Women and Climate Change in Ladakh: Knowledge, Impacts, and Challenges

By
Leanna Augsten

A Major Research Paper

Presented to
The University of Guelph

In partial fulfillment of requirements

for the degree of

Master of Arts
in

Public Issues Anthropology

Guelph, Ontario, Canada

© Leanna Augsten (she/her), January, 2022

 ABSTRACT

Women and Climate Change in Ladakh: Knowledge, Impacts, and Challenges

Leanna Augsten Advisor:

University of Guelph, 2021 Dr. Karine Gagné

The Himalayas are among the most threatened regions of the world to climate change. Women in
the Himalayas are particularly vulnerable to environmental changes due to their various farm
work responsibilities. This scoping literature review draws on anthropological and climate-based
research to explore how the effects of climate change in Ladakh (situated in the Indian
Himalayas) pose challenges for women farmers. Through utilizing a feminist political ecology
theoretical framework, this paper reflects on the interlinking impacts of gendered power relations
and environmental issues that encompass the everyday lives of Ladakhi women. This is
unpacked in order to illuminate the non-homogeneity of the lived experiences of climate change
that diverge along gendered, class, caste, and socioeconomic lines

II
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Karine Gagné for supporting me throughout this
entire process, and for providing her expansive knowledge of Ladakh through her decade of
fieldwork in the region.

Thank you to all my professors, and my committee member Dr. Roberta Hawkins, who have all
challenged me to delve into different aspects of my research, whether that be theoretical,
methodological, or in the broader public sphere.

I would also like to thank the Sociology and Anthropology department at the University of
Guelph for always being a safe space for me to ask any questions, and inspiring me to further my
career in anthropology beyond the scope of this paper.

And lastly, thank you to my friends, both within the Public Issues Anthropology cohort and
beyond, that have been a huge support system during the challenges that the COVID19 pandemic
has brought in the transition of the project.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................... II

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................................................................................................ III

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................................... 1
RESEARCH GOALS ........................................................................................................................................ 1
RESEARCH QUESTION.................................................................................................................................... 1

THEORETICAL APPROACH .................................................................................................................... 2

FEMINIST POLITICAL ECOLOGY ..................................................................................................................... 2

METHODOLOGY......................................................................................................................................... 3
SCOPING LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................................................... 3
LIMITATIONS................................................................................................................................................. 4

LITERATURE REVIEW.............................................................................................................................. 5
WOMEN AND CLIMATE CHANGE: A GLOBAL CONTEXT ............................................................................. 5

1: THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HIMALAYAS AND LADAKH ....................................................................... 7

1a) Situating the Place ............................................................................................................................. 7
1b) Environmental Changes..................................................................................................................... 8
1c) Agricultural Impacts of Environmental Changes ............................................................................ 11

2: THE SOCIO-CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF THE HIMALAYAS AND LADAKH ................... 14
2a) The Economy.................................................................................................................................... 14
2b) Household Organization and Structure ........................................................................................... 16
2c) Religion ............................................................................................................................................ 19

3: THE FEMINIZATION OF AGRICULTURE IN THE HIMALAYAS AND LADAKH........................................ 21

3a) The Gendered Division of Labour ................................................................................................... 21
3b) Male Out-migration ......................................................................................................................... 23
3c) Environmental Knowledge ............................................................................................................... 28

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION .................................................................................................................. 30

Women’s Agency in Climate-Related Adaptive Strategies in the Himalayas and Ladakh .................... 34

CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................................. 35
Further Considerations .......................................................................................................................... 36

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................................ 37

IV
INTRODUCTION

Research Goals

The aim of the proposed project is to explore how the effects of climate change in Ladakh
(situated in the Northern Indian Himalayas) pose challenges for women farmers, including an
increase in agrarian workload and household responsibilities. Climate change in the context of
Ladakh encompasses rising temperatures and water scarcity occurring at an unprecedented rate
(Bhutiyana et al., 2007; Chevuturi et al., 2018; Schmidt & Nüsser, 2012; Shaheen et al., 2013).
Farming in Ladakh, a subsistence activity in which women play a central role, relies on glacial
meltwater and snowfall for irrigation, both of which have reduced in supply due to rising
temperatures (Gutschow & Gutschow, 2002; Schmidt & Nüsser, 2012). This has resulted in
detrimental reductions in crop production (Mingle, 2015; Shaheen et al., 2013; Sugden et al.,
2014). Low crop output is compounded by a lack of workforce in households, as many men in
Ladakh are working in the army, the tourism industry, for the civil service or other industries
outside of the farming villages (Gagné, 2016). Ladakhi women have thus become burdened by
increased household and farm labour in a context of growing water stress. These compounding
environmental and economic changes have exacerbated Ladakhi women’s vulnerabilities. This
review will contribute to the fields of feminist anthropology and the anthropology of climate
change by placing attention on ethnographic accounts of how Ladakhi women understand,
experience, and are challenged by climate change. The review additionally draws from human
geography to identify the specificities of the environmental context of Ladakh compared to that
of the broader Himalayan region.

Research Question

The research question this project will address is: what are the implications of climate
change for women farmers in Ladakh? This question will be examined through a scoping review
of the literature focused on aspects of Himalayan and Ladakhi women’s roles as farmers, and
environmental changes in the Himalayas, in order to shed light on how these two factors are
intrinsically connected. Through the theoretical perspective of feminist political ecology
(Rocheleau et al., 1996), I will reflect on the interconnected impacts of gendered power relations
and environmental issues that encompass the everyday lives of Ladakhi women. The goals of the
study are: 1) to investigate the gendered division of labour in Ladakh, specifically looking at
women’s heavy work burden within the household and family farm; and 2) to develop an in-
depth understanding of the interlinking impacts of the economy, the household, and socio-
cultural traditions in influencing how Ladakhi women are challenged by environmental changes.
This scoping review of the existing literature on the Himalayas broadly, and Ladakh specifically,
will therefore pay attention to the social, economic, and environmental factors that shape the way
women experience, understand, and adapt to climate change.

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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: FEMINIST POLITICAL ECOLOGY

Women’s connection to nature has been a contentious topic within environmentalist

thought since the latter half of the 20th Century. Feminist political ecology is rooted in the notion
that a gendered division of labour, as well as a gendered control of, and access to, resources
works to construct a specific gendered knowledge of the environment that is embedded within
economic, political, and social power relations across various geographical scales (Rocheleau et
al., 1996). This theory takes an intersectional approach to examine the multiple factors that affect
women’s lived experiences of their environment that is dependent on race, class, ethnicity,
geographical location, religion, and the sociopolitical and economic environment of their society
(Nightingale, 2006). It additionally sheds light on the multi-scaled process of gendered
marginalization through resource control and decision-making power that play out on the local,
regional, and global level (Nightingale, 2006). This literary review will take a feminist political
ecology approach to understand the intersection of climate change and gender in Ladakh. Using
this theoretical framework, I will examine the factors that shape the lived realities of these
women’s experience of, and vulnerabilities to, climate change. These factors include: the
gendered division of labour in Ladakh and the influence of the market economy on this labour
division, and a gendered knowledge of the environment that arises from this.

Feminist political ecology was introduced in the 1980s as a need for previous feminist
perspectives on the environment, such as ecofeminism and feminist environmentalism, to be
viewed through a material lens of women’s everyday lived experiences, rather than based on
ideological notions of women being inherently connected to nature (Nightingale, 2006;
Rocheleau et al., 1996; Schroeder, 1993). Feminist political ecology utilizes political ecological
concepts to understand the impact of global economic power structures on locally marginalized
groups. This is coupled with the gendered lens of feminist environmentalism to contextualize
women’s relationship to, and knowledge of, the environment that is locally specific and
dependent on a variety of sociopolitical factors (Gezon, 2002; Rocheleau et al., 1996).

Much of the work by feminist political ecologists that arose in the 1990s has been
criticized by contemporary scholars in this field for equating gender with biological sex.
Nightingale (2006) draws on poststructuralist feminism to suggest that gender has been
underrepresented in relation to the environment. She emphasizes the constructive process of
gender in which it is constantly renegotiated both symbolically and materially through the
construction of roles and subjectivities, rather than being a fixed reality of predetermined
biological characteristics. Gender inequality is thus connected to environmental processes that
shape and re-shape the gendered division of labour. For Nightingale, what remains unaddressed
is “how such inequality is maintained over time and space, particularly in societies in which
women shoulder the bulk of the agricultural work” (p.165). This critique is of particular interest
when discussing the effects of climate change on women farmers in Ladakh, as it acknowledges
the negligence of previous political ecology scholars in recognizing the process of the gendered
division of labour, and how these roles and identities are constantly changing in relation to local,
national, and global geopolitical processes. Nightingale’s contribution to feminist political
ecology shifts the attention from the debate over women’s inherent connection to nature, to how
specific genders and groups are linked to environmental issues. She argues that, “this
conceptualization emphasizes that gender is not constant and predetermined materially or

2
symbolically but rather becomes salient in environmental issues through work, discourses of
gender, and the performance of subjectivities” (p.166).
Having been produced primarily two decades ago, much of the literature using feminist
political ecology does not examine climate change specifically. However, with its attention to the
gendered division of labour and gendered environmental knowledge, it provides a productive
framework to examine the central question of this research project. By accounting for Ladakhi
women’s lived experiences of climate change, this project will enhance knowledge within the
feminist political ecology framework through a timely exploration of the interlinking impacts of
women’s vulnerability to this global phenomenon. Moreover, the foundation of feminist political
ecology in understanding how scalar politics and power dynamics shape women’s material
realities, as well as its potential to draw attention to individual experiences, allows for another
important aspect of the climate debate to be brought to the forefront: the gendered embodiment
of environmental vulnerability (Harcourt & Nelson, 2015; Tschakert, 2012).

METHODOLOGY
To answer my research question, I have developed a scoping review of the literature on
women and agriculture in the Himalayas and Ladakh, and the interlinking impacts that climate
change has on women’s everyday lives. This review prioritizes ethnographic and qualitative
research, but also includes quantitative studies concerning climatic statistics in the region in
order to contextualize environmental changes. I chose to use a scoping review method compared
to other forms of literature review, as this approach helped to identify the key factors related to
women and climate change, as well as identify the gaps in knowledge my research question is
aiming to explore (Munn et al., 2018). The timeline for conducting this review followed the
suggestions of Arksey and O’Malley (2005) under a scoping review framework:
Stage 1: Identifying the Research Question: See page two.
Stage 2: Identifying Relevant Studies: The identification of relevant studies was two-fold. The
primary search concentrated on studies that explicitly discuss the focal point of the project.
Research focused on the Himalayas, and Ladakh in particular, took priority, but I also included
studies from other parts of the world in order to contextualize the situation of Ladakh to the
broader global sphere. I constructed this first bibliography in order to identify the gaps in
knowledge in which my research question is focused, as well as pull out relevant themes.

The second search built on evidence found in the first bibliography, in which I narrowed
the geographical scope of studies within the Himalayan region in order to build on the themes
identified, such as the social, cultural, economic, and environmental factors that play a role in
women’s lives as farmers. To identify relevant studies for inclusion in my final review, I
prioritized peer-reviewed academic journals with an emphasis on ethnographic data in order to
understand the lived experiences of women farmers in the Himalayas. To achieve this, I used a
combination of search engines such as Google Scholar and the University of Guelph’s Library
website. I also hand-searched relevant journals and organizations, and utilized reference lists of
key studies. While the keywords I used for the primary bibliography focused on general concepts
such as “women”, “gender”, “agriculture”, “climate change”, and “environmental change”, the
secondary bibliography had a broad-sweeping use of keywords depending on the theme I
focused on. The timeline also depended on the section in focus. For example, when focusing on
the topic of climate change in the Himalayas, I narrowed my scope to studies published between

3
2000 and 2021. However, when focusing on how household dynamics have shifted in recent
decades, I chose to broaden my scope to include studies published from 1980 to 2021.

I kept all relevant studies in a Zotero file, indicating the key themes and characteristics
mentioned, and divided these files depending on the region (i.e. Himalaya or Ladakh), and main
concepts discussed (i.e., climate change, women’s labour, agriculture, etc.). The primary and
secondary bibliographies were separated in Zotero.
Stage 3: Study Selection: Arksey and O’Malley (2015) stress the importance of defining
terminology and relevant themes at the outset of a scoping review. This ensures that you will not
accumulate a mass of irrelevant studies. In following this advice, I constructed an inclusion and
exclusion criteria based on the knowledge I had initially gained from the construction of the
primary bibliography on women and climate change in the Himalayas (see stage two). The
inclusion criteria I used related to the type of study, geographical location, and the level of
similarity of the study in relation to environmental changes occurring in the Himalayas in
general, and Ladakh in particular.
Stage 4: Charting the Data: Once the primary studies were identified, I began “charting”, or
sorting, the qualitative data (Arksey & O’Malley, 2015). I engaged in deductive coding, in which
relevant studies were sorted into predetermined themes based on the knowledge I gathered on
women and climate change in the Himalayas. These themes reflected the main aspects of my
research question pertaining to women’s work, agriculture, environmental and economic change,
and the gendered division of labour. Once I sorted the data into the relevant themes and
categories, I then used focused coding to analyze the material that related to each broad category
and recoded for specific aspects of the theme. This step helped to organize my sub-categories
within each chapter of my review.
Stage 4: Collating, Summarizing and Reporting the Results: The final stage of writing focused
on the “so what?” question (van den Hoonaard, 2019, p.204). In doing so, I summarized the
importance of the described studies and themes in relation to my research question, and the
overall significance of bridging the knowledge gap my question seeks to address.

