8.

4
Tracing maritime connections
between Island Southeast Asia
and the Indian Ocean world
Tom Hoogervorst

Introduction
Southeast Asia’s historical connections with the Indian Ocean provide a case study par excellence
of ‘early globalization’, ‘archaic globalization’, or simply ‘globalization’ (cf. Abu-Lughod 1991;
Hobson 2004; throughout this chapter, I use Island Southeast Asia and Maritime Southeast Asia
interchangeably. I do not focus here on the mainland Southeast Asian sub-region; Figure 8.4.1).
The region’s incorporation into global exchange networks largely predates the rise of Western
Europe as a world power, and has, as such, inspired those taking issue with Eurocentric tropes
on globalization (cf. Frank 1998; Liebermann 2009; Chew 2014). Maritime Southeast Asian
globalization is an a posteriori concept; the region’s past, as this chapter demonstrates, was shaped
by indigenous networks of exchange that eventually toppled over into trans-Asiatic and ulti-
mately global spheres of interaction. These networks were global in the sense that they were
not just macroscalar, but also brought about far-reaching cultural changes (Feinman this volume;
Jennings this volume). Globalization as defined here need not necessarily be world-encompassing
(Wallerstein 1974; Pitts and Versluys 2015; Knappett this volume).
The role(s) and position(s) of Southeast Asia’s indigenous populations within these Indian Ocean
networks often remains a point of discussion. For those who prioritize written accounts, much
of the region’s past cannot be seen other than through the lens of outsiders, be they European,
Indian, Chinese or Middle-Eastern. This asymmetrical bias finds ample archaeological confirma-
tion. Imported ceramics, metal tools, glass, beads, and other manufactured items are highly visible,
whereas Southeast Asian products, tools and buildings – typically manufactured from wood, rattan,
bamboo and other perishable materials – rarely show up in equal measure (Bronson and Wisseman
1978; Hall 2011). This imbalance notwithstanding, the logic of trans-regional networks requires
the presence of mutually beneficial patterns of exchange. This is where globalization theory is
able to provide the explanatory tools necessary to move away from tropes of core–periphery hier-
archies, Indocentrism, and acculturation that have plagued Indian Ocean Studies from colonial
times onwards. To some extent, focusing on Southeast Asian agency in early globalizing networks
provides a counterweight to research on the introduction into Southeast Asia of world religions
(Murphy and Lefferts this volume), Indianized writing traditions, the emergence of monumental
architecture, and other manifestations of centralized power (Carter and Kim this volume).

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Figure 8.4.1 Map of the region with sites mentioned in the text
 Tracing maritime connections

