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Appointment
Abstract: This research paper delves into the intricate dynamics of electoral integrity
by scrutinizing disputes surrounding the appointment of Chief Election
Commissioners (CECs) in democratic systems worldwide. Through a comprehensive
review of literature, case studies, and comparative analyses, the paper explores the
significance of CEC appointments in upholding the sanctity of electoral processes. It
investigates the various factors contributing to disputes over CEC appointments,
including political interference, institutional vulnerabilities, and legal ambiguities.
Moreover, the paper offers insights into the implications of such disputes on
electoral integrity and suggests potential reforms to safeguard democratic principles.
1. Introduction
Disputes over CEC appointments can arise due to various factors, including political
interference, institutional weaknesses, and legal ambiguities. In some cases, ruling
parties may seek to install sympathetic individuals as CECs to gain an advantage in
elections. This can undermine the independence and impartiality of electoral
institutions and erode public trust in the electoral process.
Additionally, the lack of transparent and merit-based selection processes for CECs
can contribute to disputes over appointments. In many countries, the criteria for
appointing CECs are not clearly defined, leaving room for manipulation and
favoritism. Moreover, institutional vulnerabilities such as weak electoral laws and
inadequate oversight mechanisms can exacerbate disputes over CEC appointments,
allowing for undue influence and interference in the electoral process.
Disputes over CEC appointments can have far-reaching implications for electoral
integrity and democratic governance. When CECs are perceived as partisan or
beholden to political interests, it undermines the credibility and legitimacy of
electoral institutions. This can lead to widespread public disillusionment with the
electoral process and erode trust in democratic institutions.
Furthermore, disputes over CEC appointments can create fertile ground for electoral
malpractices such as voter intimidation, vote buying, and ballot manipulation.
Without independent and impartial oversight, elections become susceptible to
manipulation and fraud, undermining the democratic principle of free and fair
elections.
Through a comparative analysis of these case studies, we can gain insights into the
common patterns and challenges associated with disputes over CEC appointments
and identify potential strategies for addressing them.
8. Conclusion
Under the provisions of the Bill, the Election Commission will comprise a CEC and
other ECs, with the number of ECs determined periodically by the President. The
appointment of the Commission will be made by the President based on the
recommendations of the Selection Committee, which consists of the Prime Minister,
a cabinet minister, and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha (or the leader
of the single largest opposition party).
However, concerns have been raised regarding the composition and functioning of
the Selection Committee. The Bill negates the role of the Supreme Court in the
appointment process and includes only one cabinet minister alongside the Prime
Minister in the Committee, potentially compromising its independence. This
arrangement has sparked apprehensions about the predominance of ruling
government members in the Selection Committee, raising questions about the
impartiality of the Election Commission of India.
The changes proposed by the Bill have significant implications for electoral integrity
and democratic governance. The Supreme Court has emphasized the importance of
establishing an independent Election Commission with appointments governed by
law, not subject to executive discretion. However, the modifications introduced by
the Bill have raised concerns about potential executive influence in the selection
process, undermining the impartiality and autonomy of the Election Commission.
Furthermore, the limitations imposed by the Bill on the eligibility criteria for CEC and
EC positions raise additional concerns. Restricting eligibility to individuals holding or
having held positions equivalent to the secretary to the government may exclude
qualified candidates from diverse backgrounds, potentially impacting the
effectiveness and credibility of the Election Commission.
In addition to concerns raised by the current Bill, persistent issues within the Election
Commission warrant attention and comprehensive reforms. Despite legislative
changes, no CEC has successfully completed a full six-year term since 2004,
indicating systemic challenges within the Commission's structure and functioning.
7. Conclusion
Recent events have highlighted the ongoing debate surrounding the appointment
process of the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and other Election Commissioners
(ECs) in India. The Supreme Court's 2023 ruling in the case of Anoop Baranwal v.
Union of India marked a significant milestone in the quest for enhancing the
independence and impartiality of the Election Commission of India (ECI).
In response to the Supreme Court's verdict, the government enacted the CEC Act,
2023, establishing a new commission for CEC and EC appointments. However, this
legislation has sparked controversy and raised concerns about its constitutionality
and adherence to the principles outlined in the Supreme Court's judgment.
The recent resignation of Election Commissioner Mr. Arun Goyal in March 2024 has
further fueled the debate over the appointment process for the vacant position.