Limitations

This literature review held methodological limitations: my inability to conduct fieldwork

in Ladakh due to the restrictions of COVID19 prevented me from gathering first-hand data
focusing specifically on my research question. I thus chose to conduct research based solely on
secondary data from previous studies conducted in Ladakh and the Himalayas. Therefore this
paper was limited to the interpretations, scope, and focus of other scholars and their participants,
rather than my own. Given the significant gap in research this review tackled, connections
between research on women’s work in agriculture, and research on climate change, had to be
made, rather than gathering data from participants themselves. While it was evident from
interviews conducted by research in the Himalayan region that the impacts of agrarian stress and
climate change are a real and present threat experienced by women, there remains limited
empirical data directly focused on this connection in Ladakh. Therefore, fieldwork research in
Ladakh needs to be conducted in order for the results of this literature review to be further
validated.

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 LITERATURE REVIEW

WOMEN AND CLIMATE CHANGE

Women represent a disproportionate amount of the world’s poor, making them unequally
vulnerable to environmental changes and natural disasters (Arora-Jonsson, 2011; Brody et al.,
2008; O’Brien et al., 2004; McMichael et al., 2003). Arguments centered around women’s
vulnerability to climate change have emerged under the fields of gender and climate change,
women and development (WAD), and women, environment and development (WED). Arora-
Jonsson (2011) and Gonda (2019) urge scholars working under these frameworks to move away
from north-south binaries, in which women in the Global North are viewed as engaging in the
environment through virtuous behaviour, while women in the Global South passively engage in
the environment through their status as victims of climate change. For example, women in the
Global North are often regarded as more likely to support policy changes related to climate
change (Brody et al., 2009, p.15), to engage in climate sensitive behavior (Norgaard & York,
2005), or to be at the frontlines of environmental activism (Miller et al., 1996; Wastl-Walter,
1996). On the other hand, women in the Global South are framed as victims to climate change,
such as being more likely to die in natural disasters (Brody et al., 2008, p.6; McMichael et al.,
2003), more likely to experience food insecurity in order to provide for their children (Brown et
al., 1995; Cannon, 2002), or by having to travel farther distances for water and firewood
(Goldsworthy, 2010; Rocheleau et al., 1996; Schroeder, 1993). These findings oversimplify the
situation for women, ignoring contextual factors that differentiate individual’s vulnerabilities and
agencies in relation to climate change.

Through frameworks such as feminist political ecology, attention is re-directed to power

dynamics within the larger political economy that exacerbate and cause gender vulnerability
(Arora-Jonsson, 2009; O’Brien et al., 2004; Jenkins & Rondón, 2015; Schroeder, 1993). Focus is
pointed to four interconnected aspects that affect women’s vulnerability to climate change: 1) the
gendered division of labour; 2) gendered access to resources (financial, environmental,
educational, and land rights); 3) gendered decision-making power; and 4) the gendered
environmental knowledge that arises from women’s roles as food producers. In order to
contextualize how these four factors are applied to women’s experience with climate change in a
global context, several case studies will be examined here. These case studies move past
homogenizing ideas of women in the Global South, by exploring various factors that diverge
across local, regional, and international spheres to affect how women are simultaneously victims
of, and active agents in adapting to, climate change.

In rural Kenya, Rao (2019) focuses on the re-negotiation of women’s decision-making

power in relation to accessing adaptive technology in times of drought and water scarcity. Rao
finds that while women experienced disadvantages from living within the limitations of a
patriarchal household, there also exists opportunities for resistance and agency to overcome
vulnerabilities, specifically during times when men are absent from the village. This exemplifies
women’s agency that may arise from situations of abandonment that are commonly presented as
sources of vulnerability (Bhandari, 2017; Mccarl, 2013; Paris et al., 2009; Rao et al., 2017;
Sugden et al., 2014). However, a woman’s ability to gain access to certain resources and hold
positions of authority are found to be dependent on their class, socioeconomic status, ethnicity,

5
and marital status. For example, young, separated women were placed in more vulnerable
positions to climate change than older married women.

Bee (2014) explores the impacts of drought on food security in central Mexico, using a
feminist political ecology perspective to analyze women’s important role in providing food for
their families. Their research demonstrates that women’s gendered roles as farmers shape their
knowledge regarding climate change, yet they are left out of decision-making spaces, such as
state policies and programs, due to farming land being leased under the male head of household.
This renders women’s knowledge of the material realities of climate change invisible in the
construction of agriculture-based climate change policies. However, women are able to adapt to
drought in their own ways, such as gathering wild plants to sustain food security within their
households (p.614). Bee surmises that this unique adaptive strategy is a result of women’s
gendered roles that produce embodied knowledge of the environment, which ultimately allows
them to persevere the impacts of climate change in gendered ways.

Perez et al. (2015) examine the gendered impacts of climate change on farming
households in nine East and West African countries. While women are responsible for the
collection of firewood and tending to household fields, they simultaneously have less access to
the very fields they work on due to patriarchal land and inheritance rights. Moreover, women’s
restricted access to improved agricultural technology and equipment render them incapable of
adapting to climate change. Perez et al. attribute this limited access to women’s inability to
obtain education, government-led agricultural services, and available free time (p.105). These
findings were echoed in similar studies (Friis-Hansen et al., 2012; Khoza et al., 2019;
Kristjanson et al., 2014; Quisumbing & Pandolfelli, 2010).

Nelson and Stathers (2009) use participatory methods in two villages in the Dodoma
region of Tanzania to explore how women are unequally impacted by climate change-induced
agrarian stress. Women express overbearing workloads as a result of droughts and unpredictable
rainfall. Specifically, women have to replant crops more frequently in order to counteract the
seeds wasted from unpredictable rainfall (p.87). Moreover, male outmigration, the trend of men
migrating out of rural villages to urban areas, has increased in recent years as a response to
agrarian stress, which has ultimately increased women’s farm-based responsibilities (p.86). The
authors pay particular attention to how gender vulnerability in the context of rural Tanzania
intersects with other factors, such as age and health, in determining a woman’s ability to adapt to
climate change. For example, during drought, women with multiple children are unable to keep
up with their workloads and secure food, leading them to eat less in order to provide for their
children, ultimately jeopardizing their health (p.86). This study also illustrates the ways in which
decision-making power and access to resources is negotiated across various spaces and
conditions. For example, crops such as wheat are typically sold by men, meaning that women
have limited access to the income that materializes. However, unpredictable rainfall has grown
the need for groundnut cultivation, which are typically sold by women. This has increased
women’s workload, but has also provided them with more control over their income. Therefore,
gender vulnerability needs to be recognized as dependent on multiple factors not only within the
subjectivities of an individual, but also of external influences, such as market demands, and
gender and cultural norms.

6
 Anishinaabe scholar Deborah McGregor (2012) provides an indigenous perspective from
Ontario, Canada, in which Anishinaabe women play a crucial role in protecting water. These
women are viewed as intrinsically connected to water through their reproductive roles, and thus
hold responsibilities in performing water ceremonies aimed at protection, passing down water-
based knowledge, and participating in water protection activism. McGregor emphasizes how
Anishinaabe women embody knowledge regarding the care for water which arises from their
gendered roles that place them closer to bodies of water. Contrary to other literature on women
and the environment that separate women’s lived experience with the environment to larger
decision-making spaces, McGregor finds that women-based activism among Anishinaabe
communities has begun to successfully infiltrate itself into regional and provincial decision-
making processes (p.13).

These case studies provide a global context for understanding how women are uniquely
impacted by climate change. This is often situated within their gendered roles as farmers,
herders, and caregivers that place them closer to the environment in material ways, and thus
produce a gendered environmental knowledge. Women’s lack of access to both the resources
required to navigate their gendered roles, and adaptive resources to mitigate the effects of
climate change, exacerbate how they experience environmental stress, which is coupled with a
lack of decision-making power on the local, regional, and international level. This phenomenon
is not limited to women in the Global South, but is translated to Western countries in
contextually specific ways. Therefore, it is important to understand external local and global
forces that create locally specific challenges for women in both the Global North and South.

1: THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HIMALAYAS AND LADAKH

1A: Situating the Place

Ladakh is located in the Western Himalayas, and is a Union Territory within the
Northernmost Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. It is divided into two districts: Leh and
Kargil. The district of Leh- the focal point of this review, consists of a predominantly Buddhist
population (77 percent), followed by Muslim (15 percent), and Hindu (8 percent) (Census of
India, 20111). The total population of Leh from the latest 2011 census constitutes 1,33,487
people (Census of India, 2011). This region borders Pakistan on the west and Chinese-occupied
Tibet on the east. Since independence in 1947, India has experienced wars with Pakistan, as well
as one war with China, which have all played out in Ladakh. The conflict between India and
Pakistan has resulted in continuous social ramifications for Ladakhi populations who have been
at the forefront of the border conflict (Bhan, 2014). This has resulted in India producing a nation-
state building regime, which granted Ladakh semi-autonomy since the 1990s, and Union
Territory status as of August 2019. These regimes have resulted in Ladakhi men becoming a
predominant labour source for the Indian military (Bhan, 2014).

In the past, Ladakh’s economy was focused on subsistence agriculture in the form of
pastoralism and crop farming, complemented by trade with Tibet (Dame & Mankelow, 2010). In
recent decades, the growing influence of the market economy and the political militarization of

1
The 2011 Census of India is the most recent available Census.

7
Ladakh has resulted in more men out-migrating from rural areas to urban areas in search of off-
farm employment (Angeles & Tarbotton, 2001; Dame, 2018; Gagné, 2019; Le Masson, 2017;
Yamaguchi et al., 2016). Today, most Ladakhis have at least one family member working for the
military, with even more men working in non-direct military fields or the tourism industry
(Gagné, 2019; Michaud, 1996). However, agriculture remains an essential part of Ladakhi
culture, with most rural families participating through agro-pastoralism2 (Dame & Mankelow,
2010; Dolker, 2018).

Situated amidst the Hindu-Kush Himalayan mountain range, Ladakh constitutes a high-
altitude landscape ranging from 2300m to 5000m (Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development
Council Leh, 2015). Ladakh’s climate is often described as cold and arid, with temperatures
ranging from 30°C in the summer to –50°C in the winter (Angeles & Tarbotton, 2001; Le
Masson & Nair, 2012, p.76). This harsh mountain weather makes it difficult to grow a variety of
crops, with the main crops consisting of wheat and barley (Shaheen et al., 2013). Irrigation is
solely reliant on glacial meltwater and snowfall accumulations, as the annual rainfall is less than
7cm per year (Shaheen et al., 2013, p.240). In the last couple decades, glacial recession and
decreased snowfall has created water stress for farming villages, especially during the sowing
season in spring when crops need to be irrigated (Nüsser & Baghel, 2016; Shaheen et al., 2013).
Climate change in Ladakh consists of warming temperatures, lower snowfall, and increased
glacial melting (Mason & Nair, 2012; Nüsser & Baghel, 2016; Shaheen et al., 2013; Schmidt &
Nüsser, 2012). The social impacts that have ensued from this, alongside a limited water supply,
include loss of household income, food insecurity, and, most importantly for this project, the
worsening of pre-existing vulnerabilities (Chin et al., 2008; Dame, 2018; Gagné, 2016; Nüsser &
Baghel, 2016; Shaheen et al., 2013).

1B: Environmental Changes

The Himalayas

The Himalayas are labeled as the region experiencing the most pronounced impacts of
climate change outside of the poles, with projected temperature increases of five to six degrees
Celsius and rapid glacial melting by the end of the 21st Century (Salick et al., 2014, p.276). Other
research shows that by 2050, temperatures are projected to increase by one to two degrees
Celsius, precipitation to change by an average of five percent, and an increased intensity of
extreme rainfall (Gupta et al., 2018, p.1; Konchar et al., 2015, p.450; Shrestha et al., 2015, p.8).
The resulting scarcity of water resources, increase in flash-floods, glacial lake outburst floods
(GLOFs) and droughts, changes in glacial mass, and rise in water-borne diseases, will have
devastating impacts on mountain communities (Konchar et al., 2015; Salick et al., 2014; Zheng
et al., 2021). This makes the Himalayas “the most threatened non-polar region of the world” to
climate change (Salick et al., 2014, p.277), with many researchers calling it the “Third Pole”
(Kumar et al., 2018; Thompson et al., 2018; Zheng et al., 2021).

Despite the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) emphasis of the

Himalayan region being a hotspot for climate change (Cruz et al., 2007, p.493), scientific

2
A type of agriculture consisting of both the growing of crops and the raising of livestock.

8
knowledge on the current impacts of climate change remains limited in this region. This is
mainly due to the remoteness and vastness of the Himalayas, and the requirement of long-term
consistent data to map the changes in glacial size, temperature and precipitation patterns, level of
biodiversity, and the frequency of natural disasters (Krishnan et al., 2019, p.60). There is also
differentiation in the reliability of certain aspects of climate science research, with data on
temperature warming being well established, while data on precipitation levels remaining
unreliable given the gaps in research (Krishnan et al., 2019, p.60). However, since the IPCC’s
2007 report urging for more attention on the Himalayan region, there has been an increase in
climate science research in the realms of hydrology, glaciology, and climatology. This research
focuses on glacial retreat (Gaddam et al., 2016; Kulkarni & Karyakarte, 2014; Patel et al., 2018;
Scherler et al., 2011), changes in snow cover and glacial mass (Chaturvedi et al., 2014; Gaddam
et al., 2016; Meetei et al., 2020; Shrestha & Joshi 2009), GLOFs (Rahman & Shaw, 2015, p.33;
Shrestha et al., 2007), rising temperatures (Dimri & Dash, 2012; Krishnan et al., 2019; Liu &
Chen, 2000), changes in precipitation (Krishnan et al., 2019; Salick et al., 2014), biodiversity
loss (Forrest et al., 2012; Gupta et al., 2018; Salick et al., 2014), and local perceptions of climate
change (Byg & Salick, 2009; Hopping et al., 2016; Ives, 2004; Macchi et al., 2015). The data
presented by climate scientists corroborate perspectives of environmental changes that locals in
this region have experienced for decades, specifically in regards to receding glaciers, lower
snowfall precipitation, and more erratic rainfall (Byg & Salick, 2009; Mingle, 2015, p.31).
However, there are few qualitative studies focusing on Himalayan people’s experience of climate
change, with science remaining the primary voice when it comes to this discourse (Chakraborty
et al., 2021).

