1

The Indian government has been steadfast in its initiatives to boost the representation of women
in the Indian Army. The Armed Forces have initiated the admission of women candidates into
the National Defence Academy (NDA), with 19 cadets, including 10 for the Indian Army,
joining the academy every six months. The first, second, and third batches of women cadets
commenced their training at the NDA in July 2022, January 2023, and July 2023, respectively.
The organization is actively implementing inclusive measures, incorporating administrative,
training, and policy changes to facilitate this significant development.

A total of 11,414 women personnel are serving in the three services, with the Indian Army
having the maximum of 7,054 of them, according to government data placed before Lok Sabha
on August 4th. The total number includes officers, other ranks, as well as those in medical,
dental, and nursing services. The number of female personnel employed in the three services,
excluding those in medical, dental, and nursing services, comes to 4,948.

In November 1958, the Army Medical Corps became the first Indian Army unit to award regular
commissions to women. The induction of women officers into the Indian Army through the
Women Special Entry Scheme (WSES) started in 1992, after the approval of the Cabinet
Committee on Parliamentary Affairs.

In February 2019, the government granted a permanent commission to women officers in eight
streams of the Army, in addition to the JAG and AEC, which it was granted earlier in 2008,
according to Wion.

As of 2023, women are not eligible for service as combat troops in specialist forces such as the
Parachute Regiment but they can join some of its non-combat wings like the signal corps,
engineers, etc.

In a landmark ruling in February 2020, the Supreme Court directed the government to ensure that
women SSC officers are granted permanent commission to women SSC officers, subject to their
obtaining 60 per cent marks in the assessment subjects, being found medical fit, and having
received disciplinary and vigilance clearances.

On December 1, Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral R. Hari Kumar, announced a significant

milestone, revealing that over 1,000 women agniveers have been integrated into the Indian Navy.

1. Maj Priya Jhingan is an Indian Army officer and Lady Cadet No 1 and silver medalist from
the first batch of 25 lady officers who were commissioned in the Indian Army in 1993.
2. Air Marshal Padma Bandopadhyay, PVSM, AVSM, VSM, PHS is a decorated former
flight surgeon in the Indian Air Force. She was the first woman to be promoted to the rank of
Air Marshal in the Indian Air Force.
3. Capt. Divya Ajith Kumar is the first woman to be conferred by the Army with the Sword of
Honour, a prize given to the best cadet.
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4. Surgeon Vice Admiral Punita Arora was the first woman in the Indian Armed Forces to be
promoted to a Three-star rank. She held the ranks of Lieutenant General in the Indian Army
and Surgeon Vice Admiral in the Indian Navy.
5. Gunjan Saxena is an Indian Air Force officer and former helicopter pilot. She joined the
IAF in 1996 and is a 1999 Kargil War veteran. She is one of the first women to fly in a
combat zone.
6. The first woman officer to be awarded Sena Medal for gallantry is Capt CR Leena in 1995.
7. Lt. Mehak Saini, Lt. Sakshi Dubey, Lt. Aditi Yadav, Lt. Pious Mudgil, and Lt.
Akanksha: These five exceptional women made history by joining the Army's elite artillery
units after completing their training at the Officers Training Academy (OTA) in Chennai. In
a historic first, the Indian Army has inducted five women officers into its Regiment of
Artillery and three of them have been posted to frontline formations along the Line of Actual
Control (LAC) with China, military sources said on Saturday.
8. Commander Prerna Deosthalee is poised to make history as the first woman officer in the
Indian Navy to assume command of the Indian Naval Warship INS Trinkat.
9. Squadron Leader Avani Chaturvedi: In the month of January, Avani Chaturvedi became
the first woman fighter pilot of the Indian Air Force (IAF) to take part in an aerial wargame
abroad. Ms Chaturvedi, a Su-30MKI pilot, was part of the IAF contingent that participated in
a 16-day mega air combat exercise with the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF) at the
Japanese airbase of Hyakuri from January 12 to 26.
10. In 2023, Group Captain Shaliza Dhami made history by becoming the first woman Air
Force officer to assume command of a frontline combat unit. She was selected to lead a
missile squadron in the western sector. Notably, in 2019, she achieved another milestone by
becoming the inaugural woman officer in the Air Force to be promoted to the position of
flight commander within a flying unit.
11. Wing Commander Deepika Misra becamse the first woman officer in the Indian Air Force
to be presented with a gallantry award. Wing Commander Misra, a helicopter pilot who hails
from Rajasthan, was conferred a Vayu Sena Medal (Gallantry) for an act of "exceptional
courage" displayed during a flood relief operation in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
12. Captain Shiva Chauhan: Fire and Fury Corps officer Captain Shiva Chauhan became the
first woman officer to be operationally deployed at the highest battleground in Kumar Post
on the Siachen glacier.
13. Havildar Preeti Rajak, who is a champion trap shooter, has become the first woman to hold
the rank of Subedar in the Indian Army
14. Recently Lieutenant Commander Karabi Gogoi is the first woman from the Indian Navy
and the third from the military to become the defence attaché. She was posted to Moscow,
Russia.
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IMP. POSTS: General Manoj Pande is the Chief of the Army Staff (COAS),
Admiral R. Hari Kumar is the Chief of the Naval Staff (CNS) and
Air Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Choudhari is the Chief of the Air Staff (CAS).
Field Marshal Sam Hormusji Framji Jamshedji Manekshaw, also known as Sam
Manekshaw, stands as a highly distinguished military officer in the Indian Armed Forces. Born
on April 3, 1914, in Amritsar, British India, he became the first field marshal of India in 1973.