Congress MP Ms. Jaya Thakur has filed a plea in the Supreme Court, challenging the
use of the CEC Act, 2023 for the appointment process. She argues that the Act
violates the Supreme Court's ruling in Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India, which
advocated for the inclusion of the Chief Justice of India in the appointment process.
These developments underscore the need for robust institutional mechanisms and
adherence to constitutional principles in the appointment of key electoral officials.
The Supreme Court's landmark judgment in Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India serves
as a guiding beacon, emphasizing the importance of transparency, accountability,
and impartiality in electoral administration.
Context: Article 324 of the Constitution establishes the Election Commission of India
(ECI) as a permanent statutory body responsible for overseeing electoral processes in
the country. The appointment and functioning of the Chief Election Commissioner
(CEC) and Election Commissioners (ECs) are governed by provisions outlined in an
Act of Parliament. The Election Commission (Conditions of Service of Election
Commissioners and Transaction of Business) Act, 1991, previously regulated these
matters until its recent replacement by the new legislation.
Key Features:
1. Appointment Process: The Bill provides a structured appointment process for the
CEC and ECs. The President, upon the recommendation of a Selection Committee,
will appoint the Commission members. The Selection Committee comprises the
Prime Minister, a Union Cabinet Minister, and the Leader of the Opposition or leader
of the largest opposition party in the Lok Sabha.
2. Recommendations Validity: Recommendations made by the Selection Committee
remain valid even in the event of a vacancy within the Committee itself. This
provision ensures continuity in the appointment process and prevents delays due to
Committee vacancies.
3. Search Committee: A Search Committee headed by the Cabinet Secretary will
propose a panel of names to the Selection Committee. While the Selection
Committee may consider individuals beyond those suggested by the Search
Committee, this setup aims to streamline the candidate selection process.
4. Eligibility Criteria: To be eligible for the posts of CEC and ECs, individuals must
demonstrate integrity, possess knowledge and experience in election management,
and have served or currently hold a position equivalent to the Secretary to the
central government.
5. Term and Reappointment: Members of the Election Commission will serve a fixed
term of six years or until they reach the age of 65, whichever comes earlier.
Reappointment is not permitted, ensuring turnover and potential infusion of fresh
perspectives into the Commission.
6. Salary and Pension: The salary, allowances, and conditions of service for the CEC
and ECs will be equivalent to that of the Cabinet Secretary. This aligns their
compensation with senior bureaucratic positions and aims to prevent undue
influence on the Commission due to salary disparities.
7. Removal Procedure: The Bill retains the constitutional provisions governing the
removal of CEC and ECs. The CEC may be removed in a manner similar to a Supreme
Court Judge, ensuring safeguards against arbitrary removal. ECs can only be removed
upon the recommendation of the CEC, preserving the Commission's internal checks
and balances.
The chapter explores the evolution of the Election Commission of India (ECI) into a
globally revered institution responsible for ensuring the integrity of India's electoral
processes. Despite facing pressures from the executive and ruling parties to
compromise its autonomy, the ECI has consistently upheld the principles of free and
fair elections in one of the world's largest and most diverse democracies.
The ECI's journey from a relatively passive entity to a robust regulatory body mirrors
India's democratic evolution. Initially constrained by executive influence, particularly
before 1989, the ECI struggled to assert its autonomy. Even proactive Chief Election
Commissioners faced limitations on their authority, often curtailed by the executive.
Innovations in electoral practices were predominantly driven by executive initiatives
rather than ECI's endeavors.
The ECI's growing prominence reflects its pivotal role in safeguarding India's
democratic principles. Recognized as a neutral arbiter by political parties across the
spectrum, the ECI's meticulous oversight has bolstered public confidence in the
electoral process. Its stringent monitoring has curbed electoral malpractices and
ensured the participation of marginalized and underprivileged communities, thereby
fostering inclusivity and empowerment.
Utilizing historical process-tracing methods, the chapter delves into the mechanisms
underpinning the ECI's institutional ascendancy. Through an analysis of electoral data
and extensive interviews with key stakeholders, including Chief Election
Commissioners, Chief Election Officers, and ECI officials, the study uncovers the
strategic decisions and historical junctures that shaped the ECI's trajectory.
The ECI's transformation offers valuable insights into the conditions conducive to
institutional development in democracies. By capitalizing on political opportunities,
responding to societal demands for impartiality, and leveraging bureaucratic
ingenuity, the ECI navigated institutional challenges and expanded its sphere of
influence. Its journey underscores the importance of robust regulatory bodies in
upholding democratic norms and fostering civic engagement.