Ladakh

Climate change in Ladakh is unique to other parts of the Himalaya as it is situated north
of the Himalayan watershed, preventing any monsoon rainfall (Dimri & Dash, 2012; Le Masson
& Nair, 2012; Shaheen et al., 2013). While some studies demonstrate changes in temperature and
precipitation patterns (Bhutiyana et al., 2007; Chevuturi et al., 2018; Le Masson & Nair, 2012;
Shaheen et al., 2013; Shekhar et al., 2010), the disparity in data due to elevation and regional
variation makes it difficult to come to a concrete understanding of overall changes in weather
over the entire region (Chevuturi et al., 2018).

Rising temperatures are found to be one of the most salient impacts of climate change in
Ladakh. Bhutiyani et al. (2007) and Chevuturi et al. (2018) identify increasing temperature
trends over Leh, with a warming of 1.6°C in the last Century. Their research shows the most
rapid increase to be in the last three decades. Other research indicates that temperatures in Leh
over summer months have risen by 0.5°C and winter months by one degrees Celsius since 1973
(Le Masson & Nair, 2012, p.82). In March 2006, temperature warming was evident along the
riverbanks of Zanskar, a region of Ladakh, where people usually walk along the frozen river to
their homes. In an interview with an elder, Shaheen et al. (2013) relay that during the elder’s
youth, the river would remain frozen for three months, allowing people to travel easily to and
from their villages. But now, the ice sheet is thin and unstable, and melts earlier than before,
preventing people from walking along its surface (p.244).

9
 Snowfall, which makes up the majority of precipitation in Ladakh, is declining, with
meteorological data showing it to be decreasing by about 4mm between 1973 and 2008 (Shaheen
et al., 2013, p.241) Moreover, the little rainfall that Ladakh receives has become more erratic and
unpredictable, according to interviews with Leh residents (Shaheen et al., 2013, p.242). The
combination of reduced snowfall and erratic rainfall has resulted in water scarcity, causing
agrarian stress in the spring and summer months as the crops are maturing (Nüsser & Baghel,
2016; Shaheen et al., 2013).

Glacial cover requires extremely cold temperatures and heavy snowfall in the winter. Due
to warmer temperatures and lower precipitation during these imperative months, small glaciers
are retreating at a much faster rate than in previous years. Schmidt and Nüsser (2012) use multi-
temporal remote sensing to analyze size changes in 121 small glaciers in the Nimaling range of
Ladakh between 1969 and 2010. They find that on average, the glaciated area decreased by 14
percent (p.107). A study focused on the mass balance of the Stok glacier between 1978 and 2019
shows that this glacier’s mass balance has been retreating over the years, with higher mass loss
in the last 20 years (Soheb et al., 2020, p.640). In conversation with Shakeel Romshoo, a
glaciologist at the University of Kashmir, Mingle (2015) records him stating that out of the 365
glaciers in Zanskar that existed in 1969, about six of these glaciers have disappeared. Moreover,
the remaining glaciers have shrunk in size and thickness (p.217). Mingle also notes that a study
by India’s space research organization which presented satellite images of 2,190 glaciers across
the Indian Himalaya, found that 75 percent of these glaciers are retreating at an annual rate of
3.5% (p.222).

The most prominent natural disasters in Ladakh consist of flooding from glacial lake
outbursts and cloudbursts (Bhan et al., 2015). Cloudbursts are sudden downpours causing flash-
floods, which usually occur in mountainous regions (Thayyen et al., 2013). The most recent
hard-hitting flood in Ladakh was in August 2010, which was caused by several cloudbursts
(Dimri et al., 2016, p.99; Thayyen et al., 2013). Despite the general consensus that the 2010
cloudburst was atypical for Ladakh’s environment, Thayyen et al. (2013) observe that there were
other flash-floods in the region in 2005 and 2006 (p.2182). More recently, a flood occurred in
Zanskar in 2015 which was caused by the creation of an unstable lake from a previous landslide,
ultimately causing rushing water downstream (Gagné, 2019). As Mingle (2015) articulates,
although floods such as GLOFs have always occurred in Ladakh, “what’s unprecedented is the
rate at which new lakes are forming and the speed with which they are growing” (p.227). Mingle
also discusses a glacial flood in Kumik, Zanskar that originated from the Padum glacier (p.211).
A Zanskari elder mentions in an interview with Mingle that a flood of this size has never
happened before on this stream, stating that “this is not good for the future. Glaciers are also
finished. It means climate is changing” (p.212). This demonstrates the clear and trackable
changes in weather events perceived by locals themselves.

Local perceptions of climate change in Ladakh often correspond with climate records of
warmer temperatures, reduced snowfall, and glacial melting. Mingle’s (2015) ethnography in
Zanskar demonstrates villager’s experience of warming temperatures, snow decline, and water
scarcity. One of his interviewee’s recalls the recession of the glacial snowline, which used to
come down to the top of the village and now only remains at the top of the glaciated peak (p.18).
Moreover, he notes that snowfall has declined significantly in recent decades, with springs being

10
much warmer and earlier than before (p.18). This has ultimately resulted in water scarcity for
Zanskari villages, as “less snow and earlier melting together mean that the village often runs out
of water by mid-August- sometimes sooner, in the critical weeks before the harvest” resulting in
less food for many farming families (p.18). These experiences are reflected in Shaheen et al.’s
(2013) interviews, reporting that both winters and summers have become warmer, with summers
lasting longer (p. 242). Local’s also perceived summer rainfall to be more erratic and
unpredictable, creating agrarian stress (p.242). For water availability, there is evidence of many
villagers having to migrate due to dried up springs in Spiti, and in Zanskar, an entire village has
had to migrate as the glacier they previously relied on for irrigation and drinking water has
completely melted (Le Masson & Nair, 2012, p.85).

Through an analysis of both scientific records and local perceptions of climate change in
Ladakh, it is clear that rates of rising temperatures, lower precipitation, and increased glacial
melting has been occurring at an unprecedented rate. This has, and will continue to have, impacts
on people who rely on the environment for their livelihood.

1C: Agricultural Impacts of Environmental Change

The Himalayas

Agriculture plays an important role for a majority of Himalayan people, especially those
living in remote corners of the mountains (Padalia et al., 2017; Sati, 2005). The traditional form
of agriculture in this region is subsistence agriculture, often consisting of an interlinked
production system of animal husbandry, cultivation of staple crops, and agroforestry (Brown &
Waldron, 2013; Maikhuri et al., 1997; Padalia et al., 2017). In recent decades however,
commercial forms of agriculture have permeated the Himalayas in the form of cash-cropping,
commercial forestry, and large-scale animal husbandry (Brown & Waldron, 2013; Maikhuri et
al., 1997; Wangpan et al., 2017).

The number of annual crops a household grows on a single field depends both on the
influence of commercial agriculture in the region and the climate. For example, mixed cropping
(growing two or more crops on the same field each year) is common in rainfed environments
such as in the central Indian Himalaya, while single-cropping (growing only one crop on the
same field in a year) occurs in arid climates where rainfall is minimal, such as in Ladakh and
Tibet (Maikhuri et al., 1997; Sati, 2005). Moreover, kitchen gardens are used in some regions in
order to cultivate nutritious crops that would otherwise be incapable of growing in mountain
conditions (Wangpan et al., 2017). There are a variety of different ways in which mountain
villages store and manage irrigation water for crops and livestock. These include building ponds,
terracing fields, harvesting rainwater, and implementing irrigation structures, and this is
dependent on the type of precipitation experienced and amount of rainfall received in the region
(Scott et al., 2019, p.284).

Economic development has transformed the nature of Himalayan agriculture since the
latter half of the 1900s. This has involved a shift away from subsistence farming to large-scale
animal husbandry or cash-cropping (Brown & Waldron, 2013; Maikhuri et al., 1997; Tulachan,
2001; Yang et al., 2021). The growth in non-farm employment as a result of economic

11
development has also caused subsistence agriculture to diminish in importance and popularity
(Yang et al., 2021). Nevertheless, Brown and Waldron (2013) found that even in a context of
agrarian change, agriculture continues to play an important religious and cultural role for rural
Tibetans.

Ladakh

Approximately 70 percent of the Ladakhi population is directly or indirectly dependent

on agriculture for their livelihood (Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council, 2019, p.1).
However, the type of agriculture, and the people involved in the upkeep of such labour, has
changed in recent decades. Subsistence agriculture is the traditional form of farming in Ladakh,
in which farming is meant for self-consumption with limited crop surplus (Dolker, 2018, p.27).
This is partly due to the cold arid climate, high altitude, and rugged landscape, which limits the
production of a variety of crops. The form of subsistence agriculture used in Ladakh is described
as mixed mountain agriculture, or agro-pastoralism, consisting of a combination of crop farming
and animal husbandry (Dame & Mankelow, 2010; Dame & Nüsser, 2011). In this system,
farming and pastoral activities are interdependent, whereby crop farming provides fodder for
livestock in the winter months when pastures are not available for grazing due to snow cover,
and animal husbandry provides manure and transportation necessary for crop production (Dame
& Mankelow, 2010, p.358; Dolker, 2018, p.31). During the sowing season, cattle are taken to
high pastures to graze, and crop production is confined to lower portions of valleys along rivers
(Dolker, 2018, p.26).

Single cropping is the dominant farming technique in Ladakh, and crop rotation is used to
maintain land fertility given the lack of access to irrigation water (Dolker, 2018, p.43). The
staple crops cultivated include barley, wheat, peas, and alfa-alfa for fodder, with barley being the
main staple crop as it can withstand altitudes of up to 4400m (Dolker, 2018, p.30). Wheat, on the
other hand, is grown in lower altitude regions of Ladakh. The dominant animals in livestock
include cattle, zhos3, yaks, ponies, donkeys, poultry, sheep and goats (Dolker, 2018).

Agriculture in Ladakh depends solely on gravity-controlled irrigation from glacial

meltwater, which is allocated on a rotational basis (Nüsser & Dame, 2012, p.52). The irrigation
structures throughout Ladakh are described as an elaborate system of canals that route water
from glacial sources, snowfields, and spring water to the agricultural fields (Gutschow &
Gutschow, 2002). Irrigation schemes are in place from May to September when glacial run-off is
at its peak, and includes both physical and social infrastructure to allocate water equally and
efficiently (Pirie, 2007). The physical infrastructure includes technologies and channels to
extract water, convey it to the village, and distribute between different household fields (Hill,
2014). The social infrastructure on the other hand, includes rules and procedures that work along
a rotational basis, ensuring that water is allocated equally both among, and between, villages
(Mingle, 2015, p.45). Although research focusing on irrigation schemes in Ladakh and the
general Himalayan region vary in location and complexity, the core physical and social
infrastructure remains the same.

3
A hybrid between a yak and a domestic cattle

12
 The upkeep of irrigation channels is an expectation placed on every household. However,
the absence of men in the summer months means that women and elders are participating in this
extra labour on top of their pre-existing responsibilities. Ideally, these channels that bring water
from glacial sources to the village would eliminate the need for women to fetch water from far-
away places. However, increased water scarcity in Ladakh is making the existing irrigation
infrastructure less reliable for ensuring adequate availability of water for households (Shaheen et
al., 2013). As Gutschow and Gutschow (2002) note in their ethnography in Zanskar, during times
of water scarcity, women need to walk to supplementary water sources, such as springs, to
collect the necessary amount of water for their household and agricultural fields. The difficult
process of gathering irrigated water is also described by a Brogpa woman during Bhan’s (2014)
fieldwork, who reports having to carry huge glass cylinders on her back for miles due to the lack
of roads near her village. In some instances the exertion entailed to access limited water supplies
has resulted in the rotational system that ensures water is distributed equally being discontinued
altogether, causing women to steal water to acquire their necessary amount (p.84-5). Despite
these authors inferring to the experience of women farmers in relation to water scarcity, there is
no substantial study specifically focusing on this topic within the Ladakh region.

As mentioned previously, the failure of snowfall and increased glacial melting has had
detrimental impacts on the entire agricultural process, and specifically during the sowing season
(Gagné, 2019; Mingle, 2015). Mingle (2015) notes that in 2003, people in a Zanskar village
could only plant 10 percent of their fields due to extreme lack of snowfall, as snowmelt began
before the growing season in June. Furthermore, failure of snowfall in the two years prior to his
fieldwork prevented people from harvesting “even a single blade of grass” (p.16). This led
farmers to sell their livestock- a detrimental decision as this is vital to Ladakhis’ livelihood as
they provide their owners with food, milk and fodder. Farmers also began planting fewer fields
than in previous years, and relying more on ration stores and markets for their food with limited
purchasing power from crop yields (p.18).

