Democracy 10000431

D E M O C R A C Y
A ne w s cx e n ce o f pol m c s i s i n di s p e ns ab l et o a ne w Wo r ld ”
DE TO C Q U E V I L LE .
BY G E O RG E S IDN E Y C AMP .
)(
t
N E “7 Y O R K
H ARPER B R O TH ERS , P U B LI SH E R S ,
8 2 9 82: 3 3 1 P E A R L S T R E E T,
1 859 .
E nt e ed
r , a cco r dm g t o A ct of Co n gr e ss , m t h e ye ar 1 84 1, b y
HA R P E R B R O T H E R S,
In t h e Cl er k s
’
O ffic e of t h e S o u t h e rn D l s t r l c t of New Y or k
PU BLIS HERS ,
A DV E R TI SEME NT .
THE publ i shers of the Fe mily L i b ra ry c ffe r t he

fo ll o wi n g work to the pu b l i c as a treati se on D e
m o c r a c y i n the broadest sense of t h e w o r d—go v
l
e r n m en t b y the P eopl e S uch a treat i se m a y t hey

.
,
th i nk not i mproperly lay claim to novelty no

,
wo r k to the i r kno wle dge h a vi n g ever yet bee n

, ,
publi she d the e x press desi gn of wh i ch i s to e luc i

,
date the democrati c t heory That some such wo rk

.
ought to b e i n the han ds of every A meri can c i ti

zen i t i s needless to u rge T o c la i m the ri ght of
.
pol i t i c a l self government w i thout be i n g a ble to tell

-
,
why to decla i m a bo ut li b erty wi thout be i ng a ble

-
to de fin e what that l i b erty i s—

,
are wha t i n th i s ,
country no one should b e gui lty of and yet h o w

,
fe w am on g a s really understand t he fundamenta l

princi ples o f i nsti tut i ons wh i ch all are ready to e u
lo gi ze in the r i ghts and b e ne fit s of w h i ch a ll equa l
,
ly part i c i pate and the pract i c al operation of whi ch

,
a ll un i te to d i rect .
A DVERTISEMENT .
A w or k on the t heory of democrat i c go v ernment

has l on g b een a des i deratum i n our li t e r a t hr e .
Ho w far the present v o l u m e wi ll s uppl y the de

fic ie n c y must be left to the A meri can publ i c to
dec i de .
The D emocracy treated of i n the fo ll owin g

pa ges i t will be seen i s not the democracy of one
, ,
party b ut of a ll part i es H a d a nyth i n g like a par

, .
ti zan character ap peared i n i t the volume w ou ld

,
ne v er ha v e found a place i n the Fami ly L i b rary ;

b u t i t i s bel i e v ed that t he author has studi ously as
,
he haT s to our v i e w successfully avo i ded a tenden

,
c
y whi ch wi thout ser vi n g t he cause of any party
, ,
w ou ld ha v e ser i ously i mpa i red the gener al useful

ness of hi s wor k S ti ll the publ i shers do not tak e
.
,
it u pon themselves to assert th at all hi s doctri nes

will al i k e command the assent of all It i s i m po s
.
s i ble to th i nk wi thout be i ng i ndependent ; or to

be at all or i gi nal wi thout occas i onal peculi ar i ty .
They ha v e thus thou ght themsel v es bound fai r ly to

all o w fo r l i b erty of O pi n i on S o often ho we ver as
.
, ,
the reader s h all di scover hi msel f to be at v ari ance

wi t h the author he will fi n d such diff erence s to b e
,
ADVERTISEMENT . v
di fie i e n c e s bet ween i ndi v i dual and i n di vi dual and

'
'
not compr i sed i n any of those poli ti c al di sputes i n

whi ch party has been arrayed a gai nst party N o .
whe r e has allus i on been made to such di sputes as , ,
i t i s bel i eve d the subj ect i tself steers above them

,
_
.
The obj ect whi ch the author h a s proposed to

h i mself i s a n elevated one—no les s than to po r
tray the true nature ; and demonstrate the i ntri ns i c
a n d un i versal propr i ety of rep ubl i can ,go v ernment .
It will accordi n gly be foun d that i n pursui t of i t , ,
the m i nor di fferences of domesti c parti es h a ve be en

lost s i ght o f whi le h i s a i m h a s b een to vi ndi cate
,
that g rand nati onal party com posed of a ll repub ,

.
l i can A mer i ca a gai nst the a s pers i ons of fore i gn

,
commentators and t h e enm i ty of E uropean m on

,
~
a r c hi s t s .
H dc B
.
N ew Y ork , S e p
-
te m b er , 184 1 .
CON TE N T S .
PA RT I
’
In t d ti
ro uc on P age 9
CHAPT ER 1
.
The N at u re of P o li t i c al S c l ence
C HAPT ER II .
f
S el G o v e m m e n t by t h e P e o p l e t h e o n l y l e gi t i m a t e Fo r m o f
G ove rn m e n t —
-
Th e u n ive rs a l Ri gh t o f M n k i n d t o D e m o cr a t i c
’
‘
a
G ove rn m e n t a d t h e i r C o m p e t e n c y t o a d m i n i s t e r i t
, n 30
CHAPTE R “
III .
Th e s am e Su bj t ec s c on t i n u e d
CHAP T ER IV .
Th e O ri i n g an d Su pp o rt s o f M o n arc h i c al Go ve rn m e nt
C HA PTE R V .
C o m rnon O bj ec t i on s to D e m o c r a c y c n s x de ne di—Th e C h a rac t e r

o
an d p
S i ri t of M ona rc hi c l
a G ove rn m e nt S t l ll f r t h e r i ll u a s
tr at e d 1 29
CHAPT ER VI .
Th e P e rm an e n c y of D e m oc r a t i c Go ve rn m e n t , an d v t
t h e e e n u al
P re val en ce of D e m o cra t i c P r m c 1pl e s 159
v ii i C O N T EN T S .
P A R T I I .
C HA PTER I .
The a lle ge d T yr an n y of t he M aj o r i t y
”
m A m e rlc a P a ge 1 83
C H A PTER II .
Th e so -
c a lle d n ht of In s t r uc t i on ”
CHAPT ER III .
A ri s t o c r a t m S o c i e t y 111 A m e ri c a
CHAPTER IV .
I m m i gr ati on
D EM O CRA CY
PA RT I .
I N T RO DU C TI O N ;
,
THERE is this remarkable di fference bet wee n

monarchical a n d f a r ist o cr a t i c al systems of gov ‘
e r n m e n t on the o n e h a n d an d the demo cratic

,
,
system on the other th at while the for m er a re

, ,
,
’
based upon p r es cr ip t i on t h e latter is base d upon

,
t h e r i g ht of the people t o govern themselves .
The f ormer are fo u n de d o n c ust om an d t h e a c

'
tual prevalent order of thing s ; the l atter on the

,
m or a l relations of m en .
Of c o u r s e t h er e ou gh t to be fo u nd correspond
, ,
ing di ff erences i n the polit i cal theories b y W hich

“
these two descriptions of government are sus

t ain ed. O n the one hand w e o ught to receive,
fro m m onar chical and aristocratical wr i ters an

extended consideration of thos e various views
of expediency on which their systems are pro
f e sse dly maintained and an attempted vindication
,
of them as i m bodying great practical ski ll and

,
B
10 I N T RO D U C TI ON .
wisdom however little of speculative accuracy

,
and on the other we may w e l l look to demo

, ,
c r a t i c w r i t e rs for a full development of the righ t
of m an to self government and from them r e

-
,
quire at least a portraiture of the abstract p er

, ,
fe ct ion of the democratic system .
In a democratic country w h e i e sel f govern

,
-
ment has been successfully exercised by the peo

ple for nearly three quarters of a century it might ,
n aturally hav e been expected that such demo -
cratic writers w ould not h ave been rare and that ,
a democratic nation w oul d not have been so l ong

without a democrat ic literature e t to what .
’
book or to what author shall we l ook for a

demonstration of the right of the p eopl e to m an
age their o wn government ? To what source
sh all we refer the young democratic disciple for
p r oo f of what he h as al w ays understood to be
‘
the fundamental principles of our go v e rn m e n t l "

.
for a theory of poli t ics I w i ll not say th at does

, ,
not violate every pop u l ar conviction but t hat ,
does not indirectly assail p op u l ar institutions ?

E loquent vindicati ons of pop ul ar rights eloquent ,
assaults u pon hereditary prerogative may o c ,
c asi o n all b efo u nd scattered at very rare points

y ,
and very distant interv als in the wo rl d of litera

,
t ur e ; b ut no work digesting such views in a

I N T RO D U C TI ON . 11
philosophical system and givi ng us a clear con

, ,
sistent and harmonious theory

,
.
H ence the follow i ng brief essay It w i ll doubt .
less appear presumptuou s i n an inexp erienced

,
writer th us to h ave attempte d a s ubj ect t h e dis

,
c a ssio n of which might w e ll challenge the ex e r

ci se of the greatest abilities M y apology must .
b e that a field where nothing seems as yet to

,
have been even attempted may w e ll be entered

,
u pon by the most enterprising with out waitin g

,
fo r the most able ; and however much I m ay

,
fa ll short o f my theme it w i l l be my consol a

,
tion ; that to agitate just p rinciples is t o advanc e

them and that firs t feeble an d failing essays t o
, , ,
grasp the truth are alway s the earnest of its fin al

a n d tri um ph ant establishment .
I t is our common belief that our gov ernment

is disting uished in pri n ciple from other govern
ments is radically di fferent If a m an were se
,
.
r i o usl to propose for o u r adoption monarchical

y _
or aristocratical instituti ons he woul d be over,
whelme d with public obloquy We shoul d feel .