The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) currently is General Anil Chauhan. He is the principal
military authority and senior-most appointment of the Indian Armed Forces.Deemed the overall
professional head of India’s three armed services, namely, the Indian Army, the Indian Navy and
the Indian Air Force, the CDS is the highest-ranking military officer in service, responsible for
overseeing inter-service jointness across all disciplines related to military functioning.[5]
Primarily, the office operates on a status of primus inter pares i.e., first among equals with the
chiefs of the three services, and functions as the Permanent-Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff
Committee (COSC) – the inter-service syndicate responsible for ensuring the establishment-cum-
preservation of military integration.
Statutorily, the CDS is the presiding secretary of the Department of Military Affairs (DMA), the
foremost civil-cum-military entity responsible for fostering professional coordination between
the services, and by extension, is also the principal military advisor to the nation’s civilian
leadership i.e., the Ministry of Defence (MoD) on affairs privy to inter-service integration; as
such, the office exists primarily as an advisor-cum-adjudicator position, endowed with no
operational command control.
Since its formal creation in 2020, the CDS is officiated on a rotational basis by four-star officers
nominated from either of the three services.[8] Domestically, the office ranks 12th-overall in the
Indian order of precedence, and is the status-equivalent of the Chief of the Army Staff, the Chief
of the Naval Staff and the Chief of the Air Staff; internationally, it is functionally identical to
Pakistan's Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, the United Kingdom's Chief of the
Defence Staff, and the Unites States' Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
4

GALLANTRY AWARDS: Post-independence, first three gallantry awards namely Param Vir
Chakra, Maha Vir Chakra and Vir Chakra were instituted by the Government of India on 26th
January, 1950 which were deemed to have effect from the 15th August, 1947.
Thereafter, other three gallantry awards i.e. Ashoka Chakra Class-I, Ashoka Chakra Class-II and
Ashoka Chakra Class-III were instituted by the Government of India on 4th January, 1952, which
were deemed to have effect from the 15th August, 1947. These awards were renamed as Ashoka
Chakra, Kirti Chakra and Shaurya Chakra respectively in January, 1967.

These gallantry awards are announced twice in a year - first on the occasion of the Republic Day
and then on the occasion of the Independence Day. Order of precedence of these awards is the
Param Vir Chakra1, the Ashoka Chakra2, the Mahavir Chakra, the Kirti Chakra, the Vir Chakra
and the Shaurya Chakra.

Other Awards:
Sena Medal, Nao Sena Meda, Vayu sena mdeal: It is awarded for acts of exceptional devotion to
duty or courage in the Army. Navy, Air Force respectively.

1
Circular in shape, made of bronze, one and three eighth inches in diameter and shall have embossed on the
obverse four replicas of "Indra's Vajra" with the State Emblem embossed in the centre. On its reverse, it shall have
embossed “PARAM VIR CHAKRA” both in Hindi and in English with two lotus flowers between the Hindi and the
English inscriptions.
2
Ashok Chakra is the highest peacetime gallantry award followed by Kirti Chakra and Shaurya Chakra. It is awarded
for valour, courageous action, or self-sacrifice away from the battlefield. It was first awarded in 1952 to flight
lieutenant Suhas Biswas.
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AGNEEPATH SCHEME 2022

Age Limit 17.5-23 years
Launched by Department of Military Affairs
Number of Vacancies 46000
The Union Cabinet made a recruitment program for Indian youngsters to join the armed forces,
known as AGNEEPATH (AGNIPATH). The young people chosen for the Agneepath program
will be called Agniveers. A window of opportunity for young people to serve their country for
four years has opened up with the launch of the Agnipath Scheme.