Economic reforms and livelihood diversification since the 1960s has led to some
households shifting from traditional subsistence agriculture to commercial agriculture, consisting
of crop diversification, mechanisation, and chemical fertilizer intake (Dolker, 2018, p.26). The
growth of the tourism industry and the presence of military forces has influenced farmers to
diversify their production in order to meet market demand. This has led to changes in cropping
pattern, specifically a decline in wheat and barley cultivation, and an increase in vegetable
production and cash crops. Moreover, the introduction of food welfare systems decreases the
desire to cultivate traditional crops that are now being subsidized (Dame & Mankelow, 2010;
Dolker, 2018, p.33). Some Ladakhis voice the problematic results of this, as it de-promotes local
agriculture in favor for imported market food, exemplified by a Ladakhi stating “our food comes
from PDS ration depot and, ironically, our own grain (barley) is stored in sacks and is eaten by
rats” (Dolker, 2018, p.33-4). Angeles and Tarbotton (2001) point to the gendered division of
labour embedded within the erosion of subsistence agriculture, in which the commodification of
agricultural products since the beginning of the 21st Century has intensified women’s labour.
With a growing emphasis on cash cropping and chemical-intensive agriculture, women are
required to increase their workload in order to meet the labor requirements of the market
economy (p.99).

13
2: THE SOCIO-CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF THE
HIMALAYAS AND LADAKH

2A: The Economy

The Himalayas

Rapid economic development is occurring in most regions of the Himalayas, consisting

of increased international trade, tourism, resource extraction, and labour migration, coupled with
exponential population growth and urbanization (Wester et al., 2019, p.41). While agro-
pastoralism has been a prominent source of livelihood for many Himalayan societies, economic
and political reforms have made it harder for agro-pastoralists to maintain their transhumant
ways of life. Rahimzadeh (2016) finds that market integration in Kinnauri, Himachel Pradesh, is
weakening the importance of traditional subsistence and collective activities, as more people are
shifting to an individualistic cultural attitude aligned with the free market economy (p.106). This
is especially present among interviews with youth expressing a sense of embarrassment about
working in the fields (p.98). Rahimzadeh attributes this to class status, as wealthier households
are able to hire labor, rather than having family members participate in agricultural work. This is
exacerbated by the monetization of the Himalayan economy, which has increased the cost of
living while amplifying consumer demand for goods such as clothing, ultimately creating a
growing need for off-farm employment (Sugden et al., 2014, p.265).

Tourism is a significant driver of socioeconomic change in the Himalayas. In Nepal,

tourism is one of the country’s strongest industries for generating economic growth and
employment opportunities, with summit expeditions, alpine trekking, and visits to landscape
features becoming a global export product (Wester, 2019, p.39). However, while tourism
generates employment for Himalayan residents, it has also contributed to weakening the local
agrarian society (Wester et al., 2019, p.41)

Alongside economic reforms, there has come a wave of development projects in the
Himalayas, specifically in the realms of local infrastructure development projects (Beazley &
Lassoie, 2017; Fischer, 2017; Sudmeier-Rieux et al., 2019); large infrastructure development
projects focusing on trade between nations (Murton, 2016; Murton, 2020; Murton & Lord,
2020), and military infrastructure development projects (Murton, 2016; Rahman, 2020).
Although these development projects can generate significant local revenues, they can also lead
to environmental degradation (Ali & Benjaminsen, 2004), diminished grazing lands for
pastoralists (Bergmann, 2016), and can exacerbate local conflicts (Agnew, 2011). This is partly
attributed to the Himalayas being regarded as a “new frontier” for both the exploitation of natural
resources, and military development along contested border areas (Byrne et al., 2016).
Geopolitical and economic incentives to implement development projects in the Himalayas have
negative impacts on the people who rely on natural resources for their livelihood. Sherpa (2007)
points to the ways in which the depletion of forest projects from mountain development projects
can exacerbate the workload of mountain women, asserting that women are often the last to
benefit from economic development (p.3).

14
Ladakh

Prior to Indian independence in 1947, Ladakh’s economy was mainly based on

agriculture in the lowlands of the west and pastoralism in the high plateau of the northeast
(Butcher, 2017, p.23). Due to the low capacity of agricultural productivity in Ladakh, households
often supplemented their income from trade with Kashmir and Yarkhand. While agriculture is
still prevalent in the Ladakhi economy, the introduction of the free-market economy, and the
sociopolitical climate of Ladakh (which has allowed for military employment opportunities),
have undermined the traditional agriculture economy, with the majority of economic
opportunities being concentrated in the city of Leh (Dame & Mankelow, 2010; Gagné, 2016,
2019; Goodall, 2004; Michaud, 1996). One of the most significant impacts of economic
development in Ladakh has been the growth of waged-labour opportunities, allowing unskilled
workers to gain employment in Leh (Goodall, 2004, p.193). New employment opportunities
through militarization and the free-market economy is redefining household organization,
resulting in village depopulation, a decline in agro-pastoral activities, and a collective
dissociation of Ladakhis to their environment (Gagné, 2016, p.203).

Dame and Nüsser (2008) outline four significant phases of postcolonial development in
influencing economic change in Ladakh. These include: 1) Indian independence in 1947; 2) the
Indo-Chinese border conflict in 1962; 3) the opening of Ladakh to foreign visitors in 1974; and
4) the implementation of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) in 1995.
The Sino-Indian conflict that arose out of independence led to the construction of military
infrastructure in Ladakh and the closure of the Tibetan border, resulting in significant losses of
pastoralist trade routes. Sino-Indian tensions brought forth the construction of road
infrastructure, which occurred simultaneously with new off-farm employment opportunities
through the deployment of armed forces. These opportunities continued to flourish with the
opening of Ladakh to international tourists, with the tourism industry being established as a main
economic sector. The phase in which this article was published in 2008 has been characterized as
a process of decentralization. Political leaders from the region have demanded greater autonomy
since the late 1900s, as the majority of political control is in the hands of the national
government (Van Beek, 2000). This has brought a political struggle for “Union Territory” status,
which in 1995 led to the implementation of the LAHDC, in which Leh enacted as a semi-
autonomous government body at district level. This has provided Ladakh with some legislative
and executive rights, excluding law, order and judiciary (Dame & Nüsser, 2008, p.21).

As of October 2019, Ladakh has been established official Union Territory status,
politically separating it from Jammu and Kashmir- which has also been legislatively reduced
from a state to a Union Territory. This has given Ladakh more political autonomy and
administrative control, as the region was previously only a district of Jammu and Kashmir state.
The economic significance of the Union Territory status is important here, as the LAHDC will
now be able to draw funds directly from the central government, which is expected to allow
more development projects to be unfolded in the territory 4 (Iwanek, 2020).

4
However, issues have been raised regarding the LAHDC’s diminishing power with the introduction of the Union
Territory administration, with confusion over which administration should handle which affairs (Zargar, 2020).
Moreover, Ladakhis previously holding jobs in the Jammu and Kashmir divisions are now being replaced by
residents within the separate Jammu and Kashmir Union Territories (Zargar, 2020). Therefore, employment

15
 Social scientists point to other factors in influencing the Ladakhi economy. Aggarwal and
Bhan (2009) speak to the significant contributions of militarization, describing the geostrategic
expansion of Ladakh as a “development-security complex” in which the military and civil
domains amalgamate in the name of economic development and the need for security (p.520).
Tracing the historical integration of the military in Ladakh’s economic development, they outline
the ability for the military to provide Ladakhis with the comfort and economic security that the
state has failed to deliver, ultimately leading to further dependence on militarism for providing
livelihoods for rural households (p.530).

On the other hand, Dame and Nüsser (2008) argue that the introduction of the Public
Distribution System (PDS) has provoked the largest influence on Ladakh’s economy (p.26). The
PDS was first introduced in Ladakh as a welfare intervention and has flourished since the 1990s.
This included the implementing of “ration stores” in villages and increased food imports,
allowing for basic food commodities such as wheat, rice, sugar, and kerosene to be purchased at
a subsidized rate for registered card holders (Dame & Nüsser, 2008; Goodall, 2004, p.193).
These subsidized foods are gradually replacing barley as the main staple of the local diet, which
has increased the need for cash in previously subsistent communities (Dame & Nüsser, 2008,
p.26). This has sparked criticism over the PDS. Angeles and Tarbotton (2001) speak to the
implications of the PDS on local food systems and argue that “the pursuit of this development
model was based on the government’s paternalistic views about the region’s people and
agriculture, which are seen as backward and in need of modernization” (102). Therefore, while
the PDS has provided households with a safety net during times of agrarian stress, it has worked
to further erode Ladakh’s self-reliance on traditional farming (Osmaston, 1989; Rizvi, 1998). In
tandem with this is the need for commercial agriculture in order to meet the needs of tourists and
workers during the summer season, proliferating the reduction of other farming systems (Dame
& Mankelow, 2010, p.363).

2B: Household Structure and Organization

The Himalayas

The type of marriage system that was previously most common in the Himalayas was that of
polyandry. However, this has been on a steep decline in recent decades, largely attributed to
broad-sweeping social and economic changes (Polit, 2018, p.286; Rahimzadeh, 2016; Thargyal,
2007). Polyandry is a marriage system where one woman has two or more husbands at a time
(Crook & Crook, 1988). Fraternal polyandry involves one woman marrying a set of brothers,
moving into their homes, and adopting their lineage (Crook & Crook, 1988). Ma (2011) and
Goldstein (1971) identify the incentives for polyandry among Tibetan pastoralists in the late 20 th
Century. They view polyandry as an economic strategy in agricultural societies as a way to keep
families and agricultural fields intact in an area with limited cultivable land, as well as a strategy
to prevent further population growth (Goldstein, 1971, p.70; Ma, 2011, p.249). In other words,
polyandry helped to contain family wealth and labour in one household in order to maximize

opportunities for Ladakhis are at risk of diminishing, which can potentially cause major shifts in the social and
economic situation for this region.

16
livelihood in a region with limited resources (Goldstein, 1971). Despite heavy attention paid to
polyandry in the literature, Ma (2011) identifies regional variations in past marriage patterns,
specifically between rural and urban areas of Tibet, in which polyandry was more common in
rural communities than urban areas in the late 1980s, but were still being outnumbered by
monogamous marriages (p.253). Moreover, polyandry was more popular among pastoral
communities compared to agricultural communities, demonstrating economic activities as well
as access to natural resources as factors in determining marriage patterns (p.271).

Goldstein’s (1971) early observations of Tibetan farmers and pastoralists suggests that
polyandry was viewed in the past as socially inferior to monogamous marriages, and yet was
considered an effective economic strategy for preventing land and labour fragmentation (p.73).
Ma’s (2011) work in Tibet in 1988 departs from Goldstein’s perspective, suggesting a revival in
polyandry since the 1980s, inferring broader social acceptance of this traditional marriage system
(p.249). Since the work of both Ma and Goldstein, polyandry is viewed as diminishing in favour
for neolocal monogamous marriages (Polit, 2018; Thargyal, 2007). Today, the common trend in
the Himalayas is exogamous patrilineal marriages, in which the bride moves from her family
household to her husband’s household (Fricke, 1990, p.136; Polit, 2018, p.286). This means that
married women have no part in generational continuation of their natal lineage (Polit, 2018,
p.289). However, there is regional variation in terms of the popularity of certain marriage
systems with a general trend towards neolocal monogamous marriages.

Rahimzadeh’s (2016) findings show that the decline in fraternal polyandry has led to an
increase in land fragmentation (p.85). Land that was previously shared among brothers of the
same lineage are now parcelled out without the labour supply that would be available in a
polyandrous system (p.87). Therefore, select members of households, specifically women, take
on a heavier work burden tending to the land. In interviews with Rahimzadeh, participants
reminisce on the ease of polyandry systems for preventing land partition and the substantial
labour supply available for managing agriculture (p.90). Moreover, an anthropological account
of rural women in Nepal finds that women believe that they had more economic security and
agency in polyandrous marriages than in monogamous ones (Luintel, 2004, p.70). This is
explained through two mutually reinforcing reasons: polyandrous marriages allowed for more
economic prosperity and labour power, and they avoided the social stigma and financial
insecurity that comes with widowhood. Access to land rights and financial resources are argued
to further marginalize women in monogamous marriages (Sharma, 1980). Property rights are
transmitted through a male inheritance systems, preventing women from having control over the
land they work on, and while they are responsible for agriculture duties, they often do not have
control over the income that is acquired from their labour (Sharma, 1980, p.201)

Ladakh

Research on fraternal polyandry in Ladakh run parallel with those of the broader Himalayan
region in regard to both the decline in popularity, and the utility of this system as an economic
strategy to an environment with limited agricultural productivity (Aziz, 1978, p.106; Bhan, 2014,
p.34; Crook, 1980; Gagné, 2019; Goldstein, 1981, p.5; Van Beek, 2000). Similar to the broader
Himalayan region, marriage systems in Ladakh are mostly exogamous, in which married women

17
live in the family of the husband(s), sometimes outside of their original community (Crook,
1980, p.152; Gagné, 2019).

The decline in the frequency of polyandrous marriages in Ladakh is argued by scholars to be

associated with Ladakh’s changing social and economic structure (Crook, 1980; Gagné, 2019;
Goldstein, 1981). Van Beek (2000) pays particular attention to the 1941 ban on polyandry as
diminishing the popularity of polyandry among Ladakhis (p.533). However, Gagné’s (2019)
interviews with Ladakhi elders suggests that the illegalization of polyandry was not a significant
factor in the deterioration of polyandry. Rather, non-agrarian employment opportunities that
followed the post-independence socioeconomic reforms in the region are attributed to the decline
in traditional marriage systems (p.42). It can be concluded that polyandry is less common in
Ladakh due to a combination of legislations that illegalized it, and external employment
opportunities that allowed for economic prosperity outside of subsistence agriculture (Mann,
2002, p.58).

Anthropological accounts of Ladakhis’ perceptions of polyandry demonstrate the various

emic5 attitudes towards this marriage system. In interviews with both men and women, Gagné
(2019) finds that Ladakhis viewed polyandry as a preventative measure to avoid poverty due to
limited cultivable land (p.42). They describe polyandry as a pleasant system of cooperation given
the sharing of work and responsibilities, but that this system held the threat of tension among
brothers (p.42-43). Bhan’s (2014) research reflects similar attitudes, in which Brogpa’s viewed
this form of marriage as enjoyable, and was vital for pastoral labour as they were able to
distribute workloads among more people (p.35).

Intrinsically linked to fraternal polyandry is the land inheritance system of primogeniture,

which ensures that land is inherited from eldest son to eldest son (Crook, 1980, p.148; Gagné,
2019, p.42; Goldstein, 1981, p.12). Despite this inheritance system being illegalized in 1943,
daughters still forfeit their equal shares upon marriage (Bhan, 2014, p.35; Gutschow &
Gutschow, 2002, p.117). This can be attributed to the maintenance of the patriarchal system that
prevents women from claiming opportunities that are legally solidified, but remain socially
condemned.

Nuclear or “neolocal monogamous” households and the move away from primogeniture
inheritance has become the norm in most of Ladakh (Goodall, 2004, p.193), mirroring the trend
in the broader Himalayan region. Goodall points to the gendered implications of this transition
by arguing that it has brought problems of inadequate labour resources in which women are
solely responsible for agricultural work (Goodall, 2004, p.193). Hay’s (1997) thesis reiterates
this issue by highlighting the shift of domestic and agricultural work from communal to
individual (p.118). She suggests that polyandrous marriages provide women with less work
burden than nuclear households, as women still had the help they needed from one husband
while they had the income from the other husband (p.98). Day’s (2015) ethnography over
decades of fieldwork provides evidence of the continuation of Hay’s findings. She illustrates the
femininities6 of household structures in Ladakh that emanate feelings of loneliness and hard

5
An anthropological term referring to a perspective within the social group being researched.
6
Femininity refers to socialization of women and girls to portray feminine values and behaviour associated with
passivity, as well as their identities as housewife and mother. These roles and behaviours are related to the

18
work. Many of her interviews involve women expressing how hard everything has become as
households become smaller and more divided, both from changing marriage patterns and from
men migrating to urban areas for employment (p.178, 184).

2C: Religion

Tibetan Buddhism in the Himalayas

Providing an in-depth description of the principles of Buddhism is beyond the scope of

this literature review. However, explanations of the relationship between Buddhism and the
environment is necessary in order to understand how people in the Himalayas in general, and
Himalayan women in particular, are understanding and responding to climate change.

Tibetan Buddhism holds a strong influence in the culture, ontology, and responsibilities
of Himalayans. Present-day Tibetan Buddhism is a configuration of contemporary Buddhism and
pre-Buddhism, or “folk religion” (Childs, 2004, p.28; Samuel, 1993, p.8). This results in a
combination of Buddhist monastic activities focused both on the pursuit of enlightenment and on
rituals centered on the communication and harmony between humans and spiritual forces.

Fundamental elements of Buddhism are related to the law of karma and rebirth, and
Buddhist concepts of animals, nature, and the landscape “is one of harmonious co-operation”
that derive from frameworks of karma (Harvey, 2000, p.156). All humans are believed to have
experienced life as an animal through their past lives. In the same notion, all animals are viewed
to have the potential to rebirth as a human. This Buddhist ideology of the natural world
challenges Western binaries between humans and nature by understanding all sentient beings as
being connected through a karmic cycle in which one is not superior to the other, and humans are
responsible for caring to their non-human patriates in order to gain spiritual enlightenment
(Woodhouse et al., 2015).

Tibetan Buddhism in Ladakh

Tibetan Buddhism is the predominant religion and culture in Ladakh. It comprises a set
of beliefs and practices that center on the presence of local deities and spirits (lhas) that control
various aspects of Ladakhis’ life, such as fertility, wealth, and- most importantly for this paper,
weather events (Gagné, 2020; Kapstein, 2006). The deities inhabit different landscapes, such as
lakes, rivers, and ponds (the klu), soil (the sa bdag), and mountains (the yul lha) (Butcher, 2013).
The type of space a deity occupies determines their retributive power. For example, the khlu is
believed to withhold water, or to send destructive water towards villages when angry.
Anthropologists define these gods as being easily offended, specifically when humans fail to
acknowledge their presence through religious rituals and offerings, or by mistreating the land
through pollution, carelessness, or abandonment (Day, 1989; Gagné, 2020). Rituals are often

male/female binary in which men are viewed as assertive and strong, and take on the roles of breadwinner and
provider in household dynamics (Hollows, 2000). However, notions of femininity vary depending on the cultural
context in which they occur.

19
preformed in times of scarcity in order to ask land deities, such as the khlu, to bring water to the
region (Day, 1989; Gutschow, 2004).

Tibetan Buddhism is reflected in Ladakhis’ belief systems in which their fortune is

directly related to their relationship with the land and non-humans. Anthropologists in the region,
such as Gagné (2020) and Gutschow (2004) explain this relationship as centering on Buddhist
beliefs of reciprocity and karma, whereby humans ethical actions towards the land and local
deities will provide them with the water needed to grow their crops and feed their animals, and
human’s unethical actions towards the environment will cause the deities to react in disfavouring
ways, such as sending destructive water to villages, or by withholding necessary water for
irrigation. Water stress in Ladakh is thus attributed to a collective shift in moral attitude and a
diminishing care for the land, non-humans, and traditional religion and practices (Butcher, 2013;
Gagné, 2019, 2020). In interviews with Ladakhis, Gagné (2019) and Butcher (2013) illustrate
how Ladakhis blame economic development and the related rise in the people’s material interest
for causing environmental stress and disasters.

In Ladakh, religious rituals are structured around a monastic calendar created by the local
monastery. This calendar is used to both affirm Buddhist presence and social cohesion within a
village, and to ensure agrarian success for that year (Gutschow, 2004, p.51). However, the
significance of these monastic rituals has declined in recent decades due to the lessening of
household reliance on agriculture for their income (Gutschow, 2004, p.51). The timing of
agriculture is centered around Tibetan Buddhist astrology, in which each season is determined by
a local astrologer and involves religious rituals. For example, the plowing season is commenced
by local monks plowing the monastery’s “mother field” and making offerings to land deities.
Only then are the households allowed to plow their own fields (Gutschow, 2004, p.58).
However, similar to the prevalence of monastic rituals in Ladakh, the plowing of the monastery’s
fields has dwindled, with Gutschow (2004) owing this to a detachment to traditional Buddhist
rituals, as well as the extra labour that is required.

In the Himalayas, and more specifically Ladakh, nature is never just biophysical, but
inhabited by deities and spiritual forces. This differs from scientific understandings of the
environment which views nature as a non-living entity to be measured and objectified (Carey et
al., 2016; Cruikshank, 2005). Recent studies have demonstrated how Tibetan Buddhism plays a
significant role in local interpretation of climate change in Ladakh and the broader Himalayan
region (Angchok & Dubey, 2006; Byg & Salick, 2009; Gagné, 2020; Nüsser & Baghel, 2016;
Macchi et al., 2015; Marthur, 2015). Buddhist principles of reciprocity and paying odes to land
deities has also influenced adaptation strategies to mitigate climate change (Butcher, 2013;
Nüsser & Baghel, 2016; Gagné, 2016; Salick et al., 2014; Suri, 2018). Therefore, in order to
comprehend how Himalayans are challenged by climate change, one must recognize the
interconnectedness of religion and local knowledge in influencing how locals understand,
interpret, and adapt to climate change.

20
3: THE FEMINIZATION OF AGRICULTURE

3A: The Gendered Division of Labour

The Himalayas

In Himalayan society, agriculture is viewed as the “backbone of the economy” (Farooque

& Rawat, 2001, p.97), and is managed through traditional work norms that fall along gendered
lines. Scholars looking at the gendered division of labor in the Himalayas have often discussed
the unequal levels of work between men and women, with women taking on a heavier work
burden. All land-based production is dependent on women, who hold roles in household duties
including farming and animal husbandry (Farooque & Rawat, 2001, p.97-8). With economic and
cultural changes in the last few decades, women have taken on more agricultural work,
ultimately leading to what scholars in this region deem the “feminization of agriculture”
(Bhawana & Race, 2020; Dame, 2018; Paudel et al., 2014; Spangler & Christi, 2019; Tamang et
al., 2014; Tiwari & Joshi, 2015).

A study conducted in Nepal in 1981 reveals that in conventional economic activities,

such as animal husbandry and paid employment, women’s contribution was around 80 percent of
men’s. However, when subsistence activities such as food processing, water collection, and
harvesting were included, women’s participation roughly levels out to those of men’s. When
domestic work, such as washing, cleaning, and cooking, were added, women were found to be
working an extra 3.5 hours more than men (Acharya & Bennett, 1981, p.159). Another study
finds that rural mountain women in Nepal sleep an average of four hours in a day, with little to
no leisure time (Sherpa, 2007, p.4). Empirical research on Bhotiyan communities in the Darma
and Byan valleys echoes this unequal work burden, in which women preformed 80 percent of
agricultural work, 75 percent of livestock care and animal husbandry, 90 percent of domestic
work, and 75 percent of forest-related activities (Farooque & Rawat, 2001, p.102). This study
also notes that women preform on average 12 to 14 hours of work per day during the non-
agricultural season. However, during the agricultural season women work even longer hours.
Drew’s (2013) interviews with Garwali women further solidify the continuation of women’s
extreme workload in more recent years. One participant states,
“our whole lives are for others. We have our husband- we do everything to please him. Then
there are the kids. They need a lot of help. Then we have our relatives. Then our husband’s
family. Everyone demands things from us. Then there is the farm work. Then the house work.
Then the forest chores (to gather wood and fodder). Then the guaranteed employment scheme
when it is available. It is only now (in the winter and after the crops are planted) that we get a
little time to ourselves. The life of a woman here is difficult. Too difficult” (p.105).
Another woman explains that “Garhwali women are the backbone of Garhwal. If it weren’t for
us, nothing would get done here…our bones are like iron” (p.105). These interviews outline the
various responsibilities involved in women’s domestic and agriculture work, and the workload
entailed as expressed by the women themselves. As the second statement portrays, not only is
women’s work strenuous, it is also burdensome as the entire economy seems to rely on their
agricultural responsibilities.

21
 40 years ago, Urusla Sharma (1980) published an important study on women’s labour in
Northwest India. She observes that women’s labour is often regarded as domestic and belonging
to the family. She notes that even when women work in waged labour, this is often still regarded
as domestic work, making their work outside the home undervalued and viewed as secondary
income, often resulting in women being underpaid (p.7). She demonstrates the fixed gendered
spheres that encompass men’s and women’s work, in which women are restricted to domestic
tasks in the private sphere, and men are responsible for jobs pertaining to the public sphere.
Therefore, the “domestic components of women’s workload is never transferred to men” (p.130).
She exemplifies this in terms of livestock care, where women are responsible for the raising and
breeding of cattle, but men are responsible for taking them to the veterinary and conducting sales
(p.127-8). However, many agricultural and domestic tasks do not fall under one discrete sphere.
For example,
“cleaning a cattle shed and milking buffalo might be regarded as agricultural work since they
contribute to the production of a basic food, milk. But these activities could just as well be
seen as preliminaries to a domestic activity, the preparation of a meal” (p.130-1).
This places women on the peripheries of both domestic and non-domestic work, in which their
responsibilities are multiplied, but their roles are undervalued and rendered invisible in relation
to waged-labour performed by men.

The domesticity of women’s labour is reflected in women’s own perception of their

work, as further portrayed by Sharma (1980). In an interview with one woman named Sita, she
explains that “a women’s business is to cook and clean the house, and to look after the little
children. These are the main things which a woman has to do” (p.126). Sharma parallels this
description with Sita’s most time consuming portions of her day, which involves agricultural
tasks such as cutting grass for fodder and weeding other people’s fields (p.126). Sharma
concludes that women’s perception of their labour is that it is predominantly housework, even
though they spend most of their hours in agriculture. This could be due to gender norms that
place value on women’s role in housework, while disregarding their strong contribution in other
realms of food production and labour. Moreover, women claimed to prefer domestic work over
farm work, with cooking and sewing being expressed as the most enjoyable, and collecting
manure and threshing to be the least (p.128). She states that “women regarded housework as
more satisfying and more related to their feminine roles than agricultural work” (p.127). This
further reflects social value and gendered expectations assigned to certain tasks that align with
the domestication of women. Research published on the work of women in the Himalayas since
Sharma’s study in 1980, although never as rich and descriptive, suggest that the portrait of the
status of women, as observed by Sharma, is still very accurate today.