,
not as if h e we r e indulging a mere harmless

error of the understanding not a s if he h ad ,
erred simply on a question of expediency but ,
as if h e h ad been guilty of a moral delinquen

cy on a mor al question ; and shoul d h e actual ,
12 i N T R OD U C T I O N .
ly attempt to carry his pl ans into execution h e ,
wo u l d be execrated as a public traitor h av m g

desi gns u pon our l i bert i es n o party and no i n ,
dividual but wo u l d shun the contamin ation of

,
his alliance No w if this public sentiment b e

.
,
correct the books we at present have that treat

,
o f politi cs must be radically wrong for they dis ,
t in c t ly recognise three systems of government as

equally legitimate reducing the di ff erence b e
,
tween them to a mere question of convenience

and expediency and if the truth must be a llow
, ,
e d making republican government the most u n

,
w ise and inexpedient of the three They admit .
that perhaps as to its mere th eory none offers

, , ,
so fair ; but insist that this abstract perfection

is its practical defect ; that it is foun d to be
weak if not impracticable u p on experiment
, , ,
an d stationed the next door to anarchy in

other words that it is like a very good natured
,
-
,
w ell intentioned but h armful imbecil e whose

-
, ,
chief ten dency is towards self destruc t ion ! Yet -
it is a fact that Paley and Bl ackstone Burke , ,
B url am a qu i and M ontesquieu fir m ly maintain

, ,
ing such d oc trines and esteeme d with perhaps

, , , ,
the exception of the last the greatest favourers

,
of arbitrary po wer a r e the most constantly read

, ,
the most universally adopted i n colleges and t he ,

I N TR O D U C TI G N . l3
most freq u en t ly ciu ot e d of all p olitical authorities

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‘
in republican A meric a ; while it m ay be o o h h

de n t ly asserted that a con n ect ed an d p hil osop hi cal
ecul i a r t h eor y f dem o cr a t i c
ex
p osi t i on
of t h e
p o
g ov er n ni en t h as n ev er y et been wr i tt en Thus we.
journey o h living in the rich experience and

,
practical enjoyment of democratic freedom but ,
in entir e and r eckless indi fference to its abstract

p rinciples .
E v e m fo r e ign e rs h ar dly see m so indi fferent to

our political system as w e ourselves M any i n
.
t elli ge n t men among them h ave professed to r e

gard its Op eration on so gran d a scale as a great
, ,
and w on d e rful p olitical phenomenon an d h ave ,
t hought it worth their while to come h ere to

examine more n arrowly into its practical nature ,
and sp ecul ate u pon its probabl e results Its suc .
cesses have o ft en furn i sh e d an embarrassing ar

‘
u m e n t in the hands of the popul ar p artisan of

g
the O ld World and doubtless not unfrequently
, , ,
ap peared awfully portento us to crown ed heads .
We alone appear to be i ndi fferent t o its rea l

n ature an d fundamental prin ciples N ay our .
,
men of ed ucation are dwelling in rapture over

the fl owery p ages of Burke o r carefully t r e as u
,
ring up the a r t ific i a l systems of a Paley or a

Blacks tone ; while our men of wealth an d lei
14 I N T RO D U CTI O N .
su re are learning abroad to admire the ext ern al

splendour that surrounds the favoured cl asses of
aristocratic E urop e and acquiring a distaste fo r
,
the plainness and simplicity of o ur social and

'
politi cal systems .
If we search therefore for just p oliti cal sen

, ,
t i m en t there seems more of it to b e fo u n d with

,
the humbler cl asses whence it w as or i gi n ally

,
ushered among n ations than in our favoure d ,
ranks where there are too m any who have been

,
f oreign tributaries for knowledge or formed ,
t astes for the excesses of E uropean r e fin e m e n t .
P opular prejudices on this subject seem to be

‘
just ; and the A merican labourer w h o l o o ks u p on

’
his o wn as the only free country seems to me to ,
be much nearer the truth than t he man of e duc z ‘
tion who too often regards free dom as pretty

,
n early synonymous with well regulated govern -
ment It is singul ar ye t it is I think true that

.
, , , ,
among e ducated men a majority w ou l d willingly

,
esta blish a property q u alific at i on as requi site for

e v ery voter—a demand vitally at war with de
m o c r a c y and a Very l a rge proportion w oul d be
foun d not to und erstand or absolutely to assail
, ,
th e m axim of the n atural equality of m ankind ,
the fundamental principle of our government .
O ur political o pinions seem to h ave r et r o

I N T RO D U CTI ON . 15
raded since the R evolutio n The n ation al ani

g
-
. ~
m os it i es of that p eriod anticipated some of the

truths of philosophy Those laid aside we were .
,
i mme di ately immerse d in the active concerns of

life ; and from that time to the present contented
‘
with the practical results of our s ystem we have ,
pai d but little attention to t h e p at i en t study of ‘
its abstract n ature We h ave been from cir .

,
circum stances a nation of practical rather than

,
s peculative h abits W e h ave h ad the forest to

.
-
Subdue a n ew c on t i n en t to occupy a n e w gov

, ,
e rn m e n t to establish ; an d hitherto our republic , ,

”
has been engage d i n the acquisitio n of its inde

en de nc e in t h e settlement of its constitution in
p , ,
the vindication of i t s rank and honour and in ,
the hurried enterpri sing and l aborious indust ry

, ,
incid ent to the difficu lt i es of a n e w country an d ,
the embarrassments of a recent natio n We have .
been all action A bustling and enterprisin g a o

.
t iv i t y h a s been our natio n

h
al chara cteristic A s .
individuals; w e have had everything to do .
E arly thro wn u pon our o w n resources a vast

'
p ractical career has continually been spread out

before u s There h as been no room for the
.
thinker ; he has been jostl ed one side The chief .
spec u l ators w e hav e had hav e been thos e i n

m erch a n dis e a n d real estate Instea d of de .
v e l o pi n our theories from our pract i ce we

g ,
have taken up with systems which w e h ave

foun d already digested to our hand D eri v ing .
our origin and our l anguage from G reat Britain ,
having one common literature one common r e ,
l i gi o n and to a great extent common h abits and

, , ,
common l aws ; deriving a great m any of our p o

li t i c a l principles mor eof our political institutions
, ,
an d all our love of liberty from the old country, ,
we have been slo w to discover where our pupil

age should h ave ended and what bounds t h e , ‘
stern dictates of principle should have placed to

our fil i a l re v erence We h a v e thus adopt ed to
.
,
a gre at exte n t British politics with British l a ws

, ,
and literature Thus it has come to pass that

.
,
in our politics w e are yet tributary to the O ld

,
World that while we have been so original in

,
action w e h ave been so strangely servile in the

,
;
or y . H ence the strange inco nsistency of a na

,
tion of republicans suff ering themselves t o be

instructed in the elements of political knowledge
by monarchists L ook to monarchists for cor
.
r
ect theories o f politics on which to base our i n
st i t u t i o n s—the world might as well ha v e expect
ed a reformation from the pope or C hr istianit

y ,
itself from the S cribes and Pharisees .
We h ave altogether faile d to appreciate o ur

I N T RO D U C TI ON . 17
positi on We hav e been guilty of a great pra o

.
tical error i n supposing t h at ou r R evol ution is to i
be rega rded simply as an historic al event o f no ,
consequence in its results to anybody but our

selves O n the contrary it w as of a twofold
.
,
character I t not only m ade us independent as a

.
n ation it made u s free as men

, an d this free dom ,
still subsisting is a standing permanent fact i n

, , ,
di c a t iv e of the political c ap ab i li t i es o f mankind

'
that renders the perio d from which it takes date ‘
an era in the moral history of the species Y et .
while as a n ational event it has found its i m

, ,
perishable record in our n ational annals though ,
it has furn i shed an example to all nations and is ,
Openi ng the eyes of mankind to errors which

h ave for centuries ca used the p ast to tyranni z e
over the present it has m ad e no alteration and
, ,
fou n d no place in the syst ems of political sci

,
ence : as i f Philosophy were blin d to practical

-
achievements and cared not to celebrate the tri

,
u mph of her most e x a l t e d rin c i l e s

’
p p
'
.
O ur government was not the resul t of an ao

‘
c ide n t s N either blind c as ualty nor force nor , ,
fraud had anything whatever to do with its i n

,
s t it ut i o n. It was the product of the voluntary

min d of man It was not less the choice than
”
t he i m b o di e d w is do m of t h e people
‘
I n its i n .
s t i t u t ion
was presented the sublime spectacle of
a whole nation deliberatin g and a cting upon t h e
highest and most comprehensive of terrestrial
i nterest s They provided for their common w a nts
.
out of their common experience The united .
aim of the p eople was to provide in the choice ,
of a governmen t for the good of the governed

, .
” ”
The eye of the body social was single an d ,
the whole body was full o f light N o exist

ing government controlled the c h oi ce fo r su hsi
dize d the votes of the A merican people They .
were n o t a w e d by t h e fear or seduced by t h e

,
fa vour of a feud al and vicious ari stocracy N o .
military power m ocked at their deliberation s .
N o hierarchy subdued their souls with s u p e rs t i

ti ous terrors C orrup t an d unnatural prejudices
.
an d factions interests never foun d concurrent ex

,
cept am ong the few were necessarily unheeded

, ,
when the appeal was made alike to all N o .
class c ould have had an undue i n fl u e n c e or se ,
cured to itself singular privileges and immuni

ties when none w as disti n guish able from the
,
multitude or when those who owed to temporary

,
circumstances a transient distinction were to r e

lapse immediately into the common mass A ll .
stood in those equal rel ations as respected their ,
choic e of the principles of a government which ,

I N T RO D U CTI ON . 19
m ankin d at large , were they once unsh ack led ,

w o u ld u nive rsally and reciprocal ly sustain to
each o ther O ur pr esent system t hus comm end
.
,
e d t o a Vas t and unorgan i z ed peopl e comprising ,
almost every descri ption of ch aracter ha bits p o , ,
sit i o n and interest that independ e ntly of politi

, , ,
c a l institution s div e rsi fies the conditi on of our

,
race it woul d s e e m t h at the o nly groun d of its

,
~
acceptation must have been those original senti

ments common to all m e n th at constitut e the ,
very l aws of n ature

‘
.
The abstract character of this system and its ,
fun damental pri n cipl es ough t to have attracted

,
the earliest attentions of the A mer ican scholar .
I ts s pecul ative perfection alo ne ought to h ave

won for it numerous disciples .
But indep endently of its abstract beauty an

,
\
u nderstanding of its nature ha s for u s a great
practical value What is our C onstitut ion but

.
the mere creature o f the public will and h o w .
can w e be sure of its i ntegrity and preservation

if the public mind be misin formed or p erverted ?
We are all sovereigns : ought we n o t all to be
statesmen S hou l d not an A merican be always
ready to sho w by wh at title he claims to be a
free citizen ? to V i ndicate the system by virtue
_
of which he exercises such p eculiar and such eX

alted pre rogatives ?
20 I N T RO D U CTI ON .
F aith is as n e c essa ry t o t he republican as t o

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'
the C hristian and the fundamental characteristic

,
of b oth We must believe in t h e cap acity of

.
m an for self government or t h e framework of

-
,
our C onstitution will be altered O n what basis .
7
does that conviction now rest We m ay guard
ourselves from fore i gn enemies by physical force
soldiers arms artillery and f o r t ifica t ions m ay
, , ,
rend er us safe from foreign aggression ; but the

”
sacred ark of ou r l ilie rt i es is kept i n the te m ple

of the hum an mind and can only be pr eserved
,
inviolate by gathering arou nd i t t h e force s of ‘
Tr uth an d intrenching it behind the deep an d

,
enlightened convicti ons of the moral sense M en .
will not risk much for wh at they believe to b e

bu t a tra ns ie nt blessing The permanency an d
.
the excellence of self govern ment are our only

'
motives to be l oyal to our sovereign the people , ,
our only motives to p atriotic and self s a crific in g “ -
de v otion ; it behoo v es u s therefore to be fully