The inclusion of Island Southeast Asians among the world’s earliest globalizing forces would
have been significantly less self-evident if not for the fact that the population of Madagascar,
off the coast of East Africa, speaks a language with indisputable origins from the island of
Borneo (Dahl 1951; Adelaar 2009). This linguistic observation has sat somewhat uncomfort-
ably with non-linguists, yet recent studies in human genetics on Malagasy populations have
revealed Island Southeast Asian ancestry in both paternal and maternal lineages (Hurles et al.
2005; Tofanelli et al. 2009), whereas preliminary research on the nearby Comoros Islands points
to a relatively small Island Southeast Asian contribution to the maternal ancestry of its predomi-
nantly East African and Middle Eastern-derived population (Gourjon et al. 2011; Msaidie et al.
2011). Together with a mounting body of archaeological, archaeobotanical and zoological data
(see Boivin et al. 2013 for an overview), these additional lines of evidence compel scholars no
longer to treat the Madagascar link as a quaint footnote with little impact on the overall nar-
rative of global history. Its colonization seems to be a natural consequence of Southeast Asia’s
intertwinement with the Indian Ocean world, which went hand-in-hand with the deliber-
ate introduction to that island of rice agriculture, iron metallurgy and textile production (e.g.
Manguin 2010; Beaujard 2011).
As alluded to previously, the archaeological record can be misleading with regard to Maritime
Southeast Asian influence in the ancient Indian Ocean. In all likelihood, tin from the rich
deposits of the Thai–Malay Peninsula reached the Indian subcontinent in the first centuries ce,
but was melted down and used for locally produced bronze bowls (Srinivasan and Glover 1997;
Rajan 2011). Ceramic evidence is equally problematic. While certain Indian Ocean pottery
types have been tentatively connected to Southeast Asian traditions (Solheim and Deraniyagala
1972; Allibert 2008; Selvakumar 2011; Miksic and Goh this volume), more systematic work
needs to be done in this area. In a similar vein, Chinese-style ceramics – including Southeast
Asian imitations (cf. Dupoizat and Harkantiningsih 2007) – are found much more ubiquitously
across the Indian Ocean rim. If even a part of these ceramics was moved around by Island
Southeast Asians concomitant to the colonization of Madagascar, their agency would be com-
pletely opaque archaeologically (Bing 2012; Chinese maritime activity in the Indian Ocean
world was minimal until the ninth–tenth centuries ce: Manguin 2012; Liebner 2014).
The present study traces and reviews the connections between Maritime Southeast Asia and
the Indian Ocean world through three related themes. The first section focuses on the impact
of globalizing forces on the relationships between state-like settlements in Island Southeast Asia,
their hinterlands, and the wider world. These intensified connections boosted – both financially
and technologically – the region’s already vibrant shipping traditions, as is argued in the second
section. This in turn led to the large-scale infusion of Island Southeast Asian produce into global
economic systems, transforming the medico-religious and culinary practices of Afro-Eurasia.

Local beginnings, global implications

The formation of complex, state-level societies in Island Southeast Asia is closely intertwined
with the region’s entanglement with the wider world. More specifically, the adoption of cul-
tural and socio-political ideas typically took place in the wake of long-established commercial
links. A factor not to be overlooked here is the character of Island Southeast Asian societies prior
to intensified contact with the Indian Ocean world. With some notable exceptions, ancient
Maritime Southeast Asia initially lacked grasslands-based livestock systems, cereal cultivation,
and the associated opportunities for permanent settlement and high population density; this
marks a contrast with the Southeast Asian mainland, whose earliest states were distinctly based
on cereal cultivation (Stark 2006). Populations inhabiting the infertile coasts often depended

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on riverine exchange networks with slash-and-burn farmers, presumably from Neolithic times
onwards (Bulbeck 2004). Around 500 bce, these exchange networks started to feature ceramics,
metal artefacts, and presumably agricultural tools and techniques, which often travelled from the
Southeast Asian mainland all the way to eastern Indonesia (Bellwood 1997).
The first unambiguous textual references to Southeast Asia are from India: the Buddhist
Mahānidessa and the Jātakas dated to the late third–first centuries bce (Wheatley 1961; Cœdès
1968). Regular commercial relations across the Bay of Bengal were presumably spurred by
India’s interest in Southeast Asia’s gold deposits, especially after access to their Siberian sup-
plies was cut off (Wheatley 1983; Hall 1993). Facilitated by favourable monsoonal winds, these
maritime connections eventually incorporated Southeast Asia into the rich economic zone of
the Indian Ocean. Indian influence initially manifested itself on the Southeast Asian mainland,
where ceramics, beads and food items from the subcontinent start to show up archaeologically
around 500 bce (Glover 1996; Bellina 2007; Carter and Kim this volume). Several Graeco-
Roman authors also mention Southeast Asia and its products, although their descriptions give
the impression of being second-hand accounts rather than the results of intimate knowledge.
Rome’s eastwards expansion caused a considerable boost in Indian Ocean trade (Hall 1993;
Manguin 2004), yet there is no unambiguous evidence for direct contact with Southeast Asia.
Developments in East Asia also left their mark. From the second half of the fourth century ce,
China increasingly focused its orientation to maritime trade, effectively shifting the centre of
power towards Maritime Southeast Asia and away from the mainland (Hall 1993). The sizable
trade between West Asia and China, with aromatics being exported eastwards and silk moving
in the opposite direction, significantly strengthened the position of Island Southeast Asia on the
global stage (Wheatley 1961; Wolters 1967).
Straddling the Straits of Malacca, a Sumatran polity known as Sriwijaya (Śrīvijaya) developed
into an inter-regional nexus from the seventh century ce (Manguin 2004). It was the largest
Southeast Asian emporium thus far, documented in Chinese accounts as a harbour from which
camphor and other aromatic products were exported and where Buddhist pilgrims changed
ships on their way to India (Wolters 1967). Sriwijaya infused unparalleled quantities of spices
(see below), gold, tin, precious stones, ivory, rhinoceros horns, exotic birds, rainforest prod-
ucts, commodities from the sea, and slaves into trans-Asiatic trade networks. This range of
poorly accessible resources reached the ports of Sriwijaya through the hands of semi-sedentary
foragers with specialized expertise to obtain them. The relations of these groups with Sriwijaya
and later polities were constantly renegotiated and often leveraged between mutual depend-
ence and political subordination, reflecting a wider pattern throughout Southeast Asian history
(cf. Andaya 2008; Dove 2011; Hoogervorst and Boivin in press). Sama-Bajau communities, for
example, were often forcefully subjugated by land-based agents to better control their activities
and revenues from maritime resources (Hoogervorst 2012). Along similar lines, the migra-
tion of the Malagasy community from southern Borneo to Madagascar presumably took place
under Malay overlordship (Adelaar 2009). Rainforest-dwelling suppliers of rattans, beeswax
and aromatic tree products, for example, typically relied on coastal settlers for an assurance of
reliable markets and access to rice, salt and manufactured goods (Andaya 2008). This in turn
created a niche for mercantile go-betweens, brokers and middlemen, who shaped alliances with
local elites through intermarriage, a shared religion and commercial links (Andaya 2008; Hall
2011; see Beaujard 2005 on the same phenomenon in East Africa). Negotiation and entice-
ment through the bestowal of titles, marital bonds and gifts became well-attested strategies to
seek the loyalty of local forest- or sea-dwelling communities, who could ensure economic
and occasionally military stability on behalf of their overlords (Bulbeck 2004; Andaya 2008;
Hoogervorst 2012).

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The economic integration of Maritime Southeast Asian settlements with the wider world
brought about a convergence of political and religious systems, but also increased opportunities
to actively engage in Indian Ocean trade. Greater financial resources and technological cross-
fertilization created the conditions for the construction of larger watercraft across the Bay of
Bengal and the South China Sea. The next section, hence, focuses on developments in Island
Southeast Asia’s shipbuilding traditions in the wake of its closer connections with other regions.

Technological exchange in the maritime sphere

Alongside writing, agriculture and industrialization, the adoption of ocean-faring techniques is
one of the most significant globally replicated events. Southeast Asia’s ship-building traditions
transformed global transportation through the exchange of sailing and boat-building technolo-
gies. From its initial settlement, the region’s inter-island trade networks and upland-coastal
river systems gave rise to distinct water-based cultural orientations. By 40,000 bce, the region’s
pre-Neolithic hunter-gatherers were able to cross the island chains and sea straits connecting
Asia with New Guinea, Australia and Near Oceania (Gibbons and Clunie 1986; O’Connell
et al. 2010). Glacial movements and fluctuations in sea levels forced their descendants to either
develop maritime skills or move upland and avoid the sea. Findings of pelagic fish remains in a
number of Pleistocene sites indicate a maritime orientation of some of the earliest inhabitants of
Island Southeast Asia and Near Oceania (Lape et al. 2007; O’Connell et al. 2010). This is further
supported by obsidian trade networks (Bellwood and Koon 1989; Tykot and Chia 1997) and
anthropogenic translocations of marsupial species (White 2004).
The precise types of watercraft employed by these seafarers remain unknown. To get a
better picture of more recent boat types, scholars have traditionally relied on a combination
of iconographic evidence (e.g. depictions of watercraft on temple reliefs), textual evidence
(e.g. philological material on boats or sea journeys), ethnographic evidence (e.g. studies of
more contemporary boat-building and sailing techniques) and re-enactments of seafaring jour-
neys (the latter include computer simulations based on sea currents and monsoon winds, e.g.
Fitzpatrick and Callaghan 2008, but also actual sea journeys in replicas of Southeast Asian
watercraft, such as Philip Beale’s 2005 Borobudur Expedition). Recent advances in maritime
archaeology, especially studies on shipwrecks, added a much-needed empirical dimension to
the field of Southeast Asian seafaring (Manguin 2012; Liebner 2014; Niziolek and Respess this
volume). Consequently, a number of generalizations can be made on the traditional watercraft
of Maritime Southeast Asia. As with (other) Indian Ocean regions, plank-boats were typically
sewn together edge-to-edge, rather than fastened through iron nails. A variant of this tradi-
tion prevalent in Maritime Southeast Asia is known as the lashed-lug design (Horridge 1982;
Manguin 2012), characterized by threads passed through holes or lugs carved out of the planks
(Figure 8.4.2). Another innovation observed in the waters of Southeast Asia and Near Oceania
is the technique of plank-edging through internal dowel pins (cf. McGrail 2001; Manguin
2012), which is probably connected to the availability of iron tools necessary to drill holes into
the edges of the planks. Western Indian Ocean watercraft typically exhibit continuous sewing
(lacing) with threads showing on the outer side of the hull, whereas the Bay of Bengal features
discontinuous sewing (stitching) with stitches kept inside the planks (Prins 1986).
Maritime Southeast Asian sails – traditionally made from rattan or palm leaves – are typically
hoisted from unfixed sprit spars in order to be set lengthwise (fore-and-aft) or perpendicular to
the keel, depending on the wind conditions (cf. Doran 1981; Hoogervorst 2013). The V-shaped
‘Oceanic spritsail’ or ‘triangular spritsail’, which is hoisted from two spars connected at the
tack, is one of the most prominent examples of this rigging tradition. Another type known

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Tom Hoogervorst

Figure 8.4.2 Plank-dowelled hull with lashed-lug design (courtesy of Horst Liebner)

as the ‘Indian Ocean double spritsail’ or ‘bifid-mast spritsail’ is supported by a V-aligned bifid
mast (Figure 8.4.3). This type of rig is historically found in Sumatra, Sri Lanka, the Maldives,
Madagascar and the coast of Yemen (cf. Haddon 1920; Bowen 1953; Doran 1981). The east
coast of the Indian subcontinent appears to display a hybrid Southeast Asian–western Indian
Ocean rigging tradition, characterized by trapezoid sails with booms and short masts stepped
forward in the Maritime Southeast Asian tradition, but with a typically Middle Eastern short luff
(cf. Bowen 1953; Pohl 2007).
Island Southeast Asian boats are further characterized by the outrigger device; a log connected
by cross-beams to the main hull of the boat. Outriggers serve to improve the buoyancy and sta-
bility of dugout canoes and other types of small boats, especially when rigged with the relatively
large sail types mentioned previously. They appear to have been absent on larger, more stable
watercraft. Outriggers are also found throughout much of the wider Indian Ocean world (cf.
Haddon 1920; Hornell 1920). In most parts of Island Southeast Asia – as well as the Comoros
Islands and coastal East Africa – there is a predominance of double outrigger boats, whereas the
sailors of South Asia, the Pacific, New Guinea and northern Australia generally prefer single out-
riggers. Both types have been documented in Madagascar, the Philippines, parts of Indonesia and
north-west New Guinea (Hornell 1920; Hoogervorst 2013). The single outrigger canoe prob-
ably developed out of an asymmetric double canoe, whereas the double outrigger appears to have
been a subsequent development (Brindley 1932; Doran 1981). In combination with larger boat
types, the latter has clear benefits in terms of overall stability and increased cabin accommodation.

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Figure 8.4.3 Southeast Asian sail types

Beyond these general characteristics, our record of pre-modern Southeast Asian sailing is
mostly based on indirect evidence. From the second century ce, Chinese accounts document
diplomatic missions from several Southeast Asian states, which sent ships containing slaves, large
animals and exotic products to the Celestial Court (Pelliot 1904, 1925; Ferrand 1919; Wolters
1967). From the third century ce, they provide detailed descriptions of large, plank-sewn sail-
boats operated by foreigners, reminiscent of the ships depicted on the reliefs of the eighth–ninth
centuries ce Borobudur temple in Central Java (McGrail 2001; Manguin 2012). Maritime trade
across the South China Sea appears to have relied on Southeast Asian ships and sailors until the
end of the first millennium ce, by which time China developed a home-grown ocean-faring
tradition (Ferrand 1919; Pelliot 1925; Wolters 1967; Liebner 2014). In addition, Maritime

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Southeast Asian sailors also shipped foreign cargoes, including the Persian cargoes referred to
in fifth and sixth century Chinese sources (Wolters 1967: 139–58); the actual Persians did not
regularly sail beyond Sri Lanka by that time. The famous Buddhist pilgrim Yìjìng also travelled
from Sumatra to India on a local ship in the seventh century ce (Wolters 1967: 153).
The colonization of Madagascar from Borneo, presumably around the eighth century, may
have been a secondary development to intensified contacts between Island Southeast Asia and
East Africa (cf. Adelaar 2009). Slave-raiding, one of the foundation stones of Southeast Asia’s
earliest state-level economies, must have taken place on the East African coast too. An early
ninth-century Chinese text documents the shipment of East African (Zanjī) slaves from Java
to China (Pelliot 1904: 289–91). One such raid, apparently intended to the Chinese market,
features in a tenth-century Persian account (Ferrand 1907: 462–63). The name given to these
mercantile slave-raiders – in this and other medieval Islamic accounts – was Wāqwāq. This
term, it seems, was used by the Arabs and Persians in reference to a semi-mythical people who
dominated the southern Indian Ocean axis, beyond the reach of Middle Eastern sailors (Ferrand
1910). The presence of Maritime Southeast Asian merchants in the Indian Ocean – including
Madagascar and the Maldives – was also documented in the earliest Portuguese sources (Ferrand
1910; Manguin 2010), but they appear to have been outcompeted by Gujarati, Chinese and
European trading fleets by the end of the sixteenth century (Manguin 1993).
Upon initial European contact, some of the most widespread Indian Ocean ship types (and
their names) – such as the parau, junk, sambook, sampan and kappal – were attested across a wide
geographical range, suggesting a shared nautical tradition across the Bay of Bengal (Manguin
1993, 2012; Hoogervorst 2013). The adoption of fixed masts and cloth sails on Southeast Asian
watercraft, especially on larger boats, may reflect external influence. Illustratively, a type of
canted rectangular lugsail with boom has been documented from the Bay of Bengal (cf. Piétri
1949; Deloche 1994) to Maritime Southeast Asia and Near Oceania (cf. Haddon and Hornell
1936–38; Doran 1981; Lape et al. 2007). Further contact-induced innovations on Southeast
Asian watercraft include the substitution of lateral steering oars by stern-mounted rudders and
the adoption of novel anchor types, whose transmission may be relatively modern (Hoogervorst
2013: 97–99).
Maritime Southeast Asian seafaring technology also spread westwards. It has been pointed
out that Southeast Asian types of edge-dowelled boats occur in the Maldives, Minicoy and Sri
Lanka (Varadarajan 1994; Manguin 2012; Selvakumar 2011). The same plank-fastening method
has been identified on an eleventh–twelfth century ce boat near Kadakkarappally, South India
(Pedersen 2004; Tomalin et al. 2004). The outrigger device has been attested in the Pacific,
New Guinea, northern Australia, the Andaman Islands, the Nicobar Islands, Sri Lanka, the
South Asian mainland, the Maldives, the Comoros Islands, Madagascar and East Africa (Hornell
1944; Haddon and Hornell 1936-38; Doran 1981; Hoogervorst 2013), often in combination
with Maritime Southeast Asian sail types mentioned above. An outrigger connective mecha-
nism dated to 380 ce has been found on a dugout canoe excavated near the Kelani Ganga, Sri
Lanka (Kapitän 2009: 168–89). The traditional dugout canoes of East Africa, characterized by
double outriggers, plank lacing and the use of organic materials for caulking, presumably also
reflect Southeast Asian influence. Most of the watercraft of coastal East Africa and the Comoros
Islands display subsequent layers of Middle Eastern influence, such as the introduction of the
lateen sail and the lashed stern-mounted rudder, whereas watercraft in Mayotte and Madagascar
generally remain closer to the prototype (Hornell 1944 volume 2: 175).
A final comment must be made about the materials used in different Indian Ocean boat-
building traditions. These include plantain fibre for caulking (Hornell 1943: 15–16), areca wood
and plantain stems for different boat parts (McGrail 2001: 263), and areca nuts, plantains, and

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incense for boat initiation rituals (Kentley 2003: 135–36). All of these products are believed to
originate from Southeast Asia. The next section, hence, will call attention to these and other
biological translocations.

Biological exports: the backbone of trade

Amongst the most desired of Island Southeast Asian exports were a wide range of spices, includ-
ing aromatic tree products. These pre-industrial luxury goods became a driving force of inter-ethnic
commerce across the Indian Ocean and the lands along the Silk Roads. Southeast Asia’s unique
agricultural systems, too, became intertwined with those of the regions in regular contact. While
not immediately apparent in the archaeological record, both spices and (other) food products
considerably impacted on global trade, tastes and cultural practices surrounding food preparation
and the medico-religious use of aromatics.
Southeast Asia’s pre-globalized agriculture featured rice (see Fuller et al. this volume), yams,
taro, bananas, sugar cane, coconuts, and sago. The possibility of a Southeast Asian domestication
event of the chicken, water buffalo and pig remains uncertain (Larson and Fuller 2014). A num-
ber of Southeast Asian crops spread as far as Africa in pre-modern times, including yam varie-
ties, taro, bananas and plantains, sugar cane, and the coconut palm (Murdock 1959; Mitchell
2005). In addition, recent mitochondrial DNA analysis reveals a Southeast Asian contribution
in the gene pool of East African and Malagasy chicken populations (Razafindraibe et al. 2008;
Mwacharo et al. 2011). These exchanges post-dated a series of African crop dispersals into South
Asia and – to a lesser extent – South Asian domesticates travelling in the opposite direction
(Fuller 2003; Blench 2003).
The dating of these biological transmissions is problematic. The world’s earliest available
evidence for banana cultivation is from a site in the Kuk Swamp in highland New Guinea,
where microscopic silica bodies known as phytoliths indicate the presence of banana cultivars
by 5000–4500 bce (Denham et al. 2003). From a New Guinean homeland, edible bananas were
dispersed into the Asian mainland and the Pacific (Langhe and de Maret 1999; Carreel et al.
2002; Denham and Donohue 2009). The earliest direct evidence of bananas in the African
continent comes from a medieval context at the site of Quṣair al-Qadīm (van der Veen 2011:
98–100), where unusually arid conditions resulted in their desiccation and, hence, preservation.
The discussion of earlier banana findings, on the other hand, is mainly based on the identifi-
cation of phytoliths (Mbida et al. 2000; Lejju et al. 2006), arousing concerns about the strati-
graphic integrity of the sites, the proposed chronologies, and the possibility of misidentification
with taxonomically related endemic species (Vansina 2003; Mbida et al. 2005; Neumann and
Hildebrand 2009).
Tentative clove remains at the Middle Bronze Age site of Terqa (present-day Syria) are
equally controversial (Buccellati and Buccellati 1983), as are apparent mid-second millennium
bce nutmeg remains from Dayr al-Baḥrī in Egypt (Naville et al. 1913) and organic residues from
early first millennium bce chalices in Israel, possibly indicative of the presence of either jasmine
or nutmeg (Namdar et al. 2010). In the absence thus far of corroborative data, both the identi-
fication and the time depth of these findings are to be considered with due caution. In general,
spice remains are not easily found in the archaeological record. Reasons for this include their
comparatively small proportions, unfavourable conditions of preservation, and a tendency to
avoid spillage of these high-value goods (van der Veen 2011: 2). The earliest tentative remains
of carbonized nutmeg are from an Iron Age site associated with 400–300 bce Northern Black
Polished Ware in eastern Uttar Pradesh (Saraswat et al. 1990: 122–23; Zumbroich 2012: 55–56)
and from a fire altar dated to 50–250 ce in the Punjab region (Saraswat and Pokharia 1998;