Ladakh

There are many similarities to the gendered division of labour in Ladakh to the rest of the
Himalayan region. Almost parallel to a statement made by Farooque and Rawat (2001), Raman
(2015) states that women in Ladakh form “the backbone of the economy” (p.68). However,
scholars take stock of men’s values placed on waged labour compared to agriculture, a
preference that is embedded in gendered norms. For example, Bhan (2014) determines that men
preferred waged labour to agriculture or pastoralism, placing the bulk of agriculture work on
women (p.37). She discusses how this feminization of agriculture occurred among the Brogpas

22
of Ladakh after the Kargil War in which many men were employed in the army. During her
fieldwork, a decade after this war, she finds that in the age category of 37-48, one out of 14 men
contribute to agricultural chores, while 17 out of 19 women contribute to agriculture (p.37).
What can be said here, is the impact that militaristic events continue to have on men’s work
outside of the farming village, and the feminization of agriculture that arises from this.

Scholars exploring the gendered division of labour in Ladakh discuss women’s heavy
work burden in relation to that of men. For instance, Chin et al.’s (2008) interviewee states
“women’s lives are very hard. Tougher than men’s. We do childcare, farming, going to the
mountains in the winter to gather wood.” Another says “our life is like donkey work. No rest.
Just work.” (p.235). Women in Ladakh are thus responsible for a majority of agricultural tasks,
such as weeding, watering and processing, as well as the bulk of more laborious tasks such as
ploughing and harvesting work, while also being responsible for spinning, childcare and
housework (p.235-6). Moreover, during the summer, a woman’s work day typically lasts from
four or five in the morning to 10pm. This is reflected in earlier work by Hay (1997) who’s
participant’s account that “the first person to rise in the morning and begin working was a
woman, and in all but one case it is a woman whose work is the last to be done at the end of the
day” (p.117).

The allocation of household and agricultural tasks reflects that of the Himalayan region
with tasks being seen as communal, but in practice are extremely gendered with women doing
much more of the work in the fields and house than men (Angmo, 2020, p.1770, Hay, 1997,
p.120). In interviews with Ladakhi women and men, Hay (1997) indicates that although
participant’s claim that there is no gendered division of labour within the household and farm,
her observations and the allocation of specific tasks demonstrate the imbalance of workloads on
the basis of gender. While there are some tasks that involve both men and women, the tasks that
involve short but intense periods of labour are allocated to men, and tasks that involve consistent
upkeep are viewed as a woman’s jobs (p.117). Pirie (2007) furthers this in her ethnography by
signifying that although men are responsible for tasks that require a lot of physical strength,
multiple household’s work together to undertake these labour intensive tasks. On the other hand,
women’s tasks are done individually, and require repetitive maintenance.

3B: Male Outmigration

The Himalayas

Male outmigration refers to the trend in which men move from rural to urban areas in search
for cash employment (Angeles & Tarbotton, 2001). Although this trend has existed in the
Himalayan region for a long time, it has dramatically increased since the start of the 21st Century
(Sugden et al., 2014, p.265). Scholars attribute this increase to a myriad of different
socioeconomic, environmental, and political shifts. In general, agrarian stress due to climatic
shocks and environmental changes has been coupled with employment opportunities and an
increased cost of living as a result of the liberalization of the economy (Drew, 2013; Gioli et al.,
2014; Pandey, 2019; Tiwari & Joshi, 2015). These factors have influenced the growing need, and
desire, for male outmigration.

23
 Several studies in the Himalayas find that male outmigration has shifted the traditional
division of labour, causing women to perform tasks that were previously assigned to men. In
Sugden et al.’s (2014) study in the Eastern Gagnetic Plain of the Himalaya, women claim that
male outmigration has led to them taking on not only their traditional tasks such as child rearing,
paddy transplantation, and harvesting, but also traditionally male-dominated tasks, such as hiring
and supervising labourers, negotiating the rent of agricultural technologies, and cleaning out
irrigation canals (p.267). Women explain that these additional responsibilities have led to an
increase in stress-related health problems (p.267). Khapung (2016) builds on this issue by stating
that women’s heavier work burden from the compounding impacts of male outmigration and
drought in Western Nepal has resulted in a prevalence of uterine prolapse due to women having
to walk longer distances in search of water (p.498). Drew (2013) describes this work burden
through one Garwhali woman who was dealing with an injury on her hand from the overload of
her daily tasks, that Drew explains was a combination of the everyday “duties” as well as tasks
such as collecting fodder and firewood, which they squeezed into their days in the early morning
and/or late night. Drew’s participants describe this as a new phenomenon resulting from other
household members being absent from the village either for employment or education (p.106).

In addition to the migration of men, it is common for children to move to urban areas for
education or religious purposes leaving women and elders behind to tend to household tasks
alone (Childs et al., 2014, p.92). Gioli et al. (2014) add that male outmigration has even
increased the school enrollment of females in Northern Pakistan due to an increase in household
income, allowing for expenditure on other household member’s (p.263).

While it is widely accepted that male outmigration has clearly increased women’s workload,
the effects of this on women’s autonomy and vulnerability are complex. Male outmigration, and
the consequential gendered vulnerabilities that arise from this phenomena develop along class
and caste lines, and therefore it cannot be understood in isolation of other social, economic, and
ecological factors (Sugden et al., 2014, p.258). Sugden et al. (2014) find that women in
economically vulnerable households are at risk to ecological shocks such as droughts and floods
due to the sporadic and unpredictable flow of remittance from male migrants (p.258). Women’s
lack of access to financial resources also creates barriers to their empowerment in the absence of
a male migrant. In the West Karakoram region of Pakistan, the focal point of Gioli et al.’s (2014)
research, women are usually not entitled to handle remittances from male migrants, and that
education is becoming a prerequisite for a household member to engage in financial
management, which most women in rural areas of the Himalayas do not possess (p.264). As this
study is focused in Pakistan, it would be interesting to see if similar financial restrictions prevail
where gender norms differ in the Himalayas. For example, other scholars, such as those focused
in Nepal, have found that households experience greater food security and wellbeing through
remittances, which may have positive impacts on women’s vulnerability to environmental risk
and health issues (Pandey, 2019, p.23; Wester et al., 2019, p.43-44).

The question of changes in women’s decision-making power as a result of male outmigration

is addressed by many of the scholars focused on this topic. Yet findings vary depending on the
region, socioeconomic status of households, household structure, and the realm of decision-
making being discussed. A general report outlining the global impacts of climate change on
women question the conception that women became more vulnerable with the absence of a male

24
head, as this can at times work to increase women’s decision-making power and open up new
livelihood opportunities for them (Masika, 2002, p.5). Within the Himalayan context, Sugden et
al. (2014) echo this, as in some women-headed households, women explain that they feel more
empowered through their acquirement of agricultural knowledge and increased management
responsibilities (p.268). However, the authors acknowledge that this is dependent on other
socioeconomic factors such as class and caste status. For example, a study in Nepal finds that
changes in decision-making power is dependent on the frequency and amount of remittance, as
well as the household structure (Pandey, 2019). While women in extended families experience
less workload, they lose autonomy and it is only until they receive remittance, and depending on
the amount of remittance, does their autonomy increase (Pandey, 2019, p.20). Therefore, in this
case study, women receiving high remittance could experience a decline in workload and an
increase in decision-making roles. However, in interviews with women, Pandey (2019)
articulates that they do not perceive that their decision-making power has grown in the absence
of a male head. Although women experience greater responsibility in these positions, the
limitations to their decision-making power is entrenched in patriarchal traditions, family
structure, and socioeconomic status. Finally, Gioli et al. (2014) indicate no significant changes in
decision-making power among women in Northern Pakistan as a result of male outmigration
(p.255). They conclude that changes in women’s decision-making power will likely be
intergenerational and driven by increased access to education for girls, rather than as a result of
male absence.

As discussed throughout this review, climate change in the Himalayas has resulted in
frequent crop failures and a decline in irrigation potential ultimately resulting in a loss of
livelihood for subsistence farmers. This has increased the frequency and popularity of male
outmigration in order for rural households to maintain household income (Tiwari & Joshi, 2015,
p.8). Male outmigration not only is used as a preventative strategy against agrarian stress, but as
a coping mechanism immediately after climatic shocks, as seen in Gioli et al.’s (2014) study in
Northern Pakistan (p.255, 258). Moreover, male absence in rural Nepal means that agricultural
adaptations to climate change are often implemented by women, such as re-sowing after an early
season failure or fetching water from farther distances (Macchi et al., 2015, p.432). Although
these strategies are taken to cope with lower crop yields, they ultimately exacerbate the already
increasing workload women experience from male outmigration (Macchi et al., 2015).

Adaptation strategies to agrarian stress and climate shocks are also dependent on
socioeconomic factors such as household wealth. For example, in Nepal and the Bihar state of
the Indian Himalaya, Sugden et al. (2014) reveal while poorer household’s main adaptive
strategy is to increase the engagement of male household members in wage labour, or to give
away their harvest as rent, wealthier households prefer to parcel out some of their land to tenants
rather than cultivating the land themselves (p.264-5). Moreover, of the households that are
women headed, two thirds of these households are economically disadvantaged. They conclude
that this is because poorer households are more dependent on remittance from male migrants for
their livelihood, and thus send more family members outside of the farming village to work,
leaving only the women behind (p.266-7). Therefore, women from poorer households are more
likely to take on additional labour responsibilities alongside their pre-existing gendered tasks.
This is reflected by a study in Northern Pakistan, in which households with lower income are
more likely to engage in migration of at least one male member of their household than

25
households with higher income (Gioli et al., 2014, p.258). However, both Gioli et al. (2014) and
Macchi et al. (2015) note that although male outmigration increases women’s work, it also
provides households with a safety net that renders them more resilient to climate and agrarian
stress.

Some research looks at the issue of land abandonment in relation to male outmigration in the
Himalayas. Paudel et al. (2014) demonstrate that although land abandonment has occurred in
Nepal for decades primarily as a strategy to increase agricultural productivity, this trend has
increased and has become a phenomena of permanent abandonment (p.15), with Khanal and
Watanabe (2006) finding 50 percent of farmland in the Gandaki Basin of Nepal to be abandoned
as of 2006. Paudel et al. (2014) directly relate this to the feminization of agriculture in Nepal.
However, they note that the level of farmland abandonment is dependent on socioeconomic
factors, in which poorer households abandon 50 percent more land than wealthier households
(p.15). Sati (2015) identifies three major driving forces in influencing farmland abandonment in
the Gharwal Himalaya. These include climate change, education, and changes in employment, all
of which have increased rural outmigration, specifically of male heads of households. These
drivers are all interconnected, in which lower crop yields from unpredictable precipitation has
furthered the motivation for men and youth to migrate to urban areas for employment and
education in order to accumulate alternative sources of income.

Ladakh

Research on male outmigration in Ladakh coincides with findings in the broader

Himalayan region, especially in Nepal (Khapung, 2016; Pandey, 2019; Paudel et al., 2014). The
key defining characteristics of Ladakh’s male outmigration has been the influence of the military
and the tourism industry in providing male members of households with steady income (Angeles
& Tarbotton, 2001, p.102; Bhan, 2014, p.109; Dame, 2018; Gagné, 2016, 2019; Goodall, 2004).
As a result, an influx of male migrants permeate to urban areas for employment, making Leh- the
capital of Ladakh – one of the highest rates of urban growth in India in the early 2000’s
(Goodall, 2004, p.192). This has only exponentially increased as of 2011 (Dame, 2018, p.313).
Angeles and Tarbotton (2001) find that one in three Ladakhi men were employed in the Indian
military in 2001 (p.102). Dame (2018) provides more timely data, showing that “77% of Hemis
Shukpachan households and 74% of Igoo households had at least one household member
spending more than 6 months out of their village of origin” (p.313).

Mona Bhan (2014) argues that ideals of nationalism have influenced the recruitment of
Ladakhi men into the military. Through the implementation of Ladakh as a strategic border area,
models of citizenship and nationalism were reworked to sustain the military’s post-war agenda.
The compounding influence of militarized aspirations, and off-farm employment opportunities,
have profoundly transformed household subsistence activities, in which agriculture has evolved
into women’s work, and men migrate for military employment in order to fulfill their
nationalistic aspirations (p.109-110). Mingle’s (2015) ethnography shows that water scarcity in
Zanskar has also pushed men to migrate, as agriculture has become less sustainable as a main
source of household income (p.17).

26
 Shifting ideals and aspirations among Ladakhis has affected the outmigration of young
people as well. Education is viewed as a key aspiration among Ladakhi youths, and has driven
migration of young members of households to urban areas (Gergan & Smith, 2015, p.125).
Education-driven migration provides youth with more opportunities and freedom than within the
restriction of their hometown, as expressed in interviews conducted by Gergan and Smith (2020,
p.87). This reflects the shifting ideals among Ladakhi youths, in which individuality and
liberality are favoured over the traditional cultural aspirations of communal labour, ultimately
leading to changing household dynamics and land abandonment.

The outmigration of men and youth in Ladakh has reinforced and intensified the gendered
division of labour in which women are left to care for the home and farm all by themselves. In an
interview with Bhan (2014), a Brogpa woman states,
“we used to do weeding. They used to make fields. They used to get grass from the nullahs7.
Now, other than a few men in the village, no one does all these things. We do plowing,
weeding, sow seeds in addition to bringing water, firewood, and taking care of our goats”
(p.84).
Male absence has thus resulted in a shortage of community workforce. This has not only led to
women carrying a heavier work burden, but also to the collapse of communal infrastructure such
as irrigation networks and social institutions focused on reciprocal labour arrangements, such as
transporting night soil and stable manure to the fields, ploughing, harvesting, and threshing
(Dame, 2018, p.315).