During the era of Congress dominance and its subsequent decline in India, the
Election Commission of India (ECI) navigated a complex political landscape while
striving to maintain its autonomy and integrity. Initially established to centralize
oversight of elections and ensure their association with the Indian nation, the ECI
faced challenges and opportunities as it evolved into a crucial regulatory body for
India's democratic processes.
The ECI's autonomy was tested during critical junctures, such as the imposition of
Emergency Rule in 1975. Despite executive attempts to centralize power and
suppress dissent, the ECI managed to uphold its independence and oversee free and
fair elections, bolstering its reputation as a guardian of democratic principles.
The ECI's reputation for integrity and impartiality, earned during periods of Congress
dominance and decline, served as a foundation for its further institutional
development. As India's political landscape continues to evolve, the ECI faces new
challenges and opportunities in its ongoing mission to uphold the sanctity of
electoral processes and democratic principles.
In summary, the Indian Election Commission's journey during the era of Congress
dominance and its subsequent decline underscores the resilience and adaptability of
democratic institutions in navigating complex political environments. Through
strategic maneuvering, constitutional safeguards, and collaborative efforts, the ECI
has emerged as a beacon of electoral integrity, entrusted with safeguarding the
foundations of India's vibrant democracy.
Seshan's tenure laid the groundwork for subsequent CECs to further expand the ECI's
mandate and enhance its effectiveness. While not as controversial as Seshan,
successive CECs continued to assert ECI authority and introduce reforms aimed at
improving the electoral process. An informal norm emerged whereby each CEC
sought to leave a lasting impact on the institution, leading to initiatives such as
electronic voting machines, vulnerability mapping, and voter education programs.
The evolution of the Election Commission of India (ECI) can be analyzed through two
distinct phases: the pre-1991 period, characterized by a limited role, and the post-
1991 period, marked by a significant expansion of its mandate under entrepreneurial
Chief Election Commissioners (CECs).
Election Duration:
1. Shift in Election Dynamics: Prior to 1991, Indian elections were typically brief,
lasting only a few days. However, since 1991, there has been a notable trend towards
longer election durations, both at the national and state levels.
2. Justification for Longer Elections: Entrepreneurial CECs justified longer election
durations as necessary for ensuring cleaner elections, citing logistical constraints
related to deploying security forces and administrative preparations over large
geographic areas.
3. Expansion of Mandate: Longer election durations reflect the ECI's expanded
mandate post-1991, wherein it undertakes initiatives such as mandating voter ID
cards, curbing campaign periods, mobilizing voters, regulating political parties, and
assuming executive and quasi-judicial control during elections.
The ECI's expanded role and mandate expansion post-1991 signify a transformation
in India's electoral landscape. From a passive observer to an active regulator, the ECI
has played a crucial role in upholding electoral integrity, ensuring fair competition,
and enhancing democratic processes in the world's largest democracy.
The credibility of the Election Commission of India (ECI) serves as its core institutional currency,
enabling it to expand its mandate and assert its authority in the electoral process. Here's how
credibility has been pivotal to the ECI's evolution and effectiveness:
1. Historical Credibility:
The ECI entered the era of party system fragmentation in the 1990s with a degree of institutional
credibility, earned through successful conduct of elections and maintaining a level of
independence.
Pivotal elections in 1977 and 1989, where fears of rigging were allayed by free and fair conduct,
bolstered the ECI's reputation as an impartial referee.
Entrepreneurial Chief Election Commissioners capitalized on the ECI's credibility to expand its
mandate, enforcing the Model Code of Conduct and extending election durations.
This expansion further reinforced the institution's credibility, as it demonstrated its commitment
to political neutrality and equal treatment of all stakeholders.
The ECI ensures neutrality by appointing Chief Election Officers for each state, removing partisan
officials, and consulting with political parties on policy implementations.
To maintain neutrality with voters, especially marginalized groups, the ECI deploys security
measures in violence-prone areas, conducts vulnerability mapping, and closely monitors criminal
elements.
The ECI intervenes decisively in regions prone to violence or social intimidation, ensuring fair
electoral processes even in challenging circumstances.
Efforts such as preventative arrests, video surveillance, and continuous tracking of criminal
elements have significantly reduced instances of electoral violence.
The ECI's proactive approach to ensuring free and fair elections has garnered widespread
acceptance of election results and reduced irregularities and violence.
Public trust in the ECI has increased over time, as evidenced by a reduction in reports of voter
intimidation and a sense of security among voters during polling.
Conclusion: The credibility of the ECI serves as the foundation of its authority and effectiveness
in overseeing India's electoral processes. By upholding neutrality, ensuring fairness, and adapting
to evolving political dynamics, the ECI has not only expanded its mandate but also reinforced its
legitimacy as a vital democratic institution in the world's largest democracy.
Return to Quiescence?
Since 2014, India has seen a resurgence of executive power under the Narendra
Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). With parliamentary majorities in both 2014
and 2019, the executive has sought to limit the authority of the Election Commission
of India (ECI) by appointing compliant election commissioners. This shift marks a
departure from the period of mandate expansion for the ECI, raising concerns about
its independence and neutrality.
1. Executive Intrusion:
The executive has attempted to curtail the ECI's authority by appointing pliant
election commissioners and interfering in its decision-making processes.
Instances such as the deferment of the 2017 Gujarat state assembly elections and
disqualification of opposition legislators without due process have raised doubts
about the ECI's impartiality.
The ECI has faced criticism for its meek response to violations by the ruling party and
prime minister during election campaigns.
Slow or weak responses to model code violations and hate speech have tarnished
the ECI's reputation for neutrality and fairness.
3. Challenges to Neutrality:
Despite facing pressure from the executive, some election commissioners have
resisted attempts to undermine the ECI's authority, as seen in dissenting notes
against partisan actions.
However, these commissioners have faced repercussions, indicating the challenges to
maintaining independence in the face of executive interference.
The erosion of the ECI's credibility and independence threatens the integrity of
India's electoral processes and democratic institutions.
While the ECI may leverage its reputation and support from opposition parties to
push back against executive intrusion, its effectiveness depends on its ability to
withstand pressure and uphold its institutional autonomy.
Conclusion: The resurgence of executive power since 2014 has posed challenges to
the independence and authority of the Election Commission of India. While the ECI
has demonstrated resilience in the face of executive intrusion, maintaining its
credibility as a neutral arbiter remains crucial for preserving the integrity of India's
democracy. The balance of power between the executive and regulatory institutions
like the ECI will continue to shape the trajectory of Indian politics and governance.
“The collegium is an improvement, but instead of having a cabinet minister,
they could consider having the speaker [of the Lok Sabha], a retired CJI or an
eminent jurist if there is any objection to having the CJI or his nominee,” he
said.
Former chief election commissioner N. Gopalaswami said that the inclusion of
the leader of opposition in the selection committee is an “improvement”.
“Earlier, only the government used to decide, now there is the leader of the
opposition being brought in. This is an improvement over the earlier
arrangement, as there is a chance for someone to agree or disagree,” he said.
Krishna Murthy added, however, that as the Bill provides for selection from
‘secretaries with election experience’, it will give an impression that it is open
to only a certain section of bureaucracy.
Later that year, Lavasa’s wife, son and sister were placed under the scanner of
various investigative agencies.
Even though he was due to take over as chief election commissioner as per
norms of seniority that have been followed for years, Lavasa opted to quit the
Election Commission and join the Asian Development Bank as vice-president,
where he currently works.
According to the former election commissioner, the commission can only be
independent depending upon the political climate in the country.
“They [the election commission] had no hesitation in doing that. People are
independent depending upon the climate. Every institution is the product of the
environment. If the environment itself is different, how do you expect
independence?
“Now in the last few months or so, you are finding some kind of assertion by
the Supreme Court. So every institution will have its day and things will pick
up,” he added.
‘Further changes in legislation’
“I quite like the idea propounded by Prof Shibban Lal Saxena in the Constituent
Assembly that the appointment should be confirmed by a two-thirds majority of
both the Houses [of parliament]. Dr Ambedkar felt that this would be a dilatory
and difficult process, but did not reject a similar process laid out in the
American Constitution.
“Dr Ambedkar left it open for consideration at [a] later stage to recommend the
adoption of the American provisions in our constitution. He also stated that this
had given him ‘a great deal of headache’ and he had no doubt that it would also
give the House a great deal of headache.
“The headache is now ours and we need to discuss the selection and
appointment procedure threadbare,” he said
.