The Indian Armed Forces will enroll chosen applicants as Agniveers for four years as part of the
central government's Agneepath/Agnipath Scheme. The Agneepath Scheme is a move to recruit
46,000+ Agniveers into the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force. For the first four
years, admission through the Agneepath Scheme 2022 will be carried out. The military would
teach the recruits the necessary abilities throughout these four years. After the four years are out,
Aginveers will return to society as a disciplined, vibrant, motivated, and talented workforce to
pursue careers in other industries.

The Agnipath recruitment program is a revolutionary project that will give the armed forces a
more modern appearance. According to the new program, women will also be enlisted in the
armed forces.

Purpose of the Agneepath Scheme

In order to train youth and lower retirement and pension costs, the national government's main
objective is to establish the Indian Army Agneepath Entrance Program. The Indian government
developed this plan to strengthen our security forces. Before being deployed in areas like the
Jammu and Kashmir border, selected recruits would receive professional training.

The most significant component of this recruiting is that there will not be an admissions test for
the youth. The top military officer also said the Agniveers will get compensation for Rs one
crore if he sacrifices his life in service of the nation.

Agneepath Scheme - Broad Objectives

The administration is working toward the following more general goals:

● The Indian Armed Forces' youthful profile needs to be improved so that everyone can be at
their most risk-taking and effective during the battle.

● The youth of the nation eager to serve in the Indian Armed Forces for a shorter period have
this opportunity.
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● The program draws young people from around the nation to embrace, employ, and exploit
contemporary technologies with new and improved standards while leveraging national technical
institutions.

● Additionally, this program aids in developing the recruits' many talents and abilities, including
dynamism, motivation, discipline, and job skills.

● The program hopes to instill in the young people the military mentality, courage, devotion,
camaraderie, and the ability to operate as a team.

 Youth Recruitment: Aimed at enlisting young individuals in the Indian Armed

Forces below the commissioned officer rank.
 Short-Term Commitment: Offers a four-year tenure for recruits, known as
Agniveers, allowing them to serve the nation through the Army, Navy, or Air Force.
 National Security Enhancement: Aims to strengthen national security by engaging
enthusiastic, patriotic, and physically fit individuals in the defense forces.
 Transition Opportunity: Provides a window for young recruits to serve the country
for a specific period before transitioning to civilian life.
 Youth Employment: Acts as a platform for individuals aged 17.5 to 21 to contribute
to national security before exploring opportunities in other sectors.
 Skill Development: Offers training and experience to develop disciplined,
motivated, and skilled individuals to serve in various sectors post their service term.

Agneepath Scheme Advantages 2022

 A radical overhaul of the military's recruitment practices.

 Candidates between the lowest age requirement of 17.5 and the maximum age requirement of
23 will have a fantastic opportunity.
 After four years, 25% of the workers will still be employed, which implies lakhs of
applicants would eventually land permanent positions.
 The Agniveers who are not hired will gain practical experience working with the military.
After their service, they will have developed their discipline and skills. These people would
also receive a cash cushion of Rs 12 lakhs, which they can use to launch their businesses or
further their education.
 In the first year, the "Agneepath" program allows recruiting of around 46,000 personnel into
the Army, Navy, and Air Force.
 A unique chance for young people to serve their country and support nation-building. Young
and energetic profile for the armed forces.
 The Agniveers' tempting financial offer. Agniveers have the chance to train in the top
universities and improve their skills and qualifications.
 The presence in civil society of disciplined, skilled adolescents who adhere to military
values.
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 Appropriate re-employment options for those re-entering society and may become role
models for the younger generation.

Agneepath Scheme Disadvantages 2022

 The Agneepath Scheme will only provide the candidates with a 4-year position.
 After the training period, only 25% of the candidates will receive permanent positions; the
remaining 75% will be required to resign.
 The candidate appointed under the Agneepath Scheme 2022 will not receive a pension.
 The Agniveers would only receive 11 lakh from the government's Seva Nidhi Scheme in a
lump sum after four years, while some of the remaining amounts will be withdrawn from the
recruits' salaries every month.
 Only the non-commissioned ranks, such as Sepoy, Naik, and Lance Naik, would be hiring the
chosen individuals.
 Only applicants between the ages of 17.5-23 are being sought.
 There is no job security because the candidates will once more be jobless after serving for
four years.
 The candidate will not receive any additional or fundamental perks, unlike other government
employment.