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Asouti and Fuller 2008: 117), though archaeological evidence for cloves and nutmeg in Indian
regions in more direct contact with Southeast Asia remains to be established. Most of the avail-
able evidence for cloves and nutmegs – originally from the Maluku Islands – in use among the
ancient Chinese, Indian and Middle Eastern populations is textual, although the precise dating
of the relevant accounts is often problematic (Purseglove et al. 1981; Hoogervorst 2013). The
same holds true for Maritime Southeast Asian pepper exports, such as the Java long pepper (Piper
retrofractum) and the cubeb (P. cubeba) (Hoogervorst 2013: 71–72).
Equally important Southeast Asian exports were a variety of aromatic tree products. The
wood of the sandalwood tree (Santalum album) is known worldwide for its cosmetic and aro-
matic properties. The geographical distribution of species of the genus Santalum shows remark-
able discontinuity between southern India on the one hand and the entire area between eastern
Indonesia, northern Australia and most of the Pacific region on the other, suggesting that its
westward distribution was anthropogenic (Harbaugh and Baldwin 2007). However, scanning
electron microscopy of charcoal remains indicates the presence of sandalwood in India’s Deccan
Plateau by the end of the second millennium bce (Fuller 2007: 427; Asouti and Fuller 2008),
apparently much too early for long-distance maritime exchange. Other commercially viable
arboreal products – such as camphor (Dryobalanops spp., esp. sumatrensis), benzoin (Styrax ben-
zoin), eaglewood (Aquilaria malaccensis) and sappan-wood (Caesalpinia sappan) – were never
translocated from Southeast Asia to other regions, as they required specific local conditions to
grow (Figure 8.4.4). The usage of most of these products is documented in Indian, Chinese, and
Middle Eastern texts, but not archaeologically (Hoogervorst 2013: 72–76). Camphor, however,
has been tentatively identified on an Egyptian mummy dated to 170 bce (Cockburn et al. [1980]
1998: 77–78).
Another probable Southeast Asian export was the habit of betel-chewing, now found over a
vast area across the Indo-Pacific. The betel mixture generally consists of three ingredients: the
‘nut’ of the areca palm (technically the endosperm), the leaf of the betel pepper, and slaked lime.
Southeast Asian spices, such as cloves and nutmeg, are often added to the mixture (Zumbroich
2012). Our still-limited record of Areca phylogeography favours an Island Southeast Asian
provenance of the palm, suggesting that it was introduced to the Indian subcontinent at a

Figure 8.4.4 Benzoin, Sarawak State Museum, Kuching (photograph by author)

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yet uncertain point in time (Fuller 2007: 427; Zumbroich 2007–08: 68–69). References
to betel-chewing are made in the second century bce Jātakas, other Pali literature, and Jain
scriptures (Penzer 1927: 254). The habit also spread to China as documented in texts from the
first centuries ce (Penzer 1927: 303; Mahdi 1998: 405) and appears to have reached its peak
of popularity during the Song Dynasty, which saw regular imports of dried nuts from several
parts of Southeast Asia (Wheatley 1959: 68–69). Meanwhile, the first available archaeological
evidence for betel nuts on the African continent is from the medieval Egyptian site of Quṣair
al-Qadīm (van der Veen 2011: 59).
The coconut palm (Cocos nucifera) has long been believed to be a Southeast Asian introduction
across the pre-modern Indo-Pacific. In the Sanskrit literature, coconut cultivation featured quite
marginally until the first centuries ce (Kosambi 1965: 189; Mahdi 1998: 396), suggesting that
it was introduced by peripheral populations of unknown ethno-linguistic affiliation. Recent
genetic studies, however, indicate that the coconut subpopulations of the Pacific and the Indian
Ocean are highly differentiated; admixture only occurs in East Africa (Lebrun et al. 1998; Gunn
et al. 2011). This may point to two separate domestication events, one in Island Southeast Asia
and one in the southern Indian subcontinent, as argued by Gunn et al. (2011).
For a number of plants originating from the nexus of mainland Southeast Asia, north-east
India and Yunnan, it is difficult to assess whether their Afro-Eurasian dispersal took place
over land or through maritime networks. Citrus fruits, which spread across the Indian Ocean
world in pre-modern times, provide a case in point. Citrus taxonomy is complicated by the
fact that citrus species hybridize relatively easy, obfuscating early dispersal patterns of lemon,
citron and pomelo cultivars (cf. Gulsen and Roose 2001). The key lime (Citrus aurantiifolia)
and kaffir lime (C. hystrix) presumably entered China and the Indian Ocean world from a
Southeast Asian homeland (Hoogervorst 2013: 56–59). Along similar lines, the archaeobo-
tanical record remains inconclusive as to early distribution patterns of ginger (Zingiber offici-
nale), galangal (Alpinia galanga), aromatic ginger (Kaempferia galangal) and turmeric (Curcuma
longa) (Rangisiruji et al. 2000; Asouti and Fuller 2008), leaving us primarily reliant on phi-
lology to speculate how these plants may have travelled in the past (Purseglove et al. 1981;
Hoogervorst 2013).

Conclusions
This study has attempted to address the how and why of pre-modern globalization by fore-
grounding Maritime Southeast Asian agents in Afro-Eurasian networks. In the wake of long-
established local exchange networks and mobile lifestyles, they generally developed a culture
of openness towards outsiders, which proved decisive to their entanglement with the wider
world. For many of the region’s early state-level societies, external trade became the chief
engine of growth. These long-distance connections relied in no small part on the distribution
of commodities from remote hinterlands into global avenues and vice versa. Some of Maritime
Southeast Asia’s coastal polities came to control a wide array of high-value spices and aromat-
ics, shipping technology and capital, granting them considerable advantages over their more
inward-looking neighbours and enabling them to actively participate in – and dominate certain
parts of – one of the world’s main axes of global trade: the Indian Ocean. Their inclination
to look beyond the areas nearby spurred costly ocean voyages, some as far as East Africa. The
exchange of commercially valuable commodities was gradually followed by that of cultural and
technological concepts from different peoples in contact. In doing so, Southeast Asia became
truly ‘global’ in the sense that it became increasingly interconnected, interdependent and culturally
homogenous with the Indian Ocean world.

761
Tom Hoogervorst

When writing about Southeast Asia’s past, it has become commonplace to acknowledge
the volition and agency of indigenous populations in processes of globalization. Solid evidence
of influence from Southeast Asia to other regions, however, remains spotty – particularly in
pre-modern times. I have here called attention to Maritime Southeast Asian contributions to
the ancient Indian Ocean world not just by looking at the relationships between humans and
objects (cf. Hodder 2012; Gerritsen and Riello 2015), but also specifically between humans,
languages, technologies and biological species. Material signatures can reflect cultural change
and inter-ethnic contact, yet engaging with objects in pre-modern contexts entails the risk of
decontextualization and material limitations, making it difficult to assess the representativeness
of the objects under research. Although an additional focus on dispersals of species, technolo-
gies and loanwords does not completely solve this problem, a combination of datasets secures a
diversity of perspectives and provides methodological inspiration to better understand the past
of non-literary groups with poorly visible material assemblages. The real challenge, perhaps, is
to keep up with developments across the diverse range of specializations from which we may
expect new data to complete our picture in the near future.

Acknowledgements
This paper represents the output of the Sealinks Project funded by a European Research Council
grant (Agreement No 206148) awarded to Nicole Boivin.

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