapter 9
Figure 9.1 Crest of the Wave. Time your out-cue so that the
Turn and Talk en...
TEACH LIKE A CHAMPION 3.0
63 Techniques That Put Students on the Path
to College

DOUG LEMOV
Copyright © 2021 Doug Lemov. All rights reserved.
Video clips copyright © 2021 Uncommon Schools. All rights reserved.
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FRAZIER
THIRD EDITION
For Mike and Penny Lemov, my first teachers
Acknowledgments
This book would have been impossible without the team of people
whose work is reflected in almost every line. My colleagues on the
Teach Like a Champion team have made untold contributions, both
direct and indirect. There are hundreds of their insights about videos
or techniques in this book—and in the rest of the work we produce.
But they have also contributed something that's harder to define. The
moments when they offer a phrase to describe exactly what a teacher
is doing or when we roll back the tape because they've seen
something fascinating in a student's response are just as likely to
come right after some moment in which they laugh with self-
deprecating humor at something they've said, acknowledge a
teammate's efforts, or defer credit to someone else. They are wise,
gracious, funny, humble, discerning colleagues, this is to say, who
create an environment where doing the work of studying teaching is
rewarding, challenging, and even fun.
When we get teachers and school leaders together for professional
development—in person or, now, virtually—our goal is always to
honor people by helping them get better at such important work and
to ensure that everyone—us and them—learns a lot, but also to have
fun doing it—to make teaching a team sport marked by joy and
camaraderie. Teachers deserve to work in that kind of environment,
and I know that because I am lucky enough to appreciate it firsthand.
That team includes Emily Badillo, Jaimie Brillante, Dan Cotton,
John Costello, Colleen Driggs, Dillon Fisher, Kevin Grijalva, Kim
Griffith, Brittany Hargrove, Joaquin Hernandez, Tracey Koren,
Jasmine Lane, Hilary Lewis, Rob Richard, Jen Rugani, Hannah
Solomon, Beth Verrilli, Michelle Wagner, Darryl Williams, and Erica
Woolway. I am grateful to each of them, though several played roles
in the production of this volume who deserve particular mention.
The videos in this book—and all the videos we use in training and
study—were edited and produced by Rob Richard and John Costello.
Theirs is both technical and intellectual work—not just showing what
a teacher has done on screen but then making it optimally legible to
viewers by focusing in on the good stuff without distorting the reality
of the classroom overall. This can mean removing the moment when
the classroom phone rings or the child in the third row knocks
everything off his desk or deciding that two great examples of a
teacher using Cold Call is more useful than five pretty good
examples. Every video is a sort of visual poem, and John and Rob
have authored them all while also building a system to keep track of
thousands of such poems. Think for a moment about what it means
to keep 20 years of video organized so a team of people can say,
“Remember that classroom from the school in Tennessee that we
watched about four or five years ago?” and later that day we're all
watching it again.
Hannah Solomon serves many roles on our team but one of them
was developmental editor for this book. It might not have been
“herding cats,” exactly, but only because there was just one cat and
“herding” implies that he is heading in the right direction—or at least
making something like progress—and you are merely nudging him
back on course. Hannah's work included project management—
keeping me on task is hard enough; doing that and keeping track of
the all the tasks, not to mention all the drafts, is an order of the
highest magnitude; now imagine doing it with your most
disorganized and distracted student who very earnestly tells you over
and over he'll have it by Wednesday when in your heart you know
otherwise. Meanwhile, Hannah also provided round after round of
gracious and candid feedback on drafts, gathered and designed
support materials, helped to select videos, and generally offered good
advice and counsel in a hundred ways. There were dark and hopeless
hours in writing this book. But then I would get my draft back and
she would have taken the time to spell out exactly why she liked a
phrase or a paragraph in the most supportive way and I would keep
going. I am profoundly grateful for that and also for the many times
she pushed me to change my thinking as we reflected on and revised
the techniques.
Emily Badillo also played a critical role in the writing of this book. If
the name is familiar it's because her videos appear throughout the
book as well. She too was invaluable in reading and marking up
drafts—and in drafting sections and sourcing support material, as
well as screening and recommending videos.
As I was writing this book, my team and I were also providing
training and curriculum to thousands of teachers in the United
States and abroad. We had an organization to run, in other words.
Every leader brings their own unique skills to such an effort. My own
leadership skills include leaving emails unanswered for months,
making sure meetings begin awkwardly and sometimes before
everyone knows about them. Also: hiding in my office for days at a
time to obsess over a paragraph while deadlines go hurtling past.
Thus my partners in leading Team TLAC, Chief Academic Officer
Erica Woolway and Co-Managing Director Darryl Williams, deserve
a double dose of thanks and credit—for their ideas, insights, and
deep understanding of teaching, as well as for their ability to gently
manage around my “skills.” I couldn't ask for better partners.
Writing can be a slow process, but the process of writing this book
was especially challenging given that it was done during the year
2020. Amy Fandrei and Pete Gaughan at John Wiley & Sons were
supportive and understanding, not to mention unflappable,
throughout. I hope the result seems close to worth the headaches I
caused them.
Rafe Sagalyn continues to guide and support my work as an advocate
and agent, and I am grateful to have the guidance of someone so wise
whose goal is to help me find my own vision for my writing and bring
it to reality.
This book also reflects the insights of a broader community of
teachers and educators—in the United States, in England, even
around the world—who share their insights and observations with
me and each other. Many days I think social media is a pox on
civilization but it is also a means through which, thanks to the
thousands of teachers who see it as a tool to share knowledge and
insights positively and constructively, I have been able to learn an
immense amount very quickly. I have tried to quote a few of the
teachers whose comments have particularly struck me. I describe a
few cases where, in a pickle, I asked a question of my Twitter
colleagues and found myself blessed to share in their wisdom and
insight. Thank you, then, to everyone who teaches and thus does the
most important work in society, and doubly so to those who have
shared their knowledge of that work with me.
Finally, as I have written and rewritten three volumes of this book,
my own three children have grown up. Needless to say, I love them
immensely and am proud of them. They are bigger now, they were
littler then, and yet still there is no sacrifice I wouldn't make for
them. But you knew that and I mention it here because the work that
I do has always been connected to my own parenting. I wake at night
and struggle with some anxiety about my children and I know other
parents lie awake struggling too, often with even greater anxieties. I
think often of those parents who love their children as deeply and as
profoundly as I do mine but cannot rely on sending them to schools
and classrooms that provide them with the fullest opportunity to
learn and thrive. This book is an effort to ensure the best possible
classrooms everywhere—for my own children and for every other
parent's children.
I'll close with the biggest thanks I owe: to my wife, Lisa. To thank her
for making this book possible is a bit unfair when there's so much
more to be thankful for in a thousand ways. So, Lisa, thank you for
the sunshine, which, among other things, creates the light by which
I've been able to write.
The Author
Doug Lemov is a managing director of Uncommon Schools and
leads its Teach Like a Champion team, designing and implementing
teacher training based on the study of high-performing teachers. He
was formerly the managing director for Uncommon's upstate New
York schools. Before that he was Vice President for Accountability at
the State University of New York Charter Schools Institute and was a
founder, teacher, and principal of the Academy of the Pacific Rim
Charter School in Boston. He has taught English and history at the
university, high school, and middle school levels. He holds a BA from
Hamilton College, an MA from Indiana University, and an MBA from
the Harvard Business School. Visit him at
www.teachlikeachampion.com.
About Uncommon Schools
At Uncommon Schools, our mission is to start and manage
outstanding urban public schools that close the achievement gap and
prepare scholars from low-income communities to graduate from
college. For twenty years, through trial, error, and adjustment, we
have learned countless lessons about what works in classrooms. Not
surprisingly, we have found that success in the classroom is closely
linked to our ability to hire, develop, and retain great teachers and
leaders. That has prompted us to invest heavily in training educators
and building systems that help leaders to lead, teachers to teach, and
students to learn. We are passionate about finding new ways for our
scholars to learn more today than they did yesterday, and to do so,
we work hard to ensure that every minute matters.
We know that many educators, schools, and school systems are
interested in the same things we are interested in—practical
solutions for classrooms and schools that work, that can be
performed at scale, and that are accessible to anyone. We are
fortunate to have had the opportunity to observe and learn from
outstanding educators—both within our schools and from across the
United States—who help all students achieve at high levels. Watching
these educators at work has allowed us to identify, codify, and film
concrete and practical findings about great instruction. We have
been excited to share these findings in such books as Teach Like a
Champion (and the companion Field Guide), Practice Perfect,
Driven by Data, Leverage Leadership, and Great Habits, Great
Readers.
Since the release of the original Teach Like a Champion, Doug
Lemov and Uncommon's Teach Like a Champion (TLAC) team have
continued to study educators who are generating remarkable results
across Uncommon, at partner organizations, and at schools
throughout the country. Through countless hours of observation and
analysis, Doug and the TLAC team have further refined and codified
the tangible best practices that the most effective teachers have in
common. Teach Like a Champion 3.0 builds off the groundbreaking
work of the original Teach Like a Champion book and shares it with
teachers and leaders who are committed to changing the trajectory of
students' lives.
We thank Doug and the entire TLAC team for their tireless and
insightful efforts to support teachers everywhere. We hope our
efforts to share what we have learned will help you, your scholars,
and our collective communities.

Brett Peiser
Chief Executive Officer
Uncommon Schools
Uncommon Schools is a nonprofit network of 57 urban public
charter schools that prepare more than 22,000 K–12 students in
New York, New Jersey, and Massachusetts to graduate from college.
A CREDO study found that for low-income students who attend
Uncommon Schools, Uncommon “completely cancel[s] out the
negative effect associated with being a student in poverty.”
Uncommon Schools was also named the winner of the national
Broad Prize for Public Charter Schools for demonstrating “the most
outstanding overall student performance and improvement in the
nation in recent years while reducing achievement gaps for low-
income students and students of color.” To learn more about how
Uncommon Schools is changing history, please visit us at
uncommonschools.org.
Preface to the 3.0 Edition: Equity, Justice,
and the Science of Learning
I've called this opening section of the third edition of this book a
“preface,” but only because I had to call it something. I mostly skip
prefaces and perhaps you do, too.
Please don't skip this one. I am going to tell you the story of this
book's relationship to a rapidly changing world: How it fits within
larger questions of equity and social justice. How it connects to the
growing insights of cognitive science on learning.
Whether you're a TLAC veteran or new to the book, it will help you to
make sense of what you read in the rest of this volume.
In the summer of 2019 I set out to revise Teach Like a Champion for
a second time. I'd revised it once before, sharing what I'd learned
from further study and tapping into the wisdom of teachers who'd
adapted the original techniques. I'd watch them teach and think, I
never would have thought of that or How could I have not thought
of that? And so version 2.0 came about.
This time around I again wanted to tap into that wisdom, but I
wanted to make a bigger change as well. I wanted to discuss research
in cognitive psychology that was rapidly adding to our knowledge of
how the human brain worked and how learning happened. The fact
that what University of Virginia cognitive psychologist Daniel
Willingham calls the “cognitive revolution” was not showing up in
classroom instruction was, to me, an equity issue. Students deserved
teaching informed by science. It was no longer viable to leave the
connections to research implicit in my own book, or not to use the
research to understand more clearly not only what was (and wasn't)
important to do in the classroom but why.
Great teaching “always begins with clear vision and a sound
purpose,” Adeyemi Stembridge writes in Culturally Responsive
Education in the Classroom. “The teacher who deeply understands
this is often able to evoke brilliance from even the most mundane of
strategies.” But if a clear purpose could make mundane strategies
brilliant, a lack of clarity about purpose could also cause an effective
strategy to fail. To know why is to be several steps closer to
consistently knowing how.
I wanted to do more of that. If you knew that, as Willingham puts it,
students remember what they think about, you could be intentional
about using Everybody Writes and Cold Call to help ensure that
everyone thought deeply about the lesson content; if you knew that
students need to feel psychological safety in order to learn, you could
be intentional about using Habits of Attention to wrap them in a
culture that ensured constant messages of support from peers.
So version 3.0 began to take shape. I replaced the chapter on lesson
planning with one on lesson preparation. The two things are not the
same, of course. Preparation is what you do after the plan is written
—by you or somebody else—to get ready to teach it. Time spent in
schools was convincing me of its profound importance—and the
frequency with which it is overlooked. The first technique in that
chapter is Exemplar Planning—writing out the ideal answers you
want students to give to important questions you'll ask during class.1
That might seem like a superfluous task. You might think, I already
have a good sense for what students should say. But writing it out
helps clear your working memory and this has a very important
effect, I now understood.
I'll discuss working memory—essentially what you are conscious of
thinking about—more in Chapter One, but when you are thinking
hard about something and your working memory is full, the quality
and depth of your perception is reduced. If you're driving a car while
talking to your significant other on the phone, you're far more likely
to misjudge the rate of approach of an oncoming vehicle and have an
accident. It's not so much that your hands aren't free but that your
working memory isn't. In critical moments, doing one thing implies
not doing another. That's true for students and it's true for teachers.
If you're trying to remember the answer you wanted students to give
while they're answering you, you won't hear what they say as
accurately as you could. But write the answer out and glance at it
even briefly and it will make a profound difference. You will hear
your students’ thinking more clearly.
Cognitive psychology was also increasingly clear about the
importance of background knowledge and long-term memory so I
added new techniques based on how teachers were applying
Retrieval Practice and Knowledge Organizers. Dylan Wiliam has
called Cognitive Load Theory “the single most important thing for
teachers to know,” and you'll see its relevance throughout the book
and especially in technique 21, Take the Steps. Eventually I decided
to add Chapter One, as well, which summarizes key principles that
might compose a strong mental model of classroom instruction—a
mental model being itself something cognitive psychologists had
identified as necessary to guide strong decision making.
That the book was changing was inevitable—not only because of the
useful and sometimes brilliant adaptations I saw teachers make but
also because of honest and earnest mistakes. There were classrooms
I'd visit that took my breath away and also classrooms where a
teacher was “doing TLAC” and I didn't like what I saw, and that, too,
was cause for reflection. How could it be that I would see two
teachers using similar techniques in nearby rooms and one made me
feel pride and exhilaration and the other distress?
I say that without judgment. One of many broader life lessons I've
learned from great teachers can be found in technique 59, Positive
Framing, and specifically in the section on Assume the Best, which
involves avoiding the urge to attribute negative intention to an action
unless it's unambiguously the case. When a couple of students don't
follow your directions, for example, if you are assuming the best, you
might say, “Guys, I must not have been clear enough about how to do
this; I'd like you to work silently,” or “Pause. A couple of us forgot
that this was supposed to be a silent task. Let's fix that now.”
Assuming the best—I must not have been clear or you probably
forgot versus you don't care or you ignored the directions—not only
builds stronger, more positive relationships but it causes you to
perceive your classroom—and the world—differently because what
you practice seeing is, in the end, what you come to see. In The
Happiness Advantage, Shawn Achor calls this the Tetris Effect. If
you play the game Tetris long enough, you begin to imagine its
brightly colored shapes falling everywhere. If you make a habit of
naming things you are grateful for each day, you come to see a world
full of things worthy of gratitude. If you practice assuming good
intentions you see a world striving for goodness and this makes you
happier, more optimistic, and probably a better teacher.
It's the same for students, incidentally. When we help them to make
the most charitable interpretation possible of their peers—are you
sure she meant to push you? are you sure he meant that as a slight?
—we give them a better world. As John Haidt and Greg Lukianoff
point out, having a charitable, positive, and optimistic mindset is a
healthier way to go through life.2
All of which is a bit of a digression—at least if thinking about student
well-being is ever a digression. My point is that as teachers,
remembering to assume the best and say to students “My directions
must not have been clear enough” rather than “Some of you weren't
listening to the directions” actually causes us to interrupt our own
tendency to make the fundamental attribution error3 and instead
ask: Actually, were my directions clear enough? Perhaps not.
When I saw classrooms where techniques I'd described were used in
a way that did not feel right, I strove to ask myself: Were my
directions clear enough? Why might people forget? Was the reason
techniques were occasionally misapplied a result of what I'd written
—or of what I had left unsaid?
The answer, of course, was sometimes yes. How could it not be?
Teaching is difficult work done under complex and often challenging
conditions. It would be impossible to get everything right—for a
teacher and certainly for someone seeking to describe what teachers
did or might do.
I return to this topic later, but for now I'll describe one resulting
change in this version of the book: Keystone Videos. These are
extended videos (most are about ten minutes long) intended to show
a longer arc of a teacher's lesson where they use multiple techniques
in combination. They convey a broader sense of what the culture and
ethos of exceptional classrooms look like and the ways techniques
combine and interact. I've added them because to show a technique
with clarity sometimes requires a degree of focus that both reveals
and distorts a teacher's work.
Take Christine Torres: You'll see several videos from her classroom
in this book. I first saw her teaching on an impromptu visit to
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States. No. J. G.
Delegates. Blaine. Arthur. Edmunds. Logan. Sherman Hawley. Lincoln. Sherman
[74]Alabama 20 2 17 1
Arkansas 14 11 3
California 16 16
Colorado 6 6
Connecticut 12 12
Delaware 6 5 1
Florida 8 1 7
Georgia 24 24
Illinois 44 3 1 40
Indiana 30 18 9 1 2
Iowa 26 26
Kansas 18 13 2 2 1
Kentucky 26 5 17 2 1 1 [74

Louisiana 16 4 9 2
Maine 12 12
Maryland 16 12 4
Massachusetts 28 1 3 24
Michigan 26 15 4 5
Minnesota 14 7 1 6
Mississippi 18 1 17
Missouri 32 7 10 5 8 1
Nebraska 10 8 2
Nevada 6 6
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Hampshire 8 5 3
New Jersey 18 9 6 1 2
New York 72 28 31 12 1
North
Carolina 22 3 18 1
Ohio 46 23 23
Oregon 6 6
Pennsylvania 60 47 11 1 1
Rhode Island 8 8
South
Carolina 18 1 17
Tennessee 24 7 16 1
Texas 26 13 11 2
Vermont 8 8
Virginia 24 2 21 1
West Virginia 12 12
Wisconsin 22 11 6 5
Territories.
Arizona 2 2
Dakota 2 2
Idaho 2 2
Montana 2 1 1
New Mexico 2 2
Utah 2 2
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 Third Ballot.
States. No. J. G.
Delegates. Blaine. Arthur. Edmunds. Logan. Sherman Hawley. Lincoln. Sherman
[75]Alabama 20 2 17 1
Arkansas 14 11 3
California 16 16
Colorado 6 6
Connecticut 12 12
Delaware 6 5 1
Florida 8 1 7
Georgia 24 24
Illinois 44 3 1 40
Indiana 30 18 10 2
Iowa 26 26
Kansas 18 15 2 1
Kentucky 26 6 16 2 1 1 [75

Louisiana 16 4 9 2
Maine 12 12
Maryland 16 12 4
Massachusetts 28 1 3 24
Michigan 26 18 3 3 1
Minnesota 14 7 2 5
Mississippi 18 1 16 1
Missouri 32 12 11 4 4 1
Nebraska 10 10
Nevada 6 6
New
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New Jersey 18 11 1 6
New York 72 28 32 12
North
Carolina 22 4 18
Ohio 46 25 21
Oregon 6 6
Pennsylvania 60 50 8 1 1 1
Rhode Island 8 8
South
Carolina 18 2 16
Tennessee 24 7 17
Texas 26 14 11 1
Vermont 8 8
Virginia 24 4 20
West Virginia 12 12
Wisconsin 22 11 10
Territories.
Arizona 2 2
Dakota 2 2
Idaho 2 2
Montana 2 1 1
New Mexico 2 2
Utah 2 2
Washington 2 2
Wyoming 2 2
Dist. of
Columbia 2 1 1
Total 820 375 274 69 53 25 13 8
 Fourth Ballot.
States.
No. Delegates. Arthur. Blaine. Edmunds. Logan. Sherman. Hawley. Lincoln.
[76]Alabama 20 12 8
Arkansas 14 3 11
California 16 16
Colorado 6 6
Connecticut 12 12
Delaware 6 1 5
Florida 8 5 3
Georgia 24 24
Illinois 44 3 34 6
Indiana 30 30
Iowa 26 2 24
Kansas 18 18
Kentucky 26 15 9 1 1[77]
Louisiana 16 7 9
Maine 12 12
Maryland 16 1 15
Massachusetts 28 7 3 18
Michigan 26 26
Minnesota 14 14
Mississippi 18 16 2
Missouri 32 32
Nebraska 10 10
Nevada 6 6
New Hampshire 8 2 5 3
New Jersey 18 0 17 1
New York 72 30 26 9 2 1
North Carolina 22 12 8 1
Ohio 46 0 46
Oregon 6 0 6
Pennsylvania 60 8 51 1
Rhode Island 8 1 7
South Carolina 18 15 2 1
Tennessee 24 12 11
Texas 26 8 15
Vermont 8 0 0 8
Virginia 24 20 4
West Virginia 12 0 12
Wisconsin 22 0 22
Territories.
Arizona 2 0 2
Dakota 2 0 2
Idaho 2 0 2
Montana 2 0 2
New Mexico 2 2 0
Utah 2 0 2
Washington 2 0 2
Wyoming 2 2 0
Dist. of Columbia 2 1 1
Total 820 207 541 41 7 15 2
 States. Yeas Nays
Alabama 15 5
Arkansas 14
California 16
Colorado 4 2
Connecticut 2 10
Delaware 6
Florida 2 6
Georgia 12 12
Illinois 22 22
Indiana 30
Iowa 6 20
Kansas 3 15
Kentucky 20 6
Louisiana 16
Maine 2 10
Maryland 16
Massachusetts 21 7
Michigan 12 12
Minnesota 14
Mississippi 18
Missouri 18 24
Nebraska 5 5
Nevada 6
New Hampshire 8
New Jersey 14 4
New York 72
North Carolina 10 12
Ohio 25 21
Oregon 6
Pennsylvania 21 39
Rhode Island 8
South Carolina 3 14
Tennessee 17 7
Texas 12 10
Vermont 8
Virginia 6 18
West Virginia 9 3
Wisconsin 5 17

The Secretary announced the result of the vote as follows: Total number of votes cast, 795; yeas, 332;
nays, 463.

The report of the Committee on Permanent Organization was then made; the name of W. H. Vilas, of
Wisconsin, being presented as President, with a list of vice-presidents (one from each state) and several
secretaries and assistants, and that the secretaries and clerks of the temporary organization be
continued under the permanent organization.
 The Contest over the Platform.

There was a two-days contest in the Committee on Resolutions over the adoption of the revenue
features of the Platform. It advocated the collection of revenue for public uses exclusively, the italicized
word being the subject of the controversy. It was retained by a vote of 20 to 18. To avoid extended debate
in the Convention an agreement was made that Gen. Butler should make a minority report, and that
three speeches should be made, these by Butler, Converse and Watterson. Col. Morrison, of Illinois,
made the majority report, which was adopted with but 97½ negative votes out of a total of 820.
 The Ballots.

Before balloting an effort was made to abolish the two-third rule, but this met with such decided
disfavor that it was withdrawn before the roll of States was completed.
There were two ballots taken on the Presidential candidates, and they were as follows:

First. Second.
Total number of votes 820 820
Necessary to a choice 547 547
Grover Cleveland, of New York 392 684
Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware 168 81½
Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio 88 4
Samuel J. Randall, of Penn 78 4
Joseph E. McDonald of Indiana 56 1
John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky 27
Roswell P. Flower, of New York 4
George Hoadly, of Ohio 3
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York 1
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana 1 45½

Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, who was defeated eight years ago on the Tilden ticket, was nominated for
Vice-President by acclamation.
The Kelly and Butler elements of the Convention, at all of the important stages, manifested their
hostility to Cleveland, but there was no open bolt, and the Convention completed its work after sitting
four days.
[In the Book of Platform is given the Democratic Platform in full, and its tariff plank will be found in
comparison with the Republican in the same book.]
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1884.

In what were regarded as the pivotal States the campaign of 1884, was attended with the utmost
interest and excitement. Blaine, the most brilliant political leader of modern times, was acceptable to all
of the more active and earnest elements of the Republican party, and the ability with which he had
championed the protective system and a more aggressive foreign policy, attracted very many Irishmen
who had formerly been Democrats. The young and more intelligent leaders of this element promptly
espoused the cause of the Republicans, and their action caused a serious division in the Democratic
ranks. Wherever Irish-Americans were sufficiently numerous to form societies of their own, such as the
“Irish-American League,” the “Land League,” the “Clan na Gael,” etc., there supporters of Blaine were
found, and these were by a singular coincidence most numerous in the doubtful States of New York, New
Jersey, Connecticut, Ohio and Indiana. Cleveland’s nomination by the Democrats had angered the
Tammany wing of the party in New York, and not until very close to the election was a reconciliation
effected. Tilden had from the first favored Cleveland, and with Daniel Manning as his manager in New
York, no effort was spared to heal Democratic divisions and to promote them in the Republican ranks.
Thus the Independent or Civil Service wing of the Republican party, which in Boston and New York
cities, and in the cities of Connecticut, confessed attachment to free trade, was easily rallied under the
Democratic banner. In convention in New York city this element denounced Blaine on what it
pronounced a paramount moral issue, and for a time such brilliant orators as Rev. Henry Ward Beecher,
George W. Curtis and Carl Schurz, “rang the changes” upon the moral questions presented by the
canvass. They were halted by scandals about Cleveland, and the Maria Halpin story, almost too indecent
for historical reference, became a prominent feature of the campaign with the acquiescence, if not under
the direction of the Republican managers. Many of our best thinkers deplored the shape thus given to
the canvass, but the responsibility for it is clearly traceable to the plan of campaign instituted by the
Independents, or “Mugwumps,” as they were called—“Mugwump” implying a small leader.
Only Ohio, West Virginia and Iowa remained as October States, and in the height of the canvass all
eyes were turned upon Ohio. In all of the Western States both of the great parties had been distracted by
prohibitory and high license issues, and Ohio,—because of temperance agitations, which still remained
as disturbing elements—had drifted into the Democratic column. If it were again lost to the Republicans,
their national campaign would practically have ended then and there, so far as reasonable hopes could
be entertained for the election of Blaine. This fact led to an extraordinary effort to influence favorable
action there, and both Blaine and Logan made tours of the State, and speeches at the more important
points. Mr. Blaine first went to New York city, thence through New Jersey, speaking at night at all
important points on the Pennsylvania Railroad, and was the following day received by the Union League
of Philadelphia. In the evening he reviewed a procession of 20,000 uniformed men. He then returned to
New York, not yet having uttered a partisan sentence, but in passing westward through its towns, he
occasionally referred to their progress under the system of protection. Reaching Ohio, he spoke more
and more plainly of the issues of the canvass as his journey proceeded, and wherever he went his
speeches commanded national comment and attention. His plain object was, for the time at least, to
smother local issues by the graver national ones, and he did this with an ability which has never been
matched in the history of American oratory. The result was a victory for the Republicans in October;
they carried Ohio by about 15,000, and greatly reduced the Democratic majority in West Virginia.
From this time forward the battle on the part of the Republicans was hopeful; on the part of the
Democrats desperate but not despairing. Senator Barnum, the Chairman of the Democratic National
Committee, was a skilled and trained politician, and he sedulously cultivated Independent and
Prohibition defection in New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Wisconsin and Indiana. Whether the
scandals growing out of the result be true or false, every political observer could see that the elements
named were under at least the partial direction of the Democratic National Committee, for their support
was inconsiderable in States where they were not needed in crippling the chances of the Republicans.
The Republican National Committee, headed by Mr. B. F. Jones, of Pennsylvania, an earnest and able,
but an untrained leader, did not seek to check these plain efforts at defection. This Committee thought,
and at the time seemed to be justified in the belief that the defection of Irish-Americans in the same
States would more than counterbalance all of the Independent and Prohibitory defection. The
Republicans were likewise aided by General Butler, who ran as the Greenback or “People’s” candidate, as
he called himself. It would have done it easily, but for an accident, possibly a trick, on the Thursday
preceding the November election. Mr. Blaine was at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York, and among the
many delegations which visited him was one of three hundred ministers who wished to show their
confidence in his moral and intellectual fitness for the Chief Magistracy. The oldest of the ministers
present was Mr. Burchard, and he was assigned to deliver the address. In closing it he referred to what
he thought ought to be a common opposition to “Rum, Romanism and Rebellion,”—an alliteration which
not only awakened the wrath of the Democracy, but which quickly estranged many of the Irish-American
supporters of Blaine and Logan. Mr. Blaine on the two following days tried to counteract the effects of an
imprudence for which he was in no way responsible, but the alliteration was instantly and everywhere
employed to revive religious issues and hatreds, and to such an extent that circulars were distributed at
the doors of Catholic churches, implying that Blaine himself had used the offensive words. A more
unexpected blow was never known in our political history; it was quite as sudden and more damaging
than the Morey forgery at the close of the Garfield campaign. It determined the result, and was the most
prominent of half a dozen mishaps, which if they had not happened, must have inevitably led to the
election of Blaine.
As it was, the result was so close in New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Indiana and West Virginia,
that it required several days to determine it, and it was not known as to New York until the 19th of
November.
The popular vote for Presidential electors was cast on the 4th of November last, and the results are
tabulated below. Where differences were found to exist in the vote for Electors in any State the vote for
the highest on each ticket is given in all cases where the complete statement of the vote of the State has
been received. The results show a total vote of 10,046,073, of which the Cleveland ticket received
4,913,901, the Blaine ticket 4,847,659, the Butler ticket 133,880, and the St. John ticket 150,633,
showing a plurality of 66,242 for Cleveland. The total vote in 1880 was 9,218,251, and Garfield’s
plurality 9464. It should be noted, in considering the tabulated statement of this year’s vote, that the
Blaine Electoral tickets were supported by the Republicans and the People’s Party in Missouri and West
Virginia, and that Cleveland Electoral tickets were supported by the Democrats and the People’s Party in
Iowa, Michigan and Nebraska. The People’s Party claims to have cast about 41,300 votes for the fusion
ticket in Michigan and about 33,000 votes in Iowa. The vote of California is official from all but two
counties; the unofficial reports from these are included in the totals given in the table. South Carolina
returns 1237 “scattering” votes.
 1884.
STATES. Electoral Vote.
Blaine, Rep. Cleveland, Dem. Butler, People’s St. John, Pro. Blaine. Cleveland.
Alabama 59,444 92,973 762 610 10
Arkansas 50,895 72,927 1,847 7
California 102,397 89,264 2,017 2,920 8
Colorado 36,277 27,627 1,957 759 3
Connecticut 65,898 67,182 1,685 2,494 6
Delaware 12,778 17,054 6 55 3
Florida 28,031 31,769 74 4
Georgia 47,603 94,567 125 184 12
Illinois 340,497 312,314 10,910 12,074 22
Indiana 238,480 244,992 8,293 3,013 15
Iowa 197,082 177,286 1,472 13
Kansas 154,406 90,132 16,346 4,495 9
Kentucky 118,674 152,757 1,655 3,106 13
Louisiana 46,347 62,546 120 338 8
Maine 72,209 52,140 3,953 2,160 6
Maryland 85,699 96,932 531 2,794 8
Massachusetts 146,724 122,481 24,433 10,026 14
Michigan 192,669 189,361 763 18,403 13
Minnesota 111,685 70,065 3,583 4,684 7
Mississippi 42,774 78,547 9
Missouri 202,029 235,988 2,153 16
Nebraska 76,877 54,354 2,858 5
Nevada 7,193 5,577 3
New Hampshire 43,249 39,192 552 1,575 4
New Jersey 123,436 127,798 3,496 6,159 9
New York 562,005 563,154 17,064 25,003 36
North Carolina 125,068 142,905 448 11
Ohio 400,082 368,280 5,179 11,069 23
Oregon 26,852 24,593 723 488 3
Pennsylvania 474,268 393,747 16,992 15,306 30
Rhode Island 19,030 12,394 422 928 4
South Carolina 21,733 69,890 9
Tennessee 124,078 133,258 957 1,131 12
Texas 88,353 223,208 3,321 3,511 13
Vermont 38,411 17,342 785 1,612 4
Virginia 139,356 145,497 143 12
West Virginia 63,913 67,331 805 927 6
Wisconsin 161,157 146,477 4,598 7,656 11
Total 4,847,659 4,913,901 133,880 150,663 182 219
Plurality 66,242
There was no hitch in the count of the vote in any of the Electoral Colleges, held at the capitols of the
various States. On the 9th of February, 1885, the two Houses of Congress assembled to witness the
counting of the vote. Mr. Edmunds, President of the Senate, upon its completion, announced that “it
appears” from the count that Mr. Cleveland has been elected President, etc. This form was used upon his
judgment as the only one which he could lawfully use, the Electoral law not having as yet determined the
power or prescribed the form for declaring the result of Presidential elections.
 Cleveland’s Administration.

President Cleveland was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1885,

amid much military and civic pomp and ceremony. Jubilant
Democrats from all parts of the country visited the National Capital
to celebrate their return to National power after a series of
Republican successes extending through twenty-four years. The
inaugural address was chiefly noted for its promises in behalf of civil
service reform. It showed a determination on the part of the
President to adhere to the pledges given to what are still termed the
“Mugwumps” prior to the election. The sentiments expressed
secured the warm approval of Geo. W. Curtis, Carl Schurz, Henry
Ward Beecher and other civil service reformers, but were
disappointing to the straight Democrats, who naturally wished to
enjoy all of the fruits of the power won after so great a struggle. Vice-
President Hendricks voiced this radical Democratic sentiment, and
was rapidly creating a schism in the ranks of the party, but his
sudden death checked the movement and deprived it of organization,
though there still remains the seed of dissatisfaction, much of which
displayed itself in the contests of 1885.
President Cleveland appointed the following Cabinet:
Secretary of State: Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware.
Secretary of the Treasury: Daniel Manning of New York.
Secretary of War: W. C. Endicott of Massachusetts.
Postmaster-General: Wm. F. Vilas of Wisconsin.
Secretary of the Interior: L. Q. C. Lamar of Mississippi.
Attorney-General: Augustus H. Garland of Arkansas.
Up to this writing, May, 1886, the Administration of President
Cleveland has not been marked by any great event or crisis—its
greatest political efforts being directed toward appeasing the civil
and holding in close political alliance with the civil service reformers,
without disrupting the Democratic party by totally refusing to
distribute the spoils of office. It had long been predicted by practical
politicians that a serious attempt to defeat the doctrine “to the victor
belongs the spoils,” would destroy the administration attempting it.
The elections of 1885 point to a realization of this prophecy, though
it is yet too soon to accurately judge the result with nearly three years
of administration yet to be devoted to its pursuit.
Ohio witnessed in her last October election the first great struggle
under the Democratic State and National Administrations. Gov.
Hoadley was renominated by the Democrats, and Judge Foraker was
renominated by the Republicans. The latter were aided by the strong
canvass of John Sherman for his return to the U. S. Senate. The
contest was throughout exciting, some of the best speakers of the
country taking the stump. The result was as follows:

Foraker, R. 359,538
Hoadley, D. 341,380
Leonard, Pro. 28,054
Northrop, G. 2,760

The Irish-Americans who had left the Democratic party to vote for
Blaine, adhered to the Republican standard, and really increased
their numbers—more than a third more voting for Foraker than for
Blaine, while the Mugwump element practically disappeared. The
Prohibition vote had almost doubled, but as all third or fourth
parties as a rule attract their vote from the parties in which the most
discontent prevails, the excess came not from the Republican but the
Democratic ranks.
Pennsylvania’s result, following in November, was similar in all
material points to that of Ohio. Col. M. S. Quay, an acknowledged
political leader and a man of national reputation, thought it wise that
his party should oppose in the most radical and direct way, the
Democratic State and National Administration, and with this
purpose became a candidate for State Treasurer. The Democrats
nominated Conrad B. Day of Philadelphia. The result was as follows:

Quay, R. 324,694
Day, D. 281,178
Spangler, Pro. 15,047
Whitney, G. 2,783
 Col. Quay’s majority greatly exceeded all expectation, and was
universally accepted as a condemnation of the two Democratic
administrations.
New York, of all the November States, very properly excited the
most attention. The Democrats renominated Gov. Hill upon a
platform tantamount to a condemnation of civil service reform—a
platform dictated by Tammany Hall, which was already quarrelling
with the National administration. The Mugwump leaders and
journals immediately condemned both the Democratic ticket and
platform, and joined with the Republicans in support of Davenport.
The result was:

Governor.
Hill, D. 501,418
Davenport, R. 489,727
Bascom, Pro 30,866
Jones, G. 2,127

Lieutenant-Governor.
Jones, D. 495,450
Carr, R. 492,288
Demorest, Pro. 31,298
Gage, G. 2,087

In New York the Irish-Americans, angered by the return of the

Mugwumps, whose aristocratic and free trade tendencies they were
especially hostile to, under the lead of the Irish World left the
Republicans and returned to the support of the Democracy. They
decided the contest and their attitude in the future will be of
immediate concern in all political calculations. The net results in
three great States gave satisfaction to both parties—probably the
most to the Republicans, but it is certain that they left politics in a
very interesting and very uncertain shape.
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1886.

The campaign of 1886 showed that the Republican party was

capable of making gains in the South, especially in Congressional
districts and upon protective and educational issues. Indeed, so plain
was this in the State of Virginia that Randolph Tucker, for whom the
Legislature had apportioned a district composed of eleven white
counties, refused to run again, and Mr. Yost, editor of the Staunton
Virginian, who had canvassed the entire district on tariff issues and
in favor of the Blair educational bill, was returned over a popular
Democrat, by 1900 majority. Of the ten Congressmen from Virginia
the Republicans elected six. Morrison, the tariff reform leader of
Illinois, was defeated, as was Burd of Ohio, while Speaker Carlisle’s
seat was contested by Mr. Thoche, a protectionist candidate of the
Knights of Labor. These and other gains reduced the Democratic
majority in the House to about fifteen, and this could not be counted
upon for any tariff reduction or financial measures. The Republicans
lost one in the U. S. Senate.
Local divisions in the Republican ranks were seriously manifested
in but one State, that of California, which chose a Democratic
Governor and a Republican Lieutenant-Governor, so close was the
contest. The Governor has since died, the Lieutenant-Governor has
taken his place, but the Legislature re-elected Senator Hearst,
Democrat, who had previously been appointed before the retirement
of Governor Stoneman.
New York city witnessed, not a revolution, but such a marked
change in politics that it excited comment throughout the entire
country. The Labor party ran Henry George, the author of Progress
and Poverty, and other works somewhat socialistic and certainly
agrarian in their tendencies, for Mayor of the city. Hewitt, the well-
known Congressman, was the candidate of the Democracy, while the
Republicans presented Roosevelt, known chiefly for his municipal-
reform tendencies. Hewitt was elected, but George received over
60,000 votes, and this unlooked-for poll changed the direction of
political calculations for a year. George was aided by nearly all the
Labor organizations, and he drew from the Democrats about two to
the one drawn from the Republicans—a fact which greatly raised the
hopes of the latter and at the same time made the Democrats more
cautious.
In 1886 the Republicans and Democrats, with the qualifications
noted above, held their party strength, with the future prospects so
promising to both that at this early date preparations began for the
Presidential campaign, General Beaver, defeated for Governor of
Pennsylvania in 1882 by a plurality of 40,000, was now elected by a
plurality of 43,000, though the Prohibitionists polled 32,000 votes,
two-thirds of which came from the Republican party. The general
result of the campaign indicated that the Republicans were gaining
in unity and numbers.
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1887.

Interest in the forthcoming Presidential campaign was everywhere

manifested in the struggles of 1887. The first skirmish was lost by the
Republicans, and while it encouraged Mr. Cleveland’s
administration, it gave warning to the Republicans throughout the
country that they must heal all differences and do better work. So
quickly was this determination reached that Rhode Island came back
to the Republican column in November, by the election of a
Congressman.
The elections of the year, as a whole, were largely in favor of the
Republicans, and three pivotal States were captured—Connecticut,
New Jersey, and Indiana, with Virginia claimed by both parties. True
the issues and candidates in Indiana and Connecticut were purely
local, a fact which contributed largely to the continued hopefulness
of the Democracy, who had again carried New York by an average
majority of 14,000, notwithstanding Henry George now ran for
Secretary of State in the hope of more greatly dividing the
Democratic than the Republican vote. He did this, in somewhat less
proportion than when he ran for Mayor of the city, but the agitation
of High License for the cities alone, and the Prohibitory agitation led
to the union of all the saloon interests with the Democracy. These
interests, headed by the organization of brewers, established
Personal Liberty Leagues in all of the larger cities, which Leagues
held a State Convention at Albany said to represent 75,000 voters, or
500 to each delegate. The figures were grossly exaggerated, but
nevertheless an alliance was formed with the Democratic party in the
State by the substantial adoption of the anti-sumptuary plank in its
platform. Sufficient Republicans were in this way won to balance the
Henry George defections from the Democracy, and the result was
practically the same as in 1886. The Mugwumps supported the
Republicans in 1886, but they cut little if any figure in 1887. It was
very plain to the hind-sight of the Republican leaders of New York,
that if they had resisted and resented the formation of the Personal
Liberty Leagues, and made a direct and open issue against the
control of the saloon in politics, they would have easily won a victory
like that achieved in Pennsylvania. Two acts contributed to the
swelling of the Prohibitory vote, which in 1887 came more equally
from both parties. Governor Hill had vetoed the High License act,
and thus angered the Temperance Democrats, while the Republicans
had failed to submit to a vote of the people the prohibitory
amendment, thus angering an additional number of Republicans, so
that the Prohibitory vote was swelled to 42,000.
New York’s complete vote for Secretary of State was:

Grant, Republican 452,822

Cook, Democrat 469,802
Huntington, Prohibitionist 41,850
George, United Labor 69,836
Beecher, Greenback 988
Preston, Union Labor 988
Hall, Progressive Labor 7,768
Scattering 1,351

Total vote 1,045,405

The Republicans of Pennsylvania met the growing temperance

agitation in such a way as to keep within and recall to its lines nearly
all who naturally affiliated with that party. The State Convention of
1886 promised to submit the prohibitory amendment to a vote of the
people, and the Republican Legislature of 1887 passed the
amendment for a first time, and also passed a High License law,
which placed the heaviest licenses upon the cities, but increased all,
and gave four-fifths and three-fifths of the amount to the city and
country treasuries.
During the closing week of the campaign of 1885 in Pennsylvania,
a combination was made by the brewers of Allegheny County with
the Democracy for a combined raid against the Republican State
ticket headed by General Beaver. A large sum of money was raised,
and the sinking societies, or such of them as could be induced to
enter the movement, were marshalled as a new and potent element.
The result was a surprise to the Republicans and a reduction of about
4,000 in their majority. Thus began the movement which this year
culminated in the organization of Personal Liberty Leagues
throughout the cities of New York and Pennsylvania. Encouraged by
this local success in Pennsylvania and angered by the passage of a
High License law, an immense fund was raised in Philadelphia and
Pittsburg, and the Democratic workers in all singing and social clubs
and societies were employed to create from these, as their nucleus,
the Personal Liberty Leagues. In Philadelphia alone the Central
Convention represented over 300 societies, and this fact led to
extravagant claims as to the number of voters whose views were thus
reflected. The organization was secret, but the brewers, maltsters,
and wholesale dealers who created it, opened State headquarters and
likewise established a State headquarters for the Leagues. Much the
same plan was adopted in Pittsburg and great boasts were made that
it would be extended to all the towns and cities of the State. From the
first combinations were made by the Democratic city committees, the
State Committee giving them a friendly wink.
This work was allowed to go on for a full month, the Republican
State Committee, and the Republican city committees as well, giving
such careful investigation to the facts that every charge could be
proven. Then it was that the State Address was issued, wherein all
the leading facts were given and each and every challenge accepted.
The Republican party thus publicly renewed its pledge to cast the
second and final legislative vote for submission to the people the
prohibitory amendment for the maintenance of high license, and just
as unequivocally pledged the maintenance of the Sunday laws
assailed by the Personal Liberty Leagues.
The effect was to group in a solid and an aggressive mass of good
citizens all who believed that the people should not be denied the
right to make their own laws upon liquor as upon other questions; all
who valued a high license which, while general, placed the higher
charges upon the cities, and which gave three and four-fifths of all
the revenues to the city and county treasuries, and as well all who
believed in maintaining an American Sabbath.
The grouping of these three positions proved more powerful than
the quarter of a million dollars supplied the combination by the
brewing and wholesale liquor interests; more powerful than the
hundreds of social and singing societies supposed to be grouped with
the Democratic liquor combination; more powerful than all of the
combined elements of disorder planted by the side of the Democracy.
 It was a royal battle, fought out in the open day! Indeed, the
Republican address compelled publicity and made a secret battle
thereafter impossible. Every effort at continued secrecy was
immediately exposed by the Republican State Committee and the
leading daily Republican journals, and every country paper bristled
with these exposures. In very desperation the combination became
more and more public as the canvass advanced. It was shown that
the Personal Liberty Leagues were under the direction of the
Socialists, and this arrayed against them all of the Israelites in the
State besides thousands of other law-abiding citizens; the demand
for the repeal of the Sunday laws compelled the opposition of all
branches of religious Germans—Catholics, Lutherans, Mennonites,
Dunkards, etc.—and called forth the protests of nearly all of the
pulpits. The fact that in Philadelphia and Allegheny the brewers and
wholesale dealers, just as they do in the great cities of New York, own
nearly all of the saloons—drinking places without accommodations
for strangers and travellers—and that their battle was for the saloon
in competition with the hotel, inn or tavern, divided the liquor
interests and induced all who favored the High License bill, partially
framed to protect this class, to support the Republican party. So true
was this that a resolution before the Convention of the State Liquor
League indorsing high license save a few vexatious features, came so
near passing that the saloon keepers subsequently established a
separate organization.
The battle at no time and in no place took shape for prohibition
beyond that sense of fair play which suggests submission to a vote of
the people any question which a law-abiding and respectable number
desire to vote upon. The battle was almost distinctly for and against
the Sunday laws and for and against high license, and the
Republicans everywhere gave unequivocal support to these
measures. In Allegheny, shocked the year before by the sudden raid
of the brewers, some of the leading politicians for a time feared to
face the issues as presented by the Republican State Committee, and
really forced upon them by the Democratic liquor combination, but
an eloquent Presbyterian divine sounded from his pulpit the slogan,
a great Catholic priest followed, the Catholic Temperance Union and
the T. A. B.’s, not committed to prohibition, but publicly committed
to high license, passed resolutions denouncing the combination.
Some of the assemblies of the Knights of Labor followed, and in open
battle the Republicans of Allegheny accepted the issue and the
challenge and were rewarded for their courage by a gain of 1,200 just
where brewing and distillery interests are strongest. The Democratic
liquor combination did not show a gain over their Gubernatorial
majorities in a single German county except Northampton, where a
citizens’ local movement by its sharp antagonism drew out the full
Democratic vote for their State ticket. The combination, with all of
the power of money, with the entire saloon interests, with the
Personal Liberty Leagues, called from the Republican ranks in the
entire State not over 12,000 votes, of which 6,000 were in
Philadelphia and 4,000 in Allegheny. These were more than made up
by 15,000 out of 32,000 Prohibitionists who returned to the
Republican party, and by 5,000 Democrats who joined the
Republican column. Given more time, and with the issues as
universally acknowledged by all parties as they have been since the
election, far more Prohibitionists would have returned and more
Democrats would have voted the Republican ticket. As it was, the
Prohibition vote cast was about equally divided between the
Democrats and Republicans; there was probably more Democrats
than Republicans. In 1886 the 32,000 Prohibitionists comprised
24,000 Republicans and 8000 Democrats. All of the latter remained
and were reinforced in nearly every quarter. There had always been
from 5,000 to 6,000 third party Prohibitionists.
If the Republicans had not bravely faced the issues thus forced
upon them they would have lost the State, for the Democratic liquor
combination polled 15,000 votes more than the Republican
candidate—Colonel Quay, an exceptionally strong man—had received
in 1885; but the bravery of the Republicans and the fact that their
attitude was right called out 60,000 more votes than the party cast in
’85, and in this way increased its majority despite all combinations.
These are the leading facts in the most novel of all the campaigns
known to Pennsylvania’s history. The situation was much the same
in New York.
The total vote for State Treasurer was: