Lesson 14a Homework Questions & Answers

1. Why are the electoral systems used in Scotland, Wales and the Greater
London Assembly known as ‘hybrids’? [p.41]
a. They are mixed systems – a combination of FPTP and a proportional
regional list system.

2. Why is AMS a ‘compromise’? [p.42]

a. It makes a system partly proportional, but also preserves the idea of
parliamentary constituencies with an MP to help them. It helps
smaller parties, but also favours the larger ones.

3. What is the D’Hondt method? Explain carefully as it is complicated. [p.42]

a. The complex calculation that adjusts the proportions of votes cast on
the list system in order to award seats to give a more proportional
overall result. It is important to remember that the % of votes a party
gets in the list system is not the % of list seats that they receive.
Parties that do less well in the constituencies have their proportion
of list votes adjusted upwards, and parties that do well have their
proportion of list votes adjusted downwards. The overall effect of
this is to make the total result nearly proportional the total votes
cast in both the FPTP and list parts of the system.

4. How is the ‘electoral quota’ (the number of votes a candidate needs to win
one of the seats) decided in Single Transferable Vote (STV)? Use the
textbook’s example. [p.43]
a. Total number of votes cast divided by (number of seats available plus
one). For example, if 50,000 votes were cast and there were 6 seats
available, the quote would be 50,000 divided by (6 + 1 = 7). 50,000
divided by 7 is 7,142. One more is then added, making 7,143 votes
needed to win each of the seats. This is called the Droop quota.

5. How proportional did AMS make the 2016 Scottish Parliamentary election
results? [p.43]
a. Quite proportional – the SNP still got a winner’s bonus for winning
nearly all of the constituency seats, so won 48.8% of seats on 41.7%
of the list vote (and 59 constituencies). The other parties broadly got
the % of seats in line with their % of list votes.
6. In 2016, why did the SNP only get awarded 4 list seats out of 56 when it
won 41.7% of the list vote, more than any other party? [p.43-44 and your
own understanding]
a. Because the SNP had won 59/73 seats and AMS’s D’Hondt method
adjusts the list seats awarded in order to try and achieve a more
proportional result.

7. Explain how the Green Party benefited in 2016 in Scotland under AMS,
when it would have won no seats under FPTP. [p.43-44]
a. The Greens won no constituencies but got 6.6% of the list vote, so
were awarded 6 list seats to take their total seats won to 4.7%.

8. What would have happened in 2016 if the Scottish Parliament used FPTP,
and why would this not have reflected Scotland’s political views? [p.44]
a. The SNP would have won 80.8% of constituency seats in an
enormous landslide, although its actual popularity is just below 50%.

9. Look at the number of proportional list seats awarded in Scotland (versus

the total number of Scottish Parliament seats), and the number of
proportional list seats awarded in Wales (versus the total number of
Welsh Assembly seats). Which devolved body has a more proportional
version of AMS? [p.43 & 45]
a. Scotland. 43% of seats were given out via the list system, whereas in
Wales this was only 33%.

10. Why was UKIP given more list seats than any other party in the
Welsh Assembly in 2016, despite being only the 4th most popular party?
[p.44-45]
a. Because it had won no constituencies despite having 13.0%
popularity. UKIP was therefore the most disadvantaged party under
the FPTP part, so the 7 list seats topped them up to 11.7%.

11. Why do ‘all things seem possible under STV’? [p.46]

a. Because candidates can benefit from 2nd, 3rd and subsequent
preference votes, allowing a greater number of parties to gain
representation in the Northern Ireland Assembly.

12. Which electoral system do you think should be used in the UK

Parliament?