CASE LAW: Harsh Ajay Singh v Union of India, 2023 SCC

In a batch of 21 petitions filed by the petitioners challenging the constitutional validity of the
Agnipath Scheme and registering the grievances of the Petitioners that the impugned Scheme has
taken away their rights insofar as they have participated in the recruitment process and many of
them have been shortlisted but have not been appointed due to the impugned Scheme. A division
bench of Satish Chandra Sharma CJ., and Subramonium Prasad, J., held that the stated objective
of the Government is neither discriminatory nor mala fide, or arbitrary, thus, this Court finds no
reason to interfere with it. The Court further held that the Petitioners have no vested right to seek
recruitment, and the doctrine of promissory estoppel and legitimate expectation find themselves
severely restricted by the overarching concerns of public interest.

Issue 1: Whether the Agnipath Scheme is discriminatory and arbitrary and ought to be set aside?

Placing reliance on State of Orissa v. Gopinath Dash, (2005) 13 SCC 495 and State of
Maharashtra v. Bhagwan, (2022) 4 SCC 193, the Court noted that unless a policy decision taken
by the Government is demonstrably capricious or arbitrary or if it suffers from the vice of
discrimination or infringes any statute or provisions of the Constitution, this Court is not to
question the propriety of such a policy decision. The Court further noted that the impugned
Scheme, as stated, is a recruitment-generation scheme that will satisfy much unemployed Indian
youth and 25% of the Agniveers will be allowed to continue in the Armed Forces beyond the
period of 4 years. This has been done by the Government in order to meet the objective of
8

creating an Armed Force which is agile, youthful, physically fit, and mentally alert. Considering
the laudable objective of maintaining national security being at the heart of the impugned
Scheme, the Court did not hold the scheme to be arbitrary, capricious, or devoid of reason.

Issue 2: Whether the Union’s actions attract the principles of promissory estoppel and legitimate
expectation, thereby mandating it to complete the recruitment process under the ‘Common
Entrance Examination’ (CEE) and 2019 Notification for the Indian Army and Air Force
respectively?

The Court noted that the doctrine of legitimate expectation, which has its genesis in
administrative law, is invoked to hold the government accountable and good to its word. This
doctrine is invoked if an individual is aggrieved by the alteration of rights or obligations, which
deprive such individual of any benefit or advantage and affects such individual adversely. The
Court opined that the doctrine of legitimate expectation cannot come to their rescue as the
instructions for candidates published in the Provisional Selection List also stated that
“Candidates whose names appear in Provisional Select List are NOT (R) NOT guaranteed
enrolment.” Pertinently, the advertisement published for the recruitment to the Air Force also
stated that “the terms and conditions given in the advertisement are guidelines only and orders
issued by the Government as amended from time to time will apply for the selected candidates.”
Thus, these caveats weigh heavily against the claim of the Petitioners to indicate that the
Petitioners cannot claim to have an enforceable right to gain employment. Simply because an
individual was successful in the selection process, it does not mean that they have acquired a
right to be appointed. On the aspect of whether the principle of promissory estoppel is applicable
to this case, the Court stated that the Court cannot bind the Government to its policy decision, if
the same is changed due to overarching concerns of ‘public interest’. Thus, the Court held that
the Agnipath Scheme was made in national interest, to ensure that the Armed Forces are better
equipped. Due to this, this Court finds that the Petitioners have no vested right to claim that the
recruitment under the 2019 Notification and CEE Examination needs to be completed.
Furthermore, both promissory estoppel and legitimate expectation cannot be applied in the
instant case to force the Government to complete the recruitment keeping in mind larger public
interest....

SRILANKA ECONOMIC CRISES

The International Monetary Fund is lending Sri Lanka $3bn (£2.4bn) to help it deal with its
worst economic crisis in its history as an independent nation.

PROBLEM: In early 2022, Sri Lankans started experiencing power cuts and shortages of basics
such as fuel. The rate of inflation rose to 50% a year.

As a result, protests broke out in the capital Colombo in April that year and spread across the
country.
9

The country ran short of fuel for essential services such as buses, trains and medical vehicles
because it did not have enough reserves of foreign currency to import any more.

The fuel shortage caused petrol and diesel prices to rise dramatically.

In June last year, the government banned the sale of petrol and diesel for non-essential vehicles
for two weeks. Sales of fuel remain severely restricted.

Schools had to close, and people were asked to work from home to help conserve supplies.

In early 2023 the country introduced income taxes for higher earners, ranging from 12.5% to
more than 36%.

It also raised other taxes to pay for critical purchases, including fuel and food.

The Sri Lankan economy has completely collapsed, as then Prime Minister Wickremesinghe
declared a few weeks ago. But this economic meltdown is not a surprise: Years of
mismanagement have been exacerbated by several external shocks and the Rajapaksa’s
unwillingness to seek help from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) earlier. Everything that
could go wrong with the economy has: Sri Lanka faces budget and current account deficits,
hyperinflation, a devalued currency and a huge sovereign debt that it can no longer pay.

After the civil war ended in 2009, then President Mahinda Rajapaksa took out massive foreign
loans to pay for war expenses and, more importantly, to start flashy infrastructure projects to
attract tourism and reward cronies. In a vicious cycle, the government had to turn to foreign
lenders, such as the Chinese, to help service already existing debt because they had limited
foreign reserves. Rather than focus on economic reforms that might increase those reserves, the
Rajapaksas implemented several tax cuts to shore up political support.

The 2019 Easter bombings and the COVID-19 pandemic ravaged tourism, Sri Lanka’s main
source of foreign revenue. Adding insult to injury, Gotabaya decided to in 2021 to ban chemical
fertilizers to make Sri Lankan farming “all organic” — a move that devasted the tea industry, Sri
Lanka’s main export crop. The fertilizer ban (which was finally reversed) and global grain
shortages due to the war in Ukraine have made the country more food insecure. The Rajapaksa’s
economic plan turned out to be a series of missteps and false bravado that led to the collapse of a
once vibrant and economically promising South Asian nation.

Whoever takes control of the government, they will have to work out an IMF program as soon as
possible and negotiate to restructure loans held by China, India, Japan and commercial lenders.
Without a government in power, IMF loans will take longer to finalize, leaving Sri Lankans in
dire need of food and fuel aid because they have no foreign reserves to purchase these items.

What happens when a country runs out of money?: Sri Lanka has been unable to buy goods it
needs from abroad. And in May 2022 it failed to make an interest payment on its foreign debt for
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the first time in its history. This damaged its reputation with lenders, making it even harder to
borrow money on the international markets.

Help: Sri Lanka owes about $7bn (£5.7bn) to China and around $1bn to India.

Last month, both these countries agreed to restructure their loans, giving Sri Lanka more time to
repay them.

Last month at the G-7 Summit, President Biden announced $20 million of additional
humanitarian assistance for Sri Lanka, bringing the total U.S. commitments in 2022 for
economic and humanitarian assistance to $32 million. It is likely that the United States and other
QUAD allies will increase their relief packages for Sri Lankans.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) extended financial assistance to the tune of $3 billion
under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) for Sri Lanka which has been facing economic crises.
When the unprecedented economic turmoil struck Sri Lanka last year, India swiftl ..
swiftly extended a lifeline to the country with assistance of over USD 4 billion .. surpassing the
International Monetary Fund's 48-month bailout of about USD 3 billion

How will the Bailout help Sri Lanka?

 The financial assistance under EFF by the IMF potentially unlocks more loans of up to $7
billion in funding from IMF & IFIs (International Financial Institutions) for the crisis-
hit country which is trying to recover from 2022’s economic meltdown and associated
protests.
 The IMF-supported programme is expected to restore macroeconomic stability, and debt
sustainability, protect financial stability and boost structural reforms to strengthen the
economy.
 The IMF officials identified corruption as a key issue and the IMF “Governance
diagnostic mission” is assessing the governance and anti-corruption framework of Sri
Lanka.
 In 2022, Sri Lanka defaulted on its foreign debt and faced a severe forex reserve crunch.
 Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe after securing a loan under EFF announced that
Sri Lanka is no longer a bankrupt country and the loan by IMF will provide assurance to
world countries that Sri Lanka can service its debt.
 India, Japan and China, being the crisis-hit nation’s top three bilateral creditors, provided
financial assurances for the loan provided by the IMF.
 However, Sri Lankan economists warn that there are also serious challenges to address
such as high debt burden, persistent trade deficit and balance of payment problem.
What is the Extended Fund Facility?
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 Under Extended Fund Facility (EFF), the IMF provides loans to countries facing serious
medium-term balance of payment crises due to structural issues in the economy which will
require more time to resolve.
 Since medium-term structural reforms will require time to rectify, the EFF gives a longer
time to repay the loan and longer program engagement.
 All member countries are eligible to avail of the loan under EFF and this is most often used
by advanced emerging economies.
 The low-income countries also use EFF sometimes along with Extended Credit Facilities.
 Funds under EFF come with conditions like commitments to take steps for structural reforms
to address institutional or economic measures and to maintain macroeconomic stability.
What led to the economic crisis?

The government blamed the Covid pandemic, which badly affected Sri Lanka's tourist trade -
one of its biggest foreign currency earners.

It also said tourists were frightened off by a series of deadly bomb attacks in 2019.

However, many experts blame PM Mahinda Rajapaksa's economic policies.

At the end of its civil war in 2009, Sri Lanka chose to focus on providing goods to its domestic
market, instead of trying to boost foreign trade.
This meant its income from exports to other countries remained low, while the bill for imports kept
growing.
Sri Lanka now imports $3bn more than it exports every year, and that is why it ran out of foreign
currency.
At the end of 2019, Sri Lanka had $7.6bn in foreign currency reserves, which have dropped to around
$250m.
Mr Rajapaksa also introduced big tax cuts in 2019, which lost the government more than $1.4bn a
year in revenues.

 The Covid-19 Pandemic put the tourism industry on hold. It accounted for 10% of Sri
Lanka’s GDP
 This led to a dip in the forex reserve (from $7.5 billion in 2019 to $2.8 billion in July 2021).
 A dip in other sources of revenue led to high costs in importing of essential items, including
food.
 A depreciated currency, high dependence on imports and hoarding led to a steep rise in food
prices in Sri Lanka.
 The Hambantota port was another white elephant project by the present government to
shorten its economic woes. Instead it only further increased the debt problem that Sri Lanka
faced as it had taken $1 billion from China.
12

 The ongoing Russo-Ukrainian Conflict also is a factor which is affecting the already
precarious economic condition of Sri Lanka.
 The reason is that Sri Lankan tourism relies on arrivals from Russia and Ukraine.
 Russia is also the second biggest market to Sri Lanka when it comes to tea exports.
 Thus, the war in Ukraine put a serious dent in the path of the economic recovery of Sri
Lanka.
 The Sri Lankan government decided to make their country the first to produce their foodstuff
from “100 % organic farming”. To this end, they imposed a nationwide ban on chemical
fertilizers and pesticides in June 2021. Leads to possible collapse of farming industry.
The roots of the current political crisis are directly tied to the actions of former President
Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his family, including his brothers former Prime Minister Mahinda
Rajapaksa and former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa. Gotabaya came to power in 2019, and
in 2020 his party, the Sri Lanka People's Front (SLPP), was able to consolidate its supermajority
in parliament on a banner of populism and Sinhalese nationalism. By passing the 20th
amendment to the constitution, Gotabaya was able to consolidate an unprecedented amount of
power in the executive presidency. His dictatorial tendencies were matched by nepotism,
corruption, the elevation of retired military officers into almost every sector of government, and
serious accusations of human rights violations during the Sri Lankan civil war. But in the end, it
was his (and his family’s) terrible governance and mismanagement of Sri Lanka’s economy,
especially during the pandemic, that led to the economic crisis in the fall of 2021.

Even after his brother’s resignation as prime minister in early May, Gotabaya had remained
defiant and pledged to serve out the remaining two years of his presidential term. In May,
Gotabaya appointed Wickremensinghe as prime minister (his sixth time in the job) as a meager
conciliatory move. Given that Wickremensinghe’s Union National Party had only one seat in
parliament and he was serving on an appointed national list seat rather than elected one, this
move did little to gain popular support nor did it help stem the debt default or hyperinflation.
Wickremensinghe unsuccessfully attempted to pass a version of the 21st amendment to limit
some of the powers of the executive presidency — a move Gotabaya opposed.

By mid-July, the economic crisis was reaching untenable depths and the protesters (though
largely peaceful) had burnt down the prime minister’s house and occupied the president palace.
As things came to a head, Gotabaya finally promised to resign by July 13 (a particularly
auspicious day in the Buddhist calendar). Yet he escaped the country without resigning.
Eventually, the speaker of the parliament announced that he had received Gotabaya’s resignation
from Singapore and Wikremensinghe was formally sworn in as acting president on July 15.