, ,
assured not on ly of its immediate an d practical

,
value but of its high moral rectitude and i n t r in

,
sic propriety its ennobling qualities and its ah

, ,
solute c apability of duration .
A ny citizen who m erely pro fesses to love his

country and to honour her institutions m ay well ,
be j ust ified in attempting to assert some better

m r n on uc r i om
'
21
a r gument in their favou r th an mere n at i onal prej

udie c They are inquiries worthy to be agitated
.
,
whether all n ations are capable of self go v ern -
'
ment ! whether the i nva riabl e l aws of justice 1 m
era t i v ely de m and its univers al institution ind e
p ,
pendently of the particular circumstances of each

separate nation 7 an d what are the prospects of
.
its p ermanency a n d un i versal preval ence 7 Ques .
tions to which strange to tell A merican litera

, ,
ture yet furnishes no ans wer .
-
I cannot believe that our government is to be
a perpetual ex p er i m en t th at i t s prac t ica
b il i t y can never be demonstrated N or a m 1 .
among those who hol d that it is si mply the b est

ov e r nm en t f or u s and that w e are by means
g , ,
of any fan cied intellectual or moral superiority ,
or by the p articular fav our of Providence alone , ,
of all the huma n family b lesse d wi t h a monopoly

'
of g ood govern m ent .
When the question of r eptib l ic or no republic

is agitati ng the elements of society i n the most
enlightened nations of E urope i t is believed that , _
i t cannot be uninteresti ng to a people who in t he ,
s olution of this question are looke d u pon as an

,
example and should be able from their U n c o n

, ,
str ained p osition to anticipate the future j u dg

,
men t of t h e worl d
22 '
N A T URE or P O L I T I C AL S CI E N C E .
CHAP TE R I .
Th e N a t u r e of P o li t i c a l S c ie n c e .
I AM well aware h o w u nsafe and u npr ofit abl e ‘
abstract political speculations are usually hel d to '
b e ; that they are peremptorily set down as nev

er
j us t i fie d by experien ce liable to a thousa
,
n d
u a li fic a t i o ns from actual circumstances and u t
q ,
t e rly in capable to a great extent of any p ra c

,
, ,
tic al application .
4
H ence the m an wh o relies much upon gen er ’
ai
pr m mpl e s in politics is looked upon as little
better th an a visionary He is continually told.
that his n otions are well enough u pon p aper ;

that they may do ve ry well for the closet but ,
that he is guilty of a great absurdity i n attem pt

ing to apply them to th e actual m an agement of
a ffairs That h e theorizes too much is not
.
,
e nough of a practical m an that he regards men

,
t o o much as they ought to b e and too little as ,
they ar e .
Thus political speculations are us ually turned

over to men of leisure as a s uffici en t ly appro ,
ri at e entertainment for fin e subtl e intellects

p , ,
N A T URE OF P OL I TI C A L S CI E N CE
‘
23
n ot engaged i n the active duties of li fe and de ,
n ou n c e d as an idle occupation for and to b e es

-
ch ewed b y practic al and politic s t a t es m e

,
L et us understan d the diff erence between pr a c

tical an d abstract notions and see h o w far the ,
reproach o f b e in g too theoretic al and r efin ed is

‘
j ust in ge neral h i
o w far it is just n its applica
tion to th i s p articular subject of p olitics .
A m an V l e w m g a multitude of facts deduces

, ,
general conclusions from the m E very man of .
business does this The m o s t p ra ct i c al man has

.
his theories and a gre at m u l t i t u de o f theories

'
, ,
on which he cond u cts his busin ess E very busi .
ness rule is a theory E xperience furnishes no

.
lesso n but what amounts to a theory When . _
one not i mmediately en gage d in busi n ess de duces

-
general principle s from a m ul t it u de o f fa cts li e ,
di ffers from the business m an not in framing

’
theories nor in his mode of fram i ng them but

, ,
in taking mo re prominent an d more numero us

facts as his basis a nd forming rul es of a more
,
ex t en sw e application N o theory is bad as a

.
theory but only bad when not sustaine d b y the

,
facts fro m w hich it professes to be a ded uction .
The qu estion is thus in all cases whether a the

, ,
ory is sustained by its facts ? I f it b e i t will not ,
be e nough to overthro w it to say that it is ab

i
24 N A T U RE op P O LI TI CA L S C I E N CE c
’
as every th eory is an a bstract theory an d

s t r a ct , ,
the process of mind by which individual facts

are sep arated from their par t icular c i rc um st a n
ces an d reduced to a general prop osition is al
ways an abstraction Thus the practical rul es .
of the business man —are in reality ab stract the , ,
o ri e s .
But there is a Ii art i cul a r class of general rules

and principles which are abstract in a di fferent ,
and perhaps more appropriate se ns e These are

, ,
.
the l aws of morals T hey are de ri ved fr o m c on

.
’
science alone a n d are thus formed not by ah

, ,
s t r act i n an aggregation of facts from their

g ac
c i de n t a l circumstances but by withdra w ing the ,
min d entirely from t h e c o n t e m pl a ti o n of exter _
nal facts as facts to the contemplation of moral

,
relations of which it informs itsel f In this

,
.
sense al l moral rules are abst ract principle s .
They a r e moral rules for the v ery reason that i

'
t hey treat of the w orl d not as it i s b ut as it ,
ought to b e F acts and circumstances m ay va ry

.
their applicatio n to p art i c ul ar c a ses b ut can in ‘
no manner alter or m odify the rules th emselves ,
or their intrinsic obligation To be cor rect we .

,
have only to attend to the ins pirations of con

“
s ci e n c e fi The imperfections of m an cannot i m
I y g th i I d
n sa i n t fs, o nom t d y th i ti
, o cou rs e , e an o en e nes
N A T URE OF P OL ITI C A L S C I EN C E . 25
p air t h e perfection
of morals H is accidental cir .
c u ms t a n ce s and condition cannot a ff ect a system
founded on his essential relations N o rule ever .
propounded t o man i s i n such utter nonconform

ity with human affairs and so universally reck ,
less of circumstances as our S a v iour s gre at an d ,

’
“
comprehe nsive rule of human conduct L ove
‘
thy neighbour as thysel f It abstracts from all .

”
the pec uliarities of individu al fo rt u n e i n a race '
so very widely div e r sifie d as ours a n d condenses ,
the l aws of D ivinity to the com prehension of the

human hear t The relations of the vario u s parts
.
of a moral pr e position are just as fix e d c e r t a i h , ,
and i n v ar i a b l e in de pe nde n t ly of a direct a ppli

“
cation to any p articu l ar subj ect m at t er as th e , _
relations of the various p arts of a geometrical

figu r e Y ou might as we ll s eek to know h o w
.
long the hypotenuse of any p articular right ‘
an gled triangl e is before venturing to determine

,
what proportion the s quare of its hypotenuse

woul d bear to the s um of the squares of its t wo
s ides ; o r whe n asked for the proportion ans wer
, ,
b
m a le a dv an t a g es o f t he C vel tion i n gi m g a b s ol u t e
h r i s t i an r e a v
c le m
a n d c e rt ai n t y t o t h e c o nvi c t i on s o f a n t r l c o n
e ss a a u a
s e l e ce or t o d t a t fro m i t
n , e r c u t h or i t y p ar m o un t o n ve ry
s a as a e
m o l q u e s t i on
ra Th e sc o p e of t h e a g u m e t w o u ld h ave pe r
. r n ~
h p s s v d m f om a n y s uc h i n f ren c e b ut I m k t h is di s
a a e e r e ,
a e
cl ai m er t p re ven t a l l c a 1l
o v .
26 NATU R E or P OL ITI C A L S C I E N C E .
that it must depen d u p on the size as when call ,
e d upon for a m or al m il e to inquire the case i n

,
which it is to be a pplie d Thus for e Xa m pl e .

, ,
the moral l a w de fi nes theft independen tly of any

actual case and when what it calls a theft is
, ,
clearly made out w e do not ask whether t h e

,
man pl u ndered in any p articula r instance was

, ,
pl undered of go ld or iron of much or little , ,
whether he w as good or b ad rich or poor wise or , ,
simpl e strong or weak ; nothing but an absolute

,
and impera t ive necessity that overturns all mor

,
als contra v enes the general rul e thus abstract

,
“
e dl
y laid down If
. actual circumstances c oul d
modify moral r ules i n t h e sligh t est degree they ,
woul d utt erly destroy them Thus those rules .
are the sam e for a l l men under all c ir c um s t an

,
ces they are derived from conscience and con ; ,
science is by n ature the same in all

, , .
T here is then this di ff erence between the t w o

, ,
classes of abstract propositions above denote d ,
that while as to the firs t their abstractedness

, , ,
w he n they are assailed ca n furnish no just ,
round f o n a n t h in
g y g more th an a prelimi na ry
caution to awaken the attention to facts ; and to
,
prepare the mind for the argument to follow ,
which must show if it amount to anything that

, ,
the t heory is not su stained by its facts ; on t he

N AT URE OF P O L ITI C A L S C I EN C E . 27
o ther hand i n regard to m o ral p f o lao s i t i o n s so

'
:
, ,
far is th eir abstractedn ess fro m being a gr o u n d

‘ '
of reproach t h at it woul d ne v er be even alleg ed

,
ag ainst On e clearly an d distinctly appeari ng as

su ch .
But the di fficult y with this subject of politics is ,
th at em b r a c l n g as it does in its di ff erent br a nch

, , ,
e s both these kinds of abstractions their di fferent

, ,
provinces have not been kept rigidly distinct ‘

.
D istingui sh ed speculative writers in debating ,
subjects inv olved under the pr actical dep artme nt ,
h av e a dv anced theories of governme nt which ar e

merely theories entirely abstracted ( and not in
,
any respect deductions ) fro m actual event s and a

practical exp erience where event s a nd e x p e ri
,
ence ar e the only sources of truth and h ave thus ,
unhappil y involved both t h e moral an d the pr a c (
tical branches of poli tical theories a nd abstra e 4

tions under an imputati on which the particular
i dle schemes of those writers h ave al o ne de '
served .
Politics deals in t h e or ies as every o t h er s cien c e

'
'
does It requires t h erefo r e ab st r a c t io n s It is

.
, ; .
a n abstract science abstract so far as its ,
moral principles are concerned only abstract in

the sam e m anner and t o the same extent that
e very —science is n ecessarily abstract so far as i ts
‘
,
28 N A T U RE OF P OL ITI C A L S CI E N C E .
p ract i cal rules are concerned F or in part i ts

.
, ,
o th e e is when the fund a mental ch aracter and

,
“
pri ncipl es of a sovereignty have been determined

o n to prescribe practically by what m echan i s m
,
it shall act ; wh at are the safest and most e ffic i e nt

agencies to be employed consis tently w ith its
,
nature in the execution of its will ; h o w far the

,
executive the judicial a n d the legisl ative p owers

, ,
sh all be separated or conjoined ; whether the

legislature shall be c omposed of t wo houses or
one ; the executive b e divided or single ; the
j udiciary suppli ed by election or by appoint
ment ; and in dividing the L egislature h o w often
, ,
it shall be divided an d on what di fferent b as es

,
its v arious departments supplied These are .
questions to be sett l ed by circumstances and ex

er i en c e alone as m ere que stions of expediency ;
p ,
a n d in settling these practical questions theories ,
should be rigidly deduce d from modes that have

actually been tried and be properly varied and
,
adapted to suit the peculiar and actually e x ist

ing si tuation of the people for whom they are
devised Y et in handling this b ranc h of the
.
,
subject speculative writers h ave arbitrarily allot

,
ted an imaginary people by rule an d m easure

into mathematical diyisio n s h ave supposed them
to be d iff erent both in themselves and th eir cir
,
‘
N A T URE OF P OL I TI CA L S C I E N C E .
cu mst a n c es fr om what any people ever were ;

,
and h ave then invaded every department o f pri -
V ate life w it h t h eir a rt i fic i a l syste m s an d m ade

'
their schemes embrace ver y nearly the s um total

J
of human existence as if men liv ed only to be ,
gover n ed T h us hav e they ended i n creatin g an

.
imaginary mankind for a scheme of government

‘
instead of a scheme of government for m ankind .
This is speculation with a witness mere theory ,
mere abstraction without facts to sustain it the

‘
fertile soil of U topian fables: O f such schemes

it has bee n said tha t they repr esent m, e n as they
ought to b e not as they are ; though Wi th more

, ,
propriety it might h ave been said that t h ey

, ,
nei t her represent men as they ough t to b e , n or as

they are O i such schemes ; with some t ruth it
.
might be all eged that t heir mathematical pre ,
ol s i o n their apparent
,
abstract p erfection is their ,
practical defect A gainst such systems an d all i

,
other systems that attempt t h us arb itr ar ily to de

fin e precisely what mechanical a nd subordinate
agencies a governme n t ought to employ for its
‘
ad m inistrat ion i r r e spe ct i v e o f the various n atu

,
-
~
ral circumstances and the acquired ch aracter an d

habits of d ifferent people all that has ever been ,
said against abstract th eories and systems of gov

e rn m e nt may justly be l aunched .
30 N A T URE or TO L I TI CAL
’
SCIENCE .
These m echanical arrangements and subor

di n at e agencies h owever a re so far from being
, ,
the whol e of government that they are c o m , ,
p a r a t iv e l
y but an inconsiderable part of i t
, N ot .
by what means and through what channels

shall its powers b e exercised are the great ,
questions ; but how d o its p owers originate and ,
within what limits are they to be legiti mately

restricted 7 Those p ractical details w hich r e
spect si mply the agencies b y which govern ment
'
-
can b est a c t and pres ent mere questions of e x p e

,
di en c y a re objects o f inf erior re g ard in p olitics

,
.
P olitical is for the most part a branch of moral

, ,
science When you prescribe to me a l a w or

.
,
ho l d up to me a n authority which you say I ,
ou ht to obey o u present to me a case of con

g y ,
science coming within the jurisdiction of morals .
Y ou assume a moral pow e r have you a moral

right ? If indeed I ought to obey that obliga
, , ,
tion is deducible from those fundamental moral

principles w hich N ature has imp lant ed i n our
bosoms F acts cannot arbitrarily prescrib e i n
1
.
t h e settlement of the question ; it is determina

ble by t h e moral and ess ential relations of ma n
to m an S tates and n ations are but men —
. mere -n
a ggr e gat i on s c f individuals Their rights a re

'
merely t he dut ies th at one ow es to various men 5

‘
’
N AT U RE OF P O L I TI C A L S C I E N C E . 31
rs are si m ply t h e po wers which o n e

'
t heir powe
m an may acquire over another and acquirabl e ,
only by the sam e means M orals deal simply .
w it h m en not with bodies corporate or p olitic

‘
, .
We h ave then but to interrogate o u r ordinary

, ,
syste ms of morals to know what power one man

m ay acquire over another a n d by what means ,
.
We fin d no diffic ul t y in d etermining the rights ,
rel ations an d d uties o f i n di v i du als with refer

'
ence to each other If w e wish to determine the

.
‘
rights rel ations a nd d uties subsisting bet w ee n

, , _
one and a multitude w e refe r to the sam e mor al

,
'
code The addition of n u m b e rs m ak es no dif

.
ference in the applica t ion of moral princi ples .
N o m atter whether the ind ividuals claiming any

right over or duty fro m m e a r e one m an or ten
'
million s ; the l aws of morals do not regulate m en

' ‘
b y t e n s or tho usands or millions b ut b y u n i t s ;

, , ,
conscience h as no reference to the question of

‘
their mul titude The political are th us gov

.
ei n e d by the same set of rules as the mo ral rela
tions of mankind H ence ; to determine h o w a

.
political sovereignty can be l egitimately consti

t ut e d we nee d no knowledge of actu al establish
,
ments w eask n o illumin ation from experience

no extensive collection an d comparison of facts
w e car e n ot w h at is t h e description or t he ah
32 N A T URE OF P OL ITI C A L S C I E N C E .
t i qu i t yof governments th at do r ul e ; we care n o t

wh at are the circumstances of p eopl e that a r e
r u l ed we h ave to do with man un de r all c ir '
cum s t a n c es ; with his moral nature and relations
and the judgment of conscience upon them and ,
n ot with circumstances .
H ere therefore the science of politics rises to

, ,
the dignity c o n clusw e n ess u niversality and par

, , ,
amount obligation of moral demonstrations O f

~
:
this branch of politics alone d o we here treat .
The question in v olved i n the choic e of a soy er

_
e l nt
g y i s not a questi on of expediency but of ,
j ustice It is t o be determined abstractedly by

.
,
‘
the reciprocal r i ght s and relations of m ankind .
The de 0 151on is no more fl u c t ua t i n g than right

‘
and wrong It makes a part of the l aw of h u

.
m anity ; and we need no more an intimate knowl

edge of t h e physical and intellect u al condition
and social habits of distant people to determin e ,
w h at the intrinsic nature and essential principles

of their government shoul d b e than to designat e ,
for their u s e a code of morals The relations .
sustain ed to th at aggregate whole calle d a state ,
a r e p art of the relations which individuals sustain
t o each other A n d indeed it w oul d be a sin

.
, ,
ul ar ly anomalou c ase in morals if t h e wh ol e

g s ,
c o u ld escape that moral juris diction that com

N A T URE or P OL ITI C A L S C I E N C E . 33
prises ea ch The great l aw of justice presides

‘
over the or gani z ation of government as well as ,
the subs e quent details of i t s a dministration a n d “
our rulers must derive t h e ir powers over u s from

sources whence w e might de rivet h e same or a
si milar control over others Though thi s univer .
sal and in fl e x i bl e O perati on of the l a w justice

h as been generally admitted to regulate the i h
t erc o u rs e of ind ependent nations i t h a s been
’
almost universally disr e gar de d i n the m ore fa

_
‘
mili ar relation o f states to their own c on st i t u

ency Y et it pervades with its impartial energy
.
every moral relation ; and blin d to the dis t in c

,
tions of foreign or domestic great or little p o w , ,
e rf u l or weak ancient or modern many or f e w

, , ,
attaches with impartial reciprocity and indis

crimin ate p ower o n everythi n g th at be ars the
impr ess of hum anity:
Thus then we h ave t h e means of threading
, ,
the labyri nth of co n f usm n presented by actual pol

i t ics ; for wh atever rights states h ave like our
, ,
individual and private rights of w hich they are ,
but a p art may be referred immediately to n ature

,
or traced to convention Th at great moral n e ces

.
sit y which is su p er i or to n ature and convention

'
, ,
may someti mes temporarily intervene but as it is

the utmost violence which human a ffairs can ex
34 N A T URE P O L ITI C A L S C I E N C E .
p eri en c e , and is in its ve ry essen ce an exceptio n

, ,
to the ordinary current of events an d not a rul e , ,
it can never be i the lasting found atio n for any

p e rmanent or der of things E qu ally certain
.
,
p erm anent and universal are the relations of

,
states to their m embers a n d the rights duties

, , ,
a n d o b li a i on s that w e recognise in ou r ordina

'
g t
r
y intercou r se bet ween man and man .
The i dea cannot be t o o severely reproba ted ,
th at the principles of this branch of political

science are too abstract for practical uses and
appl ica tio n subject to a conformity with every
,
v ariety of government and shifti ng their grou n d

,
/
and alt erin g t h eir aspect to authorize and e s

t a b l ish the prevailing po w er in every state
and n ation spread over th e face of the whole
earth If the relations of justice are universal
.
and immutable so are these principles If the

, .
duties of men to each other are i n fl ex i b le s o are ,
the mutu al obligations subsisting between co m

m u n i t i e s and each of their constituents 5 and
these can be Superseded only by such an a b so
lute necessity as w ould ex empt u s i n our o rdin a ,
s
r
y conduct , from the jurisdiction of ackn owledged
moral precepts an d th at but m omentarily So
, .
long as m an retains the essential characteristics

o f h is nature and reason truth and j us tice prove
, , ,
~
’
N AI U R E
‘
OF P OL I T I C A L s c rE iv C E . 35
e veryw here the same the fi mdam en t al principl es ,
of this sci ence will continu e invari able an d right ,
( 1 liberty prese r ve on e uniform s i gn i fic a t i o n ,
i r1 eSpe ct iv e of circumst ances in e very quarter of ,
the globe .
It is not true therefore that circu m stances

, ,
give to every polit ical principle i t s distinguishing

colour and discriminatin g eff ect a nd th at our
”
,
li b erties y aryin g with t i mes and circumstances

, ,
ad mit of i n fin i t e m o dific at i o n s an d c annot be ,
settled upon any abstract

It would be equally philosophical to assert t h e
depend ance of private and individual which rest -
on the same m o ral bases as b u r public and polit

i cal principles u pon times and c ircumstances as
, ,
i f they were entirely extrinsic a n d dw e lt w i t h ,

.
out not wi thin us and j ust as rat ion al to assert

,
that a goo d ma n is produced like any physical

‘
p henomenon by a fortuitous concurrence of

,
events The distinctions of morals are u niform

.
,
b e c ause t h ey repose u pon the essential charac

~
t erist i cs of our universal n ature i an d the tran

s c e n de n t excell ence of m eral rules from wh ic h ,
political rel ations and civil liberty proc eed con ,
sists i n th eir absol u te i n fl ex ib l e n ess and entir e

n on conf or m i t y with circumstances .
Bu k Red ti n
r e s
’
t ne F h Rev lution
ac o s on ren c o .
36 N A T URE or P O L I TIC A L S C I EN C E .
It is common ; i n the discu ssion of political

subjects to admit a pr e po sition erected o n a
,
'
moral basis as an abstract principle and still to ,
qualify not its Operation but t h e principle itself

, , ,
by a reference to circumstances But t h e v ery .

‘
en d and the renewing agency of moral under ,
which I include fundamental p olitical truths ,
consist in rectifying the disorders everywhere

p r e v al en t i n human a ff airs What is m eant .
w hen by w ay of impeaching the ir authority

, ,
they are styled a bst r a ct ? Is it meant that t hey

a r e brought from internal sentim ents and feelings
merely ? F rom what other source s are moral

principles derivabl e 7 A re not these internal
suggestions the axioms of moral demonstration ?
Is n ot justice l ike truth approve d by its own
, ,
nature solely ? To tell to whom property b e

] o n gs m us t w e know in whose hands it is ?
‘
To tell w hether our n ati v e liberty belon g to u s ,
must w e know in what government it reposes

“
,
‘
or what is the strength or wh at are the services

, ,
or what is the antiquity of that govern ment ?

I assert the actual constitution of hum an nature
‘
you appeal to the a ctual condition of hum an a f

fairs ; t h e first alone determines the n ature and
extent of moral obligations to whose force and ,
po wer the last should passively submit 5 t he

N A TU R E O F S CI E N C E
v
37
'
P O L I T I C AL .
province of t h e firs t is to c om mand of t he l ast to ,
obey ; t h e first embraces all the principles of our

'
moral deliberations t he l ast are merely t h e sub , \
W
i
jec t s o f them h e n ce then the authority of

’
‘
.
, ,
circumstances to modify moral rules o r wh a t is , , ,
the same thing political re l ations ? Wh at ref

,
erence shoul d be h ad t 0 c i r cu m st a n c e s5w he n the ‘
only conditio n for t h e co m plete o peration of m or

al rul es fo und e d in the actual constit ution and
,
necessary relations of man is huma nity 7 ,
Those abstract tr uths ther e fore embraced , ,

,
within t h e pr o v i n c e of p olitical s c1e n c e a re real

'
truths and authoritati ve lessons of practical wis

do m L east of all does it behoov e A merican s
.
t o im p each them sm e e in the y ery act whereby

, ,
they vindicate their independence a n d formally ,
register their n ame in t he catalo gue of nations ,
they m ake a dign ifie d appeal for t h e rectitude of

their intentions and the just ice of their conduct ,
from actual and legal authority ancient pre , ,
scriptive an d long recognised to abstract pr1 n

, ,
”
c ip l es a lo n e
e
.
scie nce i s no vain chimera I t does

P o h t i c al .
n ot mock its votaries with notions th eoreti cally
systematic an d ac cur ate but impr acticable It

”
,
.
yields the m truths beautiful in theory and sub

W h ld t h t th t b
e l f vi d t
o e se r u s o e se -e en ,
38 N A T U RE OF P OL ITI C A L S C I EN C E .
st an t i a l
in the experience While it thus r e
.
wards the mere votary of science it may assert ,
a higher claim to our patriotic regard as A mer

i c ans from the protection it is within its pr o v m c e
,
to aff ord u s ag ainst foreign i n fl uen c e ho wever ,
remote and circuitous With u s the integrity of

.
our principles is the integri ty of our governmen t .
I n vain w oul d we be independent of despots i f

we voluntarily subserve the principles of despot
is m . The farther m axims are removed from the
ordinary questions that convulse us the m o r e f un ,
dam e n t al are they ; the more universal their op

c ratio n t he more subtle an d sure their sway
”
-
,
SE L F G O V E RNMEN T
- 39
CHAP TE R II .
'
S e l fi G o v e m m e n t by t he P e op l e t h e onl y l e gitim at e Form of
G ov e m m e n t .
—T h
~
e u ni vers gh t of M n k m d t o De m o crat 1c
a l Ri a
G ove rn m en t , a nd th ei r C om p e t e n c y t o a dm i m t e r n s .
IT is a part of m an s n atur e to be free The ’

.
s ame constitution that m akes u s moral m akes u s ,
self governin g bein gs The rig ht to c ontrol our

-
.
own actions is a necessary con se quence of the

’
freedo m of the will If we h ave n o t this right ;

.
our entire moral structure is a piece 0 13 fo lly l n '
its end and a piece of awful mockery in i ts A u

‘
thor O ur p assio n s prompt us to action our

.
,
m oral an d deliberative p owers regul ate us in our

choice of actions and the will sets the whole ma
,
chine i n motion But to what tends all this ma

.
chinery but to a ct i on 7 and if we are not f r ee to .

,
a ct to wha t purpose are we

, f r ee to wi ll If ,
the instan t we begin to act w e m ust be sub ,
'
j e c t e d to some external governing power the ,
whole m an is nonplused at once ; a n d those ex

alted powers that liken u s to the image of G o d
,
himself are made supe rflu o us lumber in the h u

,
man br ea st To avoid consequences so absurd

.
,
40 S E LF - G O V E R N M E N T
‘
.
yet so inevitable on any other hypothesis it must ,
be ad mitted that man was made by N ature to

act for himself .
While however he i s thus m ade the s e ver

, ,
e i n arbiter of his own actions he ca n

g not di s ,
claim the obligation of those moral principles

which constituting an essential p art of his na
,
ture form the basis of his freedom 5 and at the

, ,
utmost h e c a n pre t end to no more than t h eright

,
to c onform in the independent regulation of his

,
o w n conduct to the unseen but invariable stand

,
ard of m oral rectitude A r ig ht to do wr ong he

'
'
c ann ot h ave Ho w c o uld it ever have been i rn

.
a i n e d th at r i h t s w h i ch belon g to men only by

g g
'
,
,
virtue of the i r moral attributes can subsist in the ,

«
absence or in derogation of moral obligation s ? or

that man in a state of nature possesses the free
and u nc ontrolled li b erty of doing what ever he “
p l eases at
,
the same time th at he is i mpelled by
natural reason and the innate p ower of conscience
to p ursue the right and to shun the wrong 7 N o
thing cert ainly but the a uthority of great nam es
, , ,
c ould ever h ave given countenance to su ch abs a r

di t i es. While therefore the same nature that
, , .
makes u s m or a l makes u s f r ee and the same di s

'
e n sa t i o n that makes u s responsible for our actions

p
iv e s us a r ight t o control them we cannot violat e
g ,
SE LF G OVE RNME N T
- . 41
the conditions and subvert the foundations of this

,
freedom by a disregard of that moral c on st it u

,
tion by virtue of which we possess i t G od has .
invested us with exalted powers 5 this is of itself , ,
a s uffic i en t authority for their independent ex e r

tion But these powers are n o t mer ely e x e cu
. “
tive they are deliberative also N ot p ower

,
.
,
s imply as such but only a p o w e r t b pursue our

, i
ow n good enters into t h e compositio n of our

,
nat ural liberty We are impelled by n a t u re to

.
the pursuit of our own true and substantial hap

pi n ess but governed and controlled in t he pur
-s
,
suit of it by certain inherent mo ral principles

hence th e origin and the l imit of our n atural
rights Though h um an b e in gs i n a st ate of n a
.
'
ture may fin d their hands and feet unshackled ,
they are not therefore to assum e at once the

condition of the sav a ge an d course the forest in
,
pursuit of prey or arm their h ands with the tom

‘
a h a wk and sc a l pi n gg k n i fe in violation of every

,
m an s rights and safety ; they h ave l ikewise rea

’
s o n and conscience incorporated in their natures ,
which teach them to be rationally and morally

‘
N atural li b e rty then consists i n the

, , u n con
trolled disposition of our persons an d our property ,
agree ably to our own will provided that we do ,
D
42 SEL F GOVERNME N T
-
.
not transgress the natural or moral l a w ; or in ,
the words of M ontesq uieu it is the power of ,
do ing w h a t w e ought to will and the not being

'
,
”
constrained to do what w e ought not to will .
Thi s natural liberty is by no means irr espe ctive

of our condit ion as soci al beings S ince it r e .
gards m an in his natural it must comprehend his ,
social and related cap acity S ociety is rendered

’
indispensable to u s not less by the instincts of

,
our nature than the necessities of our physical

condition 5 and so irresistible are the combined ia "
fl ue n ce s of both as to have prevented the appear

,
an c e upon th e earth ev e n in its earliest ages of

, ,
such a pheno m enon as s m gl e ind i vidual isola‘
, ,
ted man .
Wh en t h e refo re we enter into the political

,
"
state are our rights abridged because they must

,
be a ccommodated to t h e rights of others ? By

no m eans I ne v er had a right in a n y condition
.
, ,
to trespass upon my neighbour N ature h as

, .
adapted us to one another in a social state and ,
I a m b ound by the l aw of N ature to love my

, ,
”
neigh b our as myself not les s than by the l a w
,
of civil society to do him justice N either r e .
quires me to surrender anything that is mine but ,
that I sh oul d give to eve ry man his own N at .
ural liberty is therefore entirelycomp atible with

, ,
SE L F 43
the social co ndition of man 5 and as n o t h m g can

b e m or e unnatural than that wild an d savage
.
state which it is Common under the sanc t i on of ,

'
great and numerous a uthorities to consider as a ,
n ecessary con dition to n atural liberty so n ot h ing ,
can be more absurd than the theory which de

fi nes n atura l liberty to consist in the unrestrained
’
allowance of every man s i nclin ation or caprice ,
.
But when it is said that no m an h as a right to

do wrong or t o transgre ss the natural o r m or al
’
l a w let us not be understood as asserting that

,
an y one has a right to prescribe t o an y o t h er q
what that l aw is or to punish eve ry infringe

, ,
ment of i t Ou the contrary it is of the es s ence

.
,
of that individual liberty of action which we

‘
posse ss as mor al b e ing s th at each be allowed to

determine that point for himself 5 for t o this end
N ature has endowed each of us with rational
~
a n d moral faculties But suppose this personal

.
liberty of ours to be infringed by an other w e ,
j udge the aggressor not fo r transgressing the ,
li m its of his o wn freedom but for trespassing ,
upon ours of the former he 18 the judge of the ,
latter w e by the same right are the judges He

, ,
.
may go beyon d t h e fix e d and absolute limit of

his own freedom but we have no right to inter
,
fere unless by so doin g he enters into c on fli ct

, , ,
44 SE LF G O V ERNME N T
-
.
with us a n d encroaches upon o ur equal n gh ts

, .
This right of self defence so far from abrogating

-
,
our own individual independence IS based upon ,
i t on the grou nd that those rights cannot be ours

,
which everybody may W i th absolute impunity

appropriate to himself A nd hence our right to .
protect ourselves from injustice confers no author

ity over our fellow m en ( as it woul d othe rwise
-
be at war with its o wn original ) but merely al ,
lows us to insist on wh at is already our o w n ,
and to assume a hostile attitude within our own

limits .
O ne man h as no right by nature to make , ,
l aws for another He may rep el another when

.
h is own rights are infringed but he has no right ,
to govern him He is sovereign merely over

.
-
himself not over another: He h as a right of

,
self protection but th at he has within his o w

-
, n
province He may say D o not infringe upon

.
,
”
my rights 5 but he has no right to de fin e the
rights of third persons or forbi d any infringe ,
ment u pon them If h owe v er he unite with .

, ,
others in a convention for mutual protection and

de fen c e t h e n the rights of e ach bec o me the
5
~
rights of all ; w hat w as before individual b e

comes common an d still the community keep
,
w ithin the limits of their own con c erns whe n

’
SELF G OVE R NMEN T
-
. 45
“
t hey y sato a str anger D o not infringe
, upon
the r ights of either of u s or w e w ill jointly repel
,
”
you though they do not thus acquire any right
,
to di rect him in his intercourse with others “
'
Thus m an enjoys b y n at ur e in r e l at io n t o other

l
,
men the right of repulsi on and not the right of

, ,
directio n ? The di fference is that the exercise of ,
the former right is c o n fin e d exclusively to one s ,

’
self the l atter extends to and arr o ga t es t h e di

,
rection of the a ff airs of third persons The o f .
fic e of society is to de fin e what indivi dual rights

are ( not arbitrarily to direct individuals what
they shall or shall not do ) ; and to b ind the whole
for the defence of them When a society does .
this for itself it is e mployed in its o wn co ncerns

, ,
it operates within its o wn legitimate sphere :
when a constit uent part only of a society do it

for t h e r est or for the whole they assume a duty
'
and a responsibility for which there is not the

sh adow of an argument to sho w th at N ature ever
designed them .
We are not m ade for authority ove r our fel

l o w beings
-
. That moral n ature by vir t ue of ,
which alone w e c oul d clai m i t ; has evidently

been given u s for the regul ation and governmen t
of ourselves al one M oral duties are revealed to
.
our species by nat ure as individuals an d di s cov ,

46 J E L F- G OVERNME N T .
c rable by us each for himself solely upon the sep

, ,
~
arate inspection of his o wn heart There is N a .
ture s sole depository of the immutabl e l a w of

’
right and wrong justice and i njustice in i t s ap

, ,
p li c ab i l i t
y to human actions Its only natural .
’
sanction is vested in every man s individual con
science which reproaches or appl auds him for
,
his o wn actions merely Thus N ature has made .
each for himself alone the executor of her l aws

, , ,
an d she q u a li fies no m an to prescribe and act for

another H is moral attributes are not more th an
.
f
s u fic i e n t to accomplish h i m for his own r e s p o n
s ibilit i e s ; and h e m a y only repel injuries , b e

‘
cause they v iol ate those rights o f which N ature -
has m ade him cognizant and constituted him the ,
sole guardian an d j udge .

‘
S uch being the prerogatives of al l who shall ,
assume on the authority of N ature de fin i t iv ely

, ,
a n d authoritatively to settl e an d en force the ex

‘
act demands of justice in disputed cases between

man a n d man 7 C learly no one but that Su
preme Being possessing in his own esse nce a b e
,
n e v o l e n c e that is i n fin i t e an d a wisdom that

“
c an n bt er r and who by virtue of his D i v ine pre

, ,
r o ga t ii es is the n atural G overnor and L ord of

'
the U nive rse .
I t is treason t o w ards G od hi mself an d a mbck ,

a
SE LF G O V E RNM E N T
-
. 47
of t he m aj esty of H eaven not less t h an a n

er
y ,
injury to the rights of m an for any merely hu man

.
,
bein g to arrogate a cl aim so high as that of

sov er e i gn t y o v er a race of the same rati onal a n d
’
moral n at ure as himself I n the abse n ce of D i .
vine authority and while we are conve rsant with

,
but one order of intellig ent beings un iversally ,

,
the same in their ess en t i al at t ri b u t e s one in g en us

‘
a n d one in sp eci es all are morally equ al that is

, , ,
equ al i n tho se r espects which constitute moral

accountability ( an d this is what is mean t by the
natural equality of man ) and each has a right ,
to determine the limits prescribed to his actions

by the moral l aw for himself 5 being still liable
to repulsive violence in consequence of the uni ,
versal extension of the same right to others i f , ,
by re ason o f an erroneous ju dgment u pon his

o wn rights his acti ons co nfl ic t with the ri ghts
,
of others .
J
We go ye t f arther and contend th at as this , ,
liberty of action is d erived to m an through his

moral n ature 5 of which it is th e n ecessary con
c omitant he c a n as well abdicate his moral a t
-
trib utes and shift his m oral account ability as al ,
i e n a t e it 5 a n d that on the other han d he is just

, ,
as capable of ac q u i r m g a n e w n ature and as ,
sum in
g be f ore G od the responsibilities of othe r
48 SE L F G OVE RNMEN T
-
.
moral beings and aggravating his own as of

, ,
governing other men in Oppositi on to their own

free and deliberative will .
M an is by n ature the free and sovereig n a r

biter of h is own actions ; an d as it has been
proven that there is nothing in the nature of
society either in the rights it respects or the sac
,
r ific e s it requires incompatible with the unlimited

,
exercise of his n ative freedom so w e have shown ,
that he does not because it inheres in his nature

, ,
and he cannot resign it u pon becoming a mem

,
ber of organized society .
N ot such however is the theo ry laid down in

, ,
,
forei g n works an d se rvilely copied by A merican

writers Instead of adhering to their de fin i t i o n
.
of natural liberty which we h ave substantially

,
adopted they a ffix to it the idea of th e absolute

,
and uncontrolled po w er of doing what ever a man

”
pleases then compel him to give up a p art of
,
”
his liberty on ent ering 1 nto society in opposi ,
tion to one of the most prominent axi oms sol ,
e m nl and authoritatively announced by the

y pa
t ri o ts of our R evolution that liberty is among our
,
i nalienable rights 5 and fin al ly as a natural a n d

, ,
proper c onsequence declare that expediency

i
,
and the gener al advantage of the public de hne ”

SE LF G OVE RNMEN T-
.
49
limit to whi ch politic al power shall encroach

he
*
t
u pon huma n rights .
N atural liberty says Bl ackstone ( and the ,
systems of British writers are quite uniform on

this subject ) consists pr operly in a power of
, , ,
acting as one thinks fit without any re straint or ,
control unless by the l aw o f n a t ur e ; being a ‘
right inherent in u s by birth and one of the gifts ,
of G od to man at his creation when he endued ,
him with the faculty of free will But every .
man wh en h e en t er s i n t o s oci ety gi v es up a p ar t

, ,
of h i s n a t u r a l l i ber t y as the price of so valuable
a p urchase ; a n d i n consideratio n of recei v in g

,
the ad v antages of mutual commerce obli ges h im ,
self to conform to those l aws which the c o m m u

n it
y h as thought pr e per to establish A n d this .
Species of legal obe dience and conformity is i n

finitely more desirable than t h a t wi l d a n d s a v ag e
li ber t y whi ch i s s a cmficed t o obt a i n i i F or n o .
man that considers a moment w o u ld wish to r e

tain t h e a bsolu t e a n d u n con t r oll ed p ower of doi ng
wha t ev er h e p l eas es : the consequence of w hich
is that e v ery other man w ould also h ave the
,
Th m m t y e o b t yt h g f m t h f ll gh t f
en ou a a e an ln ro e u ri s o
m en e ac h to g ov n hi m el f a d u ff er y r t 1fi i l p e niva
er s , n s an a c a s
l i mi t a t i on u p on t h o r gh t
se f o m th t m o m t t h w h le o
1 s, r a en e o r
g an i zat l on o f go
. m m e n t b e o m e a c on i d er a t i o n of con v e
ve c s s
m e n ce .
”-
B u r ke on t he Fr en ch R ev olu t ion .
E
50 S E L F G OVERNME N T
-
.
same p ower and then there w oul d be n o secu

,
~
'
rity to individuals i n any of the enjoyments of

life Political therefore or civil liberty which
.
, . ,
is that of a member of socie t y is no other than ,
n at u ral l i ber t y s o a r r est r a i n ed and no farther

f ( )
as i s n ecess a r y a n d ex
p ed i en t
f or t h e g en er al ad
v anta
ge of the
Who is to j udge of this expediency and to ,
determine what the general advantage requir es ?

If by the mere fact of becoming members of p o
,
l i t i c a l society we resign a p art of our natural

,
liberty i n co n sideration of civil a n d political a d

v antages of course the current u sages and insti
,
t uti o n s of the society at the time of our i n c or po

ration indicate the terms of the compromise ; we ’
oblige o urs el v es b y that act to conform to , ,
those l aws which the community has thought

”
proper to establish 5 the established governors
and the established laws are the judges We .
h ave abdicated forever the right to judge for

o u rs el v es f O ur rulers by vi rtue of the powers ,
B la c k s . Co m m v ol . 1 b ki h p
oo .
, 1 p 12 5
c a . . _ .
If h
'
1 c nn l s o c i e t y b e t he o fis p r m g o f c on v e n t 10 n , t a t
'
c on
ve n t 1o n m ust be i ts law . Th v
a t c o n e n t i o n m u s t 11m 1t an d
m o d1fy a ll t h e d e s c ri pt i on s of c o n st 1t u t 1on w hi c h are fo rm e d

un d er 1t . E v e r y s or t of l e g i s l a t u re , j u d1c 1a l or e x e c u t o ry po w
e r , a re 1 t s c r e a t u re s Th y e c an ha v e no b e 1n gi n any ot he r st a e t
of t h 1n g s ; an d h ow c an a n y m an cl ai m , u n d er t h e c on ven t i on s
-
. 51
with which they are actually vested looking only ,
to what they can do t o de t e r m in e what they m a y

‘
do are restrained by no limits but their o wn dis

,
cretion O ur natural rights are en t irel y devour

.
c d by our civil and social privileges ,
Thus i f to constitute civil liberty our natural

, ,
liberty must be restraine d u po n general c o n si d ,
e r a t i o n s of convenience a n d expediency to e ffect ,
the greater good of the whole our rul ers of , ,
course as the gu ardians of the public weal are

, ,
the excl usive j udges of wh at t h e goo d of the

whole dem ands and it needs but the lowest de ,
gree of discernment to perceive that upon this ,
hypothesis liberty i s as much the concomitant of

,
T u r kish as of British and of British as of A mer ,
ican government 5 o r in other words that it is , ,
o f c 1 v 11 s o m e t y, r i gh t s w h i c h do n ot s o m uc h a s upp o s se its ex
1s t e n c e ? Ri gh t s w h 1c h a re a b s l u t e l y r e p u g a t t o
o n n O ne
of t h e firs t m o t 1 v e s t o 1 l om t y
c v1 s d w h1 h be c m
e , an c o e s on e o f
i ts fu n d a m e n t al r ule s 1s t h t m , h l l b j dg m h
, a no wan s a e u e zs o n
ca u s e . B y t h i s e a c h p e rs o n h a s a t o n c e dl e s t e d h i m s e l f o f t h e v
firs t fu n d a m en ta l ri gh t o f u n coven an t e d m an t h a t IS t o j u d g e , ,
fo r h i m s l f a n d t o a s s e r t h 1s o w n c au s e
e H e a b dl c a t e s a ll r l g h t .
t o b e h l s o w n g ove rn or H e 1 n c l u s 1 e l y i n a g r e t m e as u r e
. v , a ,
a b a n d o n s t h e r 1gh t o f s e l f d e fe n c e t h e firs t l a w o f n a t u r e
-
,
Men .
c a n n o t e nj o y t h e n gh t s o f a n u n c 1 1 l an d o f a 0 1 1l s t a t e t o ge t h v v
sr . T h at h e m a y ob t a l n Ju st i ce h e gi ve u p h i r i g h t o f d e t e r
,
s s
m 1n i n g w h a t 1 t i s m p om t s t h e m o s t e s s e n t i l t o h 1m T h a t he a .
m a y se c ur e s o m e l 1b e rt y h e m a k e s a s u r r e n d e r 1n t r u s t o f t h e
wh ole o f 1 t —
,
B urk e s Re fl ect1on s o n t h e Fre n c h Revo l u t i o n

” ’
.
.
52 SE LF GOVE RN M EN T
-
.
the inseparable concomitant of governme nt in all

its forms !
The error of this system is s u ffic i en t ly appa
rent in the absurdity of its consequences .
M ankind do not n eed the ai d of organized s o

c i et to plun d er their rights but to enable them
y ,
to enjoy them They associate together in fre e

.
t o m m u n it i es simply to de hne their rights by

,
their mutual counsels and to protect one another ,
b ytheir common strength E ach man attends .
to his private the aggregate whole to the public

,
concerns 5 each takes an equal part in the public

deliberations as he has an equal share in the
Jn i bl i c interests When the .L egislature makes a
law or a court of j ustice passes judg m ent w e act
, ,
by our agents and submit to a tribunal c o ns t i t u

,
ted by our own voluntary consent .
A republic is wh at C icero long since correctly

de fin e d it to b e : simply the union of a multi
tude cemented by an agreeme nt in wh at is right
, ,
and a p articip ation in what is

This theory is exactly conformable to w hat
'
Jefie rso n has said O ur le gisl ators are not suf

fic i en t l y apprized of the rightful limits of their
p owers ; th at their true o th e e is to decide and
Coet us m u l t i t u di n i s j u ri s c o n s e n s u , e t u t 1li t a t l s c o m m u n i on s
t
s oci e a s .
-
De Re p u b .
, l 1h i
. .
, 25
.
S E LF -
G OY E R N M E N T .
53
en force our natural rights an d dut i es and to t ak e '
none of them from u s N o m an has a natural .
right to commi t aggression e n the equ al rights '
of another 5 an d this i s al l from which the l a ws

ought to restrain him : ev e ry m an is under the
natural duty of contributing to the necessities of
the s oc i e t y a n d this is all the l aws should e n
,
.
force on him Th e idea is quite unfounded that

.
,
i n entering in to soci ety we give up a n y n atural

ri gh t; 5
Natural liberty then cons ists in the possessio n

, ,
i
of hertain rights 5 ci v il liberty in the enjoyment ,
of them N atural liberty is what inheres in our

.
persons ; ci v il liberty what we procure by gov

-
e r n m e n t and l aws In other words civil liberty

.
,
is natural liberty established and secured u pon

fix e d principles .
Political liberty therefore is that of a c o m m u

, ,
n it
y of individuals voluntarily agreeing where
the limit prescribed by the n atural or moral l a w
to their respective private w ills is to be fix e d ,
and uniting toge t her with their common strength

to m aintain i t In other words as man requires
.
,
civi l government only by virtue of his ratio nal “
an d moral nature and as by that rational an d

'
,
moral n at u re h e is essentially a self governing -
e J ff C
e r s on s p d L tt c
’
o rr e s on e n ce , e er x x x i .
54 SE L F GOVE RNMEN T
-
.
being self governm ent by the people is the only

,
-
legitimate form of civil government .
The l a w of justice between man an d m an es

t ab l ish e s the republican p r l n ci pl e L et every .
man accord to every other the possession and

enj oyment of his own his rights as well as his ,
property and a republic w ill be the necessary

,
consequence A republic is only the a pplication

.
of the l a w of justice to p olitics The result is .
i nvariable equ ality The just is nothing but the

.
equal If therefore what are right and wr o ng

.
, , ,
are right and wrong everywhere irrespective ,
of locality and always irrespective of time or

,
change it is absurd t o a l le ge that one form of

, ‘
government 18 Just and right i n A merica an d not ,
equally and exclus ively so in E urope A si a or , ,
A frica .
When our S avi ou r propounded the u niversal

l aw of h u man conduct he reduced m ankind to ,
a level 5 he r e co gn l se d n o higher personage in

”
morals than our neighbour When w e h ave .
”
discharged o ur duty to our neigh b our we
,
have f ulfille d our duty to m ankind ; for m ankin d

a r e our equals and not our superiors and w e o we ,
”
to our neighbour neither obedience nor alle
g i a n ce .
A s the word J
us t has an absolute s ign ific at io n ,
S ELF -G dV E R N M E N T . 55
the word free has but one m e a n i n g a n d a d

“
so h
mits of no q u a lifie d sense or any comp a rati v e

’
degrees A n a ct io n i s just or u njust ; a govern

.
ment is free or it is despotic If it lea v e every man .
in the possession of his n ative liberty it is free 5 ,
if it depredate upon and cir cumscribe th at liberty ’
i n the least degree it is arbitrary and oppre ssive

, .
N o cir cumst an ces can alter the n ature of justice

none can palliate the se v erity and wrong of des
p o t is m
. A s Justice is pr a ctica b le unde r all cir
c u m s t a n c e s b e c au s e it h a s its foundation in the

'
nature and constitution of man so is self— govern ,
ment his ability for which is in like manner

,
predicated upon his moral attributes ; an d the

universal practicability of self government is no -
more to be questione d than the u ni v ersal practica

b ilit y of p ri yat e morals A treati se on politics
'
.
_
that ad e pts all the v arious forms of government

as equally legitimate simply because they have ,
all at one time an d in one place or another been

, ,
actually reduce d to p racti ce is as absurd as a ,
treatise on morals sanctioning all the actual usa

es and practic es of m ankin d
g ”
F or more tha n sixty years the A mericans have

be en gove rned b y a gover nment of the n own -
institution laws of thei r own m aking an d gov

, ,
ern ors and m agistrates of their own selection .

56 S E L F G OV E R N M E N I
- ’ ‘
This is self government It is free government

-
. .
If in every c ountry the majority in numbers were

, ,
predominant in p ower the m ain body of every,
people woul d necessarily pre v ail in the a dm in is

t r a t i o n of the state and thus examples of self
,
government would be universal But i n politi .
cal arithmetic it is said two and two do not a l

, ,
ways m ake four The subjects of p olitical i n

.
v e s t i a t i o n are moral not physical quantities a n d

g , ,
the rel ative strength of different div 1s 1o n s of a

commu nity cannot be determined by their rel a
tive physical f orce but only by their comparative
,
amount of intellectual and moral strength which ,
is the presiding and governing pr1n C1p le of the

u niverse .
It wi ll n ot therefore be hastily concluded

, , ,
from a mer e ly numeri cal superiority of the gov

erned over the go v ernors which is found to be ,
t h e greatest in the most despotic countries

that the will of the people does ultimately pre
vail independently of the form i n which the
,
government may be administered A conclu .
sion so preposterous will be a v oided by ha v i n g ,
regard to th e force o f prej udice of antiquity an d

.
, ,
of sup erstition as well as to the vast author ity

,
derived by the established power from a control

of the ordinary channels of the state the u nd is ,
SE L F G O V E RNM EN T
-
.
57
u t ed exercise of the powers o f sovereignty a

p ,
possession of the posts of office and the a v ai la ,
ble and devoted resources of the treasury and

military Sel tl go v e rn m e n t is a gover n ment of
.
free and deliberative Opinion The publ ic min d .

,
i n fl u en c e d by pass ion or fear or p assive acqui , ,
esc e n ce does not form opinions but preju dices 5

, ,
an d public and p olitical measures based upon

t hem are not the res ult of ch oice but of a kind ,
of moral necessity .
It is a b s ur d t h e r e fore to declare that all go v

5 ,
e rn m en t s are self governments N or are any

-
.
governments such except those under w h ich the

,
people themselves possess and exercise the entire

sovereignty When a people do not govern
.
themselves they are governed A ll govern

,
.
ments are either govern ments of force or gov

e rn m e n t s of Opinion ; governments of u surpation ,
or governments of consent There are no inter .
mediate stages between the two C ompounds .
of m onarchy aristocracy and democracy are

, ,
not the less sovereignties exercised over the peo

ple because limite d : the voice of the nation in
, ,
“
being subjected to m o difica t i on is c o n t r o ll e dfi ,
De su n t
‘ o m n in o e i p p ul o
o m ul t a q ui s ub Re ge est ; i n pr i
m i sq u e h b e r t as ; q u ae n on 1n eo e st , u t u s t o u t a m ur dom i no
—
j ,
s e d u t n u llo . De Re u , l i b p b . . c. x x li i .
58 SE LF GOVERN ME N T
-
.
I ndeed so absurd, an d
unjust are the prejudices
on which such go v ernments are established that ,
they never c oul d ha v e been conceived of in a

ration al vie w of the public goo d and must con , ,
sequently be sustained by an enormous power

,
independently of th e publi c will A n d hence .
we h n d monarchy always accompanied and for

t i fie d either by an aristocracy or hierarchy or by ,
both It must be fo r t ifie d by kind red prejudices

.
an d symp athetic influences The broad and sub .
s t a n t i a l interests and wishes of t h e people must
be compromised by the prerogatives of a faction

—not the less a faction for the considerable per
sons th at compose i t —subsisting for itself in der
o a t i o n of common rights and rioting in the ex
g ,
e r c i s e of unl awful power ; an e v il which repub
li cs h a v e o n ly to dread but which monarchies

t
constantly experience .
The plea on which such governments are sus

t a in e d and a ll others that are n o t self govern
,
-
m en t s is that alike of all indivi dual tyrants and

,
all organ i zed tyrannies—necessity M en say .

,
monarchists are incompetent to govern them

,
.
selves therefore they must be go v erned ; some

,
thing m ust be ab ated fro m those proud ri ghts

which they arrogate by nature * .
S o c 1e ty q n t l yt h t t h p
r e u i re s o i
on f d d l a e ass on s o 1n 1v 1 u a s
S E L F G OVE R NMEN T
-
. 59
Indeed t he sentiment is q u1 t e universal that

, ,
t h e exercise of self government requires very for -
t u i t o u s circ umstances an d an uncommon moral ,
and intellectu al superiority E ven those ar e of .
this Opinion who do not scr u pl e to a ffirm that

i t is the only legitimat e government But that .
N ature could h ave so constituted or pl aced any

p art of m ankind that o ne mo de of government , ,
that of being governed by others should be ,
practic able but wrong and the only o ther mode , ,
self government right but impracticable is eq u al

-
, ,
ly at variance with my ideas of G o d and of m y

fellow men -
.
Th e extreme of vice is of course excluded

from t h ese speculations as like the extreme of , ,
virtue it is nowh ere to be foun d ; an d either

,
woul d prob ably though by means tot ally unlike ,
and adverse arrive at the same result the total

, ,
annihilation of all government .
N or d o w e mean to a ffirm that eve ry n ation

would be alike skilful i n the exercise of self
s h ou ld b e su bj ct d
e e ,
but t h at e v en i n t h e m ass b od y w l l
an d ,
as e
n s h u ld f q u n t ly b e
‘
as m t he 1n d1v 1du a ls , t h e i n c l i n a t i on s o f m e o re e
th w ar t e d th , eir w 1ll c o n t r o ll e d , and t h eir p i b gh t t

ass on s ro u in o
s u b e c uo n
j . T hi s c an o n ly be d on e by a
p ower ou t o f t h em l
s e v es ,
and n o t i n t h e c x e rm s e o f 1 t s fu n c t i on , su bj e ct t o t h a t W ll i an d
to t ho se p a s s w n s w h 1c h i t i s 1t s o fii c e t o b r l dle a n d su bd ue .
”
B urke Refl Fre n c h Rev

’
s . on .
60 SE LF G O V E R NMEN T
-
.
government but that each would exert the ( l e

,
gree of skill required by their wants a n d pro ,
portioned to the importance of their civil and

political a ffairs
}
S urely if we are right i n our i de a of govern
,
ment that all the obligations to which it lends

,
its sanction except such as are purely c o n v e n

,
t i o n a l and respect merely its mechanical arrange

,
m ent an d support exist by nature anterior to

,
any regul arly organize d society for the due dis

,
charge whereof we are ans w erable to G o d there ,
must inhere in our constitution in order to lay

,
the foun dation for that responsibility a comp e , ~
ten ey to discern an d fulfil them

A n d indeed were i t in this late age of the
, , ,
worl d yet problematical whether self govern

,
-
ment b y the people be practicable and if pr a c , ,
t i c a b l e whether its adoption be sanctioned by

,
wisdom and experience t o wh om would the se

,
l ut i on of these problems belong and wh o coul d

,
avail himself of their practical results 7 If m on

a r chy a n d a r i s t o cr a cy be the fo r ms of govern
ment agreeable to n ature who are the m on hr chs

,
and n obl es by nature ? O ne is not born said ,

”
h e whom principle and nature m ade a republican ,
b u t circumstances a n d ambition an empe ror ,
one is n o t born with a boot on his l eg and ,

SE LF G OVE RN MEN T
-
. 61
another with a pack saddle on his back There

-
.
are no n ak ed ki n gs 5 they must all b e dressed ”

.
The inability of ni en to govern themselves l n

volves their 1 n co m p e t e n cy to designate either '
how o r by wh om they sh all b e g ov er n ed Th e .
cla im to rule nations by D ivine designation or

appointment has been l on g since exploded 5 and ,
even were a n exception to be mad e i n favour

of settled dynasties whence could w e deri v e a
,
claim for the sovereigns of a n e w country ? If it

b e then the pl easure of the B eing who m a de u s
, ,
that we be r ul ed5he h as im posed on those he h as

destined to the sovereignt y as w ell a s those he
,
has m arked for subordination a duty arising l e , .
g i t i m at e l
y o ut of their circumstances and rela
tions of which they are not an d cannot be ap

,
prized ; an d which he has therefore rendered

, ,
the m incompetent as moral a nd dutiful creatures

, ,
to disch arge Thus w hoever mak e it impera

.
,
tive upon society to sus t ai n a n i ndepen dent and

'
arbitrary domination establish a pl an a s a gree

,
able to the course of nature and the will of G o d ,
the execut io n of w hich oth erwise than by means

-
clearl y c o ntra di ctory to that will is u t t e 1 ly 1 m ,
possible it m ii st b e a ch i ev e d if achieve d at all

'
5 , ,
through acci dent usurpation violence and crime

, , ,
.
Tru e human affairs do not enj oy their primi

,
-
t
62 SE LF G OVE RNMEN T
-
.
tive perfection but h ave been deranged by our

,
depravity This derangement ho w ever e x tends

.
, ,
only to the cour se of hum a n affairs 5 it d ees not

impair the essential relations of things O ur .
d uties and obligations remain the same 5 c o n se

qu ently our rights and social relations remain
,
unimpaired as they depend not upon hu m an

,
ch a r a ct er but upon h u m a n n a t u r e
,
.
It i s of no a v ail for the advocate of arbitrary

p ower to assert the imperfection incident to every
thing hu ma n in our present terrestrial condition ,
and that since w e will but imperfectly control

,
our own passions they must be c ontrolle d by

,
others H is king is embraced in the wide circle

.
’
of humanity an d is pl ace d under the same exi

,
g en c
y as oursel v es The king .therefore needs , ,
the same control as his meanest sl ave ; and if ,
h is subject s are to i mpose this control u pon h i m

an d his actions they must after all intermedi
, , ,
ately impose it on themselves and do n ot require ,
the interposition of a royal automaton .
It is not su ff icient to convict the people of

wrong in attempting to assume their o wn gov
e rn m e n t but some right must be shown to ex
,
ist indepe ndently in the prince If we must be .
govern ed his authority to govern does not fol

,
lo w as a necessary corollary .
SE L F G O V E R N MEN T
-
. 63
R oyalty can plead no exemption from the in

fir m it i es m e l den tto humanity Indeed to e x er .
,
cise sovereignty over others demands much high

er q u alific a t i o n s than to impose the control n e c e s
sary to sel f government upo n one s self If

-
’
.
,
therefore the de fic i e n cy exist inherently i n s ub

,
,
j e c t s a much greater de fic i en c
, y m ust be predi
c a t e d of the prince ; and if the advocates of
monarchic al instit utions shoul d assert the a dv an

tages of circumstances a n d p o sit i on to a e com~
p l i s h the one better than the other for his o ffic es
a n d duties it m a be conclusively replied that

, y ,
they desert the discussion of the n atural rights

and relations of man and argue from the arbi
,
t ra ry allot m ents of society N or can it be denie d

.
that the post of government is the very worst

place to discipline one for government ; an d that
th e se only know h o w t o c o m m a n d who h ave
t
once le arne d thoroughly to obey The passiv e .
submission the pernicious fl attery the unbounded

, ,
sycophancy th at atten d upon kings cherish th e ,
most depraved p a ssions of the heart ; and they

are acc ordingly foun d to be the proudest the ,
most arbitrary the w eakest the most c ruel and

, ,
licentious of human beings W here w ill you .
fin d in private stations the enormity o il vice that

is heralde d with the lineage of kin gs ? In vain
64 SE LF G OVE RNM E N T
-
.
d o w e seek for a N ero a C aligula a D omitian , , ,
a D ionysius an Alexander of Pher ae a R ich ar d

, ,
III a H enry V III a M ary a Philip II but upon

.
,
.
, , .
,
t h e throne The best and greatest examples of

.
kings and despots are t hose who have risen

from private life ; such were t wo of the C aesars ,
C romwell an d Bonaparte
,
.
It is b u t too true th at our n ature is full of

contradictions errors and in fi rmities 5 but these
, ,
are to be moderated by c o n fli c t i n g with each

other and h ar m onized as the antagonist forces
, ,
and app arent disorders of the material world are

h armoniz ed b y b alancing and correcting and
,
-
, ,
r ep airing the defects of each other To crown .
one m an king is to give these evils free s c e pe 5

it makes them arbitrary and supreme an d gives ,
them license to depredate upon the e arth The .
p assions are wh at we have to fear But who .
can s uppo s e t h a t the evils of our syst em are at all

‘
compro m ised by making the passions of one sov

e r e i n 5 not a b a t in ga n yt hi n g from but cherishing
'
g ,
'
the evil nature of on e i t t h e e ffici e n cy,

-
of al l o r at least better compromised than if

, ,
the p assions of all were left to Oppose and m o d

e r a t e each other a n d a dj ust the universal har
,
mony ; t han i f for instance the pri de of one

‘
,
.
were opposed to the pride of another to awaken .

S E L F G OVE RNM E N T
-
. 65
emulation rather than that the a r r o gan c e of a

,
‘
H aman shoul d be armed W1t h power to execute

e x terminating vengeance on a whol e n ation 7
7 D o the vast body b f the p eopl e n eed an inde
pendent p o w er to Oppo se and assail their inter '
ests and the i r W l Sll eS 7 C ompromises do s ome

‘
times take pl ace in human a fl air5 5 bn t t hese

'
when wise are the results of n e c essi ty n ot of

'
, 5
choice The only proper checks an d b al an ces in

. .
a constitution are those th at necessarily and n a tu

rall y ar 1se out of the r l gh t s an d int erests to b e
protected .
.
We are not more n a ht to be our o wn g overn
ors than to be governed D u t ies and obl igations .
are reciprocal ; those w e o w e to the state ar e

exactly correspon dent with th ose the state owes
u s 5 an d i f t he d ue measure of b bt h is not de fin i t e
and fix ed and as intelligi b le to t h e one party as

,
the other we are as u n fit to b e subj ects as sov

,
r gn s
e ei . 1
The relation of individ u als to gov ernm ent an d

society as well as all other relat ions subsistin g
,
between men i n every c ap acity human nature

,
is cap able of assu ming are comprehended in our ,
moral duties to our neighbour and u n it e rs ally ,
e mbraced within the sphere of our moral a o
countability Is it po ssible that su éh a responsi

.
66 SE L F G OVERN MEN T
-
.
b i l itycoul d be predicated of a conditio n wherei n

w e are unable to percei v e or to do w h at a pp e r
t ains to us 7 Is it possible that we are bound
by nature to render to each and all others their
right an d are yet incomp etent by nature to dis
,
cern what it is and to perform what is thus our

‘
moral d uty 7 If w e can a c q ui t o u rsel v es of our

'
duties to e ach indi v idually as the whole have n o

,
righ t s b u t what are th e rights of each w e can dis ,
charge our duties to all collectively O ur duties .
as citizens are merely a p art of our duties a s

”
neighbours and comprehended in the great l aw
,
of C hristian morality as exp ounded by our S a .
v io u r U nless therefore that fund amental pre

.
, ,
cept presuppo se a greater