Similar to the broader Himalayan region, socioeconomic status plays a key role in
determining the level of vulnerability that Ladakhi households will face from male outmigration.
Dame (2018) finds that the lack of household labour from male outmigration poses risks for
poorer or smaller households leaving women to rely on reciprocal labour. In interviews with
women experiencing this dilemma, Dame indicates that this limited labour supply leads women
to adapt through reducing livestock numbers, or relying solely on imported food (p.315). This is
reflected in Yamaguchi et al.’s (2016) analysis in the Domkhar valley in which many households
have shifted from raising several sheep and goats, to female cattle in confinement in order to
limit grazing requirements (p.411). However, this is found to be a strategy taken by less
economically advantaged households, with wealthier households adapting by hiring waged
laborers for the more physically demanding tasks such as harvesting and ploughing (p.316). This
prevents them from having to sell their livestock or limit their farmland. Therefore, women’s
level of increased work burden in relation to male outmigration is in part dependent on their
household’s financial capacity.

Gagné (2019) and Yamaguchi et al. (2016) speak to the issue of land abandonment in
Ladakh. Male outmigration is coupled with climate stress to worsen conditions for individual’s
left behind, at times making the responsibilities of maintaining farmland unbearable. Some
households are thus forced to breach social norms and expectations of caring for land in order to
maintain their wellbeing (Gagné, 2019, p.102,127). Similar to findings from Nepal (Childs et al.,
2014), Gagné’s ethnography discusses the phenomena of an aging population in Ladakh due to
outmigration of youth and men. Elders express feelings of isolation, and worry of becoming a

7
High-altitude areas located along or near to water sources. This is where some Ladakhis locate their farmland
(Bhan, 2014, p.41).

27
burden to other family members. On top of this, elders are faced with strenuous winter tasks
without the help of other household members (p.29-31). The load of tending to farm and
household tasks alone has forced many to stop cultivating some or all of their land (Gagné, 2019;
Yamaguchi et al., 2016). This abandonment of land has been compared by elders to abandoning
a friend. (Gagné, 2019, p.169). Therefore, elders are faced with a difficult moral dilemma in
which they have to choose between lessening the overbearing labour requirements of
maintaining the land, or cast aside their moral ideals and abandon the land altogether (Gagné,
2019, p.169).

3C: Environmental Knowledge

Local Environmental Knowledge

Anthropologists with research focusing on the Himalayas recognize contrasting views

between local environmental knowledge and scientific understandings of the environment (Byg
& Salick, 2009; Carey et al., 2016; Cruikshank, 2005; Drew, 2012). Whereas climate science
often abstracts humans from their models, and views the environment as a passive object, local
environmental knowledge focuses on first-hand experiences and interactions with the
environment that are interlinked with local religious and cultural understandings of nature.
Within Ladakhi local knowledge, humans engage in constant interactions and communications
with nature through traveling over mountains, listening to the sound of glaciers, and offering
ritual practices and prayers to land deities (Butcher, 2013; Gagné, 2020; Mingle, 2015). This
knowledge is therefore entangled with Tibetan Buddhist cosmology, which views nature as
possessing active sentient beings that hold power to affect human life.

As anthropologists address, sensorial engagements in the mountains of the Himalayas

foster local awareness and understanding of climate change (Drew, 2012; Gagné, 2019, 20218;
Mingle, 2015). Yet this knowledge is ignored and excluded from scientific knowledge. Carey et
al. (2016) and Byg and Salick (2009) emphasize the implications of scientific discourse for
ignoring the value of local perceptions of climate change. There is an assumption in climate
science that subjective experiences of environmental changes are invalid and unreliable sources
of information (Byg & Salick, 2009; Carey et al., 2016). However, Byg and Salick (2009) find in
their research that local understandings of environmental change, such as warming temperatures,
decreased snowfall, and glacial retreat, align with scientific climate records. Thus, there is a need
to take into account both climate science and experiential knowledge in the conversation of
climate change. However, it is also important to recognize that local environmental knowledge in
Ladakh and the discourse on climate science are not mutually exclusive. Many Ladakhis are
aware of terms such as “climate change” and use climate science knowledge in their everyday
lives alongside, or even in replacement of, traditional forms of environmental knowledge
(Butcher, 2013; Mingle, 2015). Ladakhi ontology is therefore intertwined with sensorial
knowledge, Tibetan Buddhism, and climate science, creating a unique understanding of the
environment.

8
Gagné, K. (Forthcoming). Glaciers of the Himalayas: A history of affective engagement with a changing mountain
environment. In A. Holmes Tagchungdarpa (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Himalayas. Oxford University Press:
Oxford.

28
 Local environmental knowledge is at the root of adaptations to climate change in Ladakh
and the broader Himalayan region. Strategies to mitigate environmental disasters and
unfavourable weather often involve religious rituals, such as the construction of Buddhist
structures like chortens (Butcher, 2013). These rituals are believed to appease land deities in
order to ward off floods, or bring water during the beginning of the farming season (Butcher,
2013; Macchi et al., 2015). Other adaptation strategies taken by Ladakhis involve engineering
technology to collect water during the sowing season, such as the construction of artificial
glaciers and “ice stupas” (Gagné, 2016; Nüsser & Baghel, 2016; Shaheen et al., 2013; Sharma,
2019). This latter structure is designed to replicate Buddhist monuments, hence the naming of an
“ice stupa.” This demonstrates the integration of religious and local knowledge within scientific
adaptation strategies.

Gendered Environmental Knowledge

Agarwal’s (1992) paper, “The Gender and Environmental Debate: Lessons from India”
pioneered the concept of gendered environmental knowledge within the context of Indian women
farmers. She maintains that the gendered division of labour has placed women closer to their
environment through their daily tasks as water fetchers, farmworkers, and livestock herders.
Therefore, women have become important repositories of knowledge on their environment,
especially in regard to locally specific aspects of climate change (Wester et al., 2019, p.404).

In the context of the Himalayas, women observe glacial recession (Drew, 2012; Gagné,
2021), reduction in snowfall (Yeh et al., 2014), and water scarcity (Carey et al., 2016; Gutschow
& Gutschow, 2002; Le Masson, 2017) through their bodily engagement with the environment.
For example, Gagné (2021) outlines a Ladakhi woman’s intimate knowledge of a glacier through
which she has travelled by for years in order to graze her animals. Her extensive experience with
this glacier has allowed her to be able to recognize specific noises it produces, and she describes
the glacier in a loving and familiar manner. Although this passage does not point to Ladakhi
women’s experience with climate change per say, it indicates the ability for women to create an
intimate relationship with the environment through their roles as farmers and herders. Other
anthropologists have touched on women’s specific concerns about climate change which are tied
to their gendered roles in agriculture. Gutschow and Gutschow (2002) observe that during times
of water scarcity, women need to walk to supplementary water sources, such as springs, to
collect the necessary amount of water for their household and fields. Interviews conducted in
Ladakh show how this sensorial engagement with water has made women particularly aware of
the growing water scarcity (Le Masson, 2017, p.210).

Hopping et al. (2016) suggest that local knowledge about the environment develops both
through personal observations and through social networks, such as learning from elders.
Interviews with Tibetan pastoralists find that men are viewed as more knowledgeable on climate
issues, but women know more regarding the “care” of nature, such as the caring of livestock. The
informants explain that women are less likely to be the receivers of the form of environmental
knowledge that is transmitted through their families. This is due to the tendency for women to
marry out of their families early on, in which case environmental knowledge is passed down to

29
sons. This research shows that there is a gendered attitude and assumption that men are more
knowledgeable than women on the environment. However, this differs from the everyday
practices through which women’s work entails direct engagement with the environment and with
domesticated animals, and ignores the form of knowledge which thus develops.

Through utilizing the framework of feminist political ecology, alternative ways of

knowing, particularly those of which have been marginalized or silenced, are brought to the
forefront through prioritizing everyday lived experiences, sensorial engagement, and knowledge
that is embedded within interactions with the environment (Carey et al., 2016; Harcourt &
Nelson, 2015; Tschakert, 2012). It is therefore important to not only understand the impacts of
climate change on Ladakhi people, and more specifically women, but also how they perceive and
understand climate change. As Byg et al. (2012) state, “without understanding their perceptions
we will never understand their plight, and we will never be able to craft culturally and globally
relevant responses” (p.448).

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

This scoping literature review has identified the challenges Ladakhi women face in
relation to climate change. The use of a feminist political ecology framework brought forth
various socio-cultural, economic, political, and environmental factors that intersect on the
household, village, regional, and global level to produce gender-specific vulnerabilities. Similar
to previous feminist political ecology research, the findings in this review show that the gendered
division of labour in the Himalayas and Ladakh place women in tandem with their environment
through their daily roles as farmers and herders, making them specifically vulnerable to climate
change. Through these roles, women develop a unique knowledge of environmental changes
from their sensorial and experiential engagement with the landscape. This section will
summarize and analyze the findings of this review. Focus will be placed on: 1) the connections
between climate change and women’s work that is played out through regional political, socio-
cultural, and economic processes; 2) how the context of Ladakh is similar to, and departs from,
the broader Himalayan region; and 3) connections to the broader feminist political ecology
theory.

Scientific research shows that the Himalayas are experiencing rising temperatures,
increased glacial recession, and unpredictable snowfall and rainfall precipitations which has led
to water scarcity and an increased frequency in flooding. Ladakh’s sole reliance on glacial
meltwater and snowmelt for irrigation makes farmers of this part of the Himalayas particularly
vulnerable to climate-induced water scarcity due to the scant annual rainfall precipitations. In
particular, changes in glacier meltwater and lower snowfall precipitation pose increasing
challenges for farmers during the sowing season.

While economic development has led to some households shifting to commercial farming
in the Himalayas, in Ladakh, agro-pastoralism remains a primarily subsistence-based activity. In
both the Himalayas and Ladakh, agriculture is being threatened by climate-induced water
scarcity, placing households at risk of food insecurity, income loss, and physical and emotional
stress. As discussed in the literature, the prominence of women in agricultural roles means that
they are significantly impacted by these implications.

30
 Recent economic development in the whole Himalayan region has resulted in the
feminization of agriculture through the widespread outmigration of men and youth. Ladakh’s
unique geopolitical situation holds additional incentives for men to migrate out of rural areas
through employment in the military. Overall, the economic transformations in the last few
decades (such as the introduction of the free-market economy, food welfare systems,
infrastructure and military development, and the flourishing tourism industry) have shifted the
attitude of many Ladakhis towards agro-pastoralism. The pursuit of individual aspirations has
also led to the diminishment of collective labour, particularly within subsistence agriculture
which is upheld mainly by women. However, while off-farm employment opportunities have
provided rural households with a safety net during agrarian stress through additional income,
subsistence agriculture is still the main avenue of food production throughout the Himalayas and
Ladakh.

Changes in the political and economic fabric of the whole Himalayan region has shifted
household structures from extended families under polyandrous unions to nuclear families.
While this household structure enables the fulfilment of individual aspirations, it also translates
into a decrease in household labour supply which ultimately contributes to women’s
vulnerability. This is coupled with the impacts of climate change on agrarian work which further
complicates the labour needed to maintain agriculture fields. Besides this shift in household
structure and labour dynamics, another element related to kinship and family relationship which
may have implications for women’s vulnerability in a context of climate change, is the strong
influence of primogeniture in the Himalayas. In a patriarchal context, primogeniture is such that
norms are linked to a land inheritance system that restricts women’s access to land rights and
financial resources, which can worsen their vulnerability during times of environmental stress.
The link between women’s limited access to resources and vulnerability in agrarian contexts is
discussed in feminist political ecology scholarship (Carney, 2014; Radcliffe, 1992; Rocheleau et
al., 1996; Schroeder, 1993). Scholars working under this framework shed light on the patriarchal
structures embedded in agrarian economy in many areas of the Global South, in which land is
allocated to the male heads of household both in legal systems and in practice (Carney, 2014;
Radcliffe, 1992; Rocheleau et al., 1996; Schroeder, 1993). This undermines women’s de facto
claims to access and control of the land under which they work on, which is exacerbated by
factors such as environmental stress and economic reforms (Carney, 2014; Radcliffe, 1992;
Rocheleau, et al., 1996; Schroeder, 1993). In the Himalayan context however, studies focused on
the implications of women’s limited land rights and access to resources are mainly based in
Northern Pakistan and in two lower Himalayan states of India, all of which have different
cultural contexts than that of Ladakh (Gioli et al., 2014; Sharma, 1980). Primogeniture was
rendered illegal in Ladakh in the late 20th century, but is still practiced (Gagné 2019, p.xix). If
still significantly prevalent as a custom, it would be relevant to ask whether primogeniture has
implications for women’s vulnerability in a context of climate change. More research is needed
to understand if situations like those observed by feminist political ecologists are occurring for
the population of the Himalayas where primogeniture is still practiced by many households.

In much of the literature on the Himalayas and Ladakh, there is the recurring notion that
agriculture is the “backbone” of the economy . However, this picture fails to appreciate how the
economy is changing through male outmigration from waged-labour employment. While the

31
economic restructuring of Ladakh since the past three decades has shifted income importance
away from subsistence agriculture, agro-pastoralism is still necessary for providing the food
supply for the local population. Women continue to play a fundamental role in this vital work.
Related to this are the traditional social and cultural norms that view the tending of the land and
animals as a moral imperative. As demonstrated in this literature review however, this collective
responsibility has been diminishing with environmental stress (with people seeking work outside
of the farming village in order to provide income) and shifting cultural attitudes associated with
new economic opportunities. Today, many young adults are prioritizing individual aspirations
and urban employment over traditional agrarian lifestyles. There is thus a tension between the
traditional social and moral ideals related to agro-pastoralism and the need and desire to shift
income reliance to off-farm employment. This is played out in women’s daily tasks, in which the
moral responsibility of agriculture is often placed on them alone, while men and youth
participate in the economic activities necessary for sustainable income. Therefore, more than a
strict economic pillar, the term “backbone” when referring to agro-pastoralist activities should
point at the moral need for the continuation of a subsistence economy inherently associated with
traditional Ladakhi culture. Women are thus the guardians of this moral virtue, something for
which they receive little support and generally no monetary gain.

As observed by feminist political ecology, women’s work in agriculture, although

essential to the economy of the household, is undervalued through its categorizing as “domestic,”
even when women partake in commercial agriculture (Bee; Gezon, 2002; Schroeder, 1993). This
is demonstrated in the Himalayas and Ladakh through empirical studies contrasting local’s
perceptions of the number of tasks women are responsible for, with the realities of their daily
lives. More recent research since the fieldwork conducted by both Hay (1997) and Sharma
(1980) confirm the continuation of women’s unequal workload in these regions (Acharya &
Bennett, 1981; Bhan, 2014; Chin et al., 2008; Farooque & Rawat, 2001; Sherpa, 2007). It is clear
through these studies – many of which do not include the added labour resulting from climate
change – that the gendered division of labour places an overbearing amount of work on women.
When the difficulties of climate change are included in these labour requirements, such as having
to walk longer distances to access water for livestock or struggling with the irrigation of fields, it
is unquestionable that women experience a lot of stress through their roles in agriculture.

Research in the Himalayas points to the varying levels of decision-making power women
experience due to male outmigration, which is dependent on regional and cultural characteristics,
and an individual’s class, caste, and household structure (Gioli et al., 2014; Pandey, 2019;
Sugden et al., 2014). In the context of Ladakh, no research has substantially discussed women’s
level of decision-making power in relation to male absence. Given that this topic is commonly
discussed within feminist political ecology literature in order to articulate women’s vulnerability
to environmental stress (Drew, 2013; Nightingale, 2006; Rocheleau et al., 1996), there is a need
for further research in order to understand how Ladakhi women’s decision-making power is
affected by the compounding impacts of male outmigration and climate change.

Outmigration as an adaptation strategy to climate change in Ladakh has also received

little attention. In the Himalayas, male outmigration is found to be used both as a preventative
strategy against climate-induced agrarian stress, and as a coping mechanism immediately after
climate shocks. Apart from one passage in Mingle’s (2015) ethnography based in Zanskar, a

32
district of Ladakh, indicating that water scarcity has been an additional incentive for men to find
off-farm employment, no research has indicated this to be the case in Ladakh (p.17). However,
given that other parts of Ladakh have been experiencing similar climate shocks, it can be inferred
that this trend is likely occurring throughout the region.

Feminist political ecology scholars place focus on an individual’s varying levels of

vulnerability to external forces and environmental stress based on their socioeconomic status,
age, and household dynamic (Gezon, 2002; Nightingale, 2006; Rocheleau et al., 1996). This
review finds similar trends, in which male outmigration and a household’s adaptive strategies to
climate change is found to either help or hinder their vulnerability depending on their
socioeconomic status and the amount of household labour supply. For example, in both Ladakh
and the Himalayas, poorer households are more likely to participate in male outmigration, and do
not hold the capacity to hire extra labour, ultimately leaving women with more labour
responsibilities. On the other hand, wealthier households are less likely to increase their
engagement in male outmigration, and are able to take up strategies that lessen women’s work
burden, such as hiring extra workers. For households facing a lack of workforce, the combination
of climate change and male outmigration has led to coping strategies such as planting fewer
fields, reducing livestock grazing land, selling off some of their livestock, or abandoning
farmland all together. For Ladakhis, these decisions hold cultural concerns in which women and
elders are forced to breach their responsibilities in holding up moral virtues of tending to the land
and domesticated animals. Interviews conducted with Ladakhi elders demonstrates how this has
caused feelings of remorse, guilt, and isolation (Gagné, 2019, p.169). Women (particularly
elderly women and women facing a lack of workforce in the household) are thus faced with two
choices: to either continue agro-pastoral activities with overbearing responsibilities in an
environment impacted by climate change, or to relieve themselves of the physical stress of
agrarian and pastoral work and squander their roles in preserving the center of Ladakhi culture
and identity.

Another theme present in this review is local understandings of climate change and its
juxtaposition to scientific knowledge. Ladakhi’s perception of climate change is shaped by an
everyday engagement with the environment through agrarian and pastoral work, and informed by
belief systems that are grounded in Tibetan Buddhism and other indigenous traditions. While in
its articulation this understanding of climate change may be abstract to Western science, research
in the Himalayas and Ladakh have found many similarities between local perceptions of
environmental change and scientific findings of glacial retreat, warming temperatures, and water
scarcity. This speaks to the importance of experiential and sensorial knowledge and diverse
ontological frameworks in producing valuable narratives and comprehensions of how, and in
what context, the environment has changed over time.

Feminist political ecology has pointed to how women’s roles as farmers produce a
gendered knowledge of the environment through their daily responsibilities. This is corroborated
with findings of women farmers in Ladakh who have honed a unique knowledge of the
environment that is based on their everyday engagement with the land and animals. Through
working the land and grazing animals, as well as years of traveling by landscapes such as
glaciers and rivers to access water, women are able to decipher changes in the environment. This
form of knowledge is however not acknowledged by climate researchers, who focus instead on

33
narratives that fit the coherent model of science. The people of the Himalayas experience climate
change through their daily lives, developing a profound understanding of how it plays out in
local contexts, and creating adaptive mechanisms to cope with these changes. Therefore,
decision-making and governance needs to include a pluralistic understanding of climate change
alongside scientific frameworks, specifically by turning attention to research that focuses on the
lived experience and knowledge of locals in order to gain useful insights for climate solutions
(Carey et al., 2016; Chakraborty et al., 2021).

Overall, Ladakh holds many similarities to the rest of the Himalayan region, specifically
with respect to the impacts of economic development on shifting household structures, labour
dynamics, and rural livelihood, all of which have driven male outmigration. This has caused
women to increasingly be the primary bearers of agriculture work in an environment riddled with
climate-related agrarian stress. In the Himalayas, climate change has resulted in increasing water
scarcity, ultimately jeopardizing agriculture productivity. However, Ladakh’s reliance on glacial
meltwater and snowfall for irrigation (it being a cold desert, which receives very little rainfall
precipitation) departs from the broader Himalayan region, making it particularly vulnerable to a
diminishing water supply. Since the past decades, Ladakh has also experienced significant
economic restructuring triggered by militarization and the flourishing of the tourism industry,
driving many men outside of rural areas. However, the importance of subsistence farming in
Ladakh holds pressures for women in maintaining their role in farming. Considering that Ladakh
is sensitive to climate change, and women are responsible for the majority of agriculture work,
there is a need for more research exploring how these two issues intersect. Feminist political
ecology is useful for understanding this intersection of gender and climate change. However,
while certain aspects of the feminist political ecology framework are present in the literature on
women farmers in Ladakh (such as the gendered division of labour and gendered environmental
knowledge), other aspects need to be more thoroughly addressed (such as women’s decision-
making power and their access to resources).

Women’s Agency in Climate-Related Adaptive Strategies in the Himalayas and

Ladakh

Much of the research on the role of women in farming represents women in Ladakh as
vulnerable, or even victims, to economic reforms that leave them isolated in rural communities.
The analysis produced through the lens of feminist political ecology to understand women’s
vulnerability to the compounding impacts of climate change may risk reinforcing a tone of
victimization. However, while these women are vulnerable, this does not mean they are passive.
Women in the Himalayas are shown to hone their unique knowledge of the environment through
adopting practices to mitigate the impacts of climate change on agriculture, taking on leadership
roles in their community, and participating in environmental activism. For example, women are
altering crop patterns to use less water, or implementing less water-intensive crops, managing
water storage tanks, planting trees that prevent soil erosion and promote spring recharge, and
holding decision-making roles in their community to manage the allocation of natural resources
(Aase et al., 2010; Agarwal, 1992; Drew, 2013; Joshi & Negi, 2011; Nightingale, 2006; Onta &
Resurreccion, 2011; Ravera et al., 2016; Singh & Singh, 2015).

34
 Ladakhi women are also present within grassroots organizations. The formation of
women’s environmental organizations in Ladakh, such as Women’s Alliance of Ladakh (WAL),
arose out of the need to uphold women’s environmental and agricultural knowledge, and to raise
awareness of women’s important role in agriculture and environmental preservation (Angeles &
Tarbotton, 2001). The Ladakh Farm Project (LFP) emerged alongside WAL’s incentive to
connect local environmental issues to women’s vulnerability (Angles & Tarbotton, 2001). These
organizations have worked to raise awareness of Ladakhi women’s agency in agricultural
adaptations to climate change. WAL’s recent projects include annual festivals celebrating local
knowledge and skills, and training programs aimed at giving farming households the ability to
earn cash income without having to migrate to cities (Local Futures, 2017).

There exists other NGOs in the region focusing on sustainable farming practices in
Ladakh. For example, The Centre for Sustainable Development and Food Security in Ladakh
(CENSFOOD) has undergone the construction of water mills to mitigate water scarcity and
chain-link fences to prevent livestock predation in rural villages, as well as the implementation
of women’s self-help groups to promote literacy (NGO Directory, n.d.). Another example are the
projects implemented by the Ladakh Ecological Development Group, which focus on the
promotion of advanced agricultural techniques, such as introducing new crops and seed
exchange programs, and the dissemination of agricultural technical knowledge through
workshops and meetings (Ladakh Ecological Development Group, 2021).

Scholars working in the Himalayas have pointed at how local knowledge is often
marginalized in climate research and how climate change never happens in isolation from
broader economic and political change affecting a region (Chakraborty et al., 2021; Sherpa,
2014). These two important factors need to be addressed in future research on the human
dimensions of climate change in the Himalayas. A better understanding of climate change should
not be limited to a narrow scientific framework. Besides conducting field research with women
farmers, researchers interested in understanding women’s experience of climate change in
Ladakh may have much to learn from the work of local organizations in Ladakh such as WAL
and CENSFOOD.

CONCLUSION

In using a feminist political ecology approach, this literature review sought to understand
how women in Ladakh are unequally impacted by climate change through their work in
agriculture. Several economic, cultural, and social aspects of Ladakhi life were identified in
order to understand the compounding impact that climate-related agrarian stress has on
worsening women’s workload. Through comparing Ladakh’s environmental, geopolitical, social,
and economic position to that of the broader Himalayan region, similarities and differences were
made to bridge knowledge gaps related to Ladakhi women farmers. This included the heavy
employment of men in the military, the limited amount of rainfall, and cultural attachments to
farming in Ladakh, which shape specific agricultural vulnerabilities to climate change in which
women are mostly responsible for maintaining. Lastly, local adaptive strategies were included to
unpack the ways Ladakhis in general, and women in particular, are coping with climate change
in culturally specific ways.

35
 Research on climate change is dominated by scientific data that, although necessary in
providing evidence on climate change itself, does not offer a holistic understanding of how
people are currently living, and adapting to, a pressing contemporary global issue. By placing
particular attention on ethnographic accounts of how Ladakhi women understand, experience,
and are challenged by climate change, this review contributes to a better understanding of the
disproportionate burden that women hold in experiencing climate change through their gendered
roles as farmers and caregivers.

This review also holds importance in policy-making. Given the outstanding evidence of
Himalayan women’s vulnerability to climate change due to their roles as farmers, it is critical
that policy processes across nation states integrate a gendered lens to ensure effective
implementation of climate change adaptation interventions, particularly in agriculture.
Anthropological accounts of women’s experience holds great utility here, as this field works to
include local knowledge that is often ignored in other scientific fields. By utilizing different
forms of knowledge, policy-makers can initiate interventions that benefit communities in
culturally appropriate ways.

Further Considerations

Given the minimal input of Ladakhi women in this review, it is my hope that my findings
can serve as an argument for the need for research on women and climate change in this region.
Ideally, this should take the form of extensive fieldwork with Ladakhi women in order to fully
understand their knowledge, challenges, and coping strategies.

In order for future research to be useful to Ladakhi women, the researcher must be aware
of issues of exploitation in academic research, and prioritize collaboration, reciprocity, and a
decolonial framework in all stages of the research (Pachego-Vega & Parizeau, 2018; Sato, 2004).
This would first include asking the participants what they perceive their problems to be, and go
from there. In doing so, researchers practice learning from their informants, rather than seeking
preconceived answers to validate their hypothesis.

Given the subject of women’s heavy workloads, fieldwork would also need to be cautious
of overburdening participants with extra labour. Solutions to this could be to engage in interview
questions during work activities, rather than asking participants to set aside a specific time, or
doing research outside the farming season all together. Lastly, to ensure that the ethnographic
findings of this project benefit the participants and key stakeholders, research needs to be
disseminated outside of the restrictions of academia. This could include producing a briefing
paper, policy recommendations, or brochures. To ensure accessibility and effectiveness, findings
could also be presented to Ladakhi organizations focused on Ladakhi women farmer’s
livelihoods, such as WAL. Given my research project’s goal to spread awareness of the impacts
climate change has on women farmers, I would hope that future research follows some of these
recommendations to improve the welfare of Ladakhi women in a decolonial and culturally
relative manner.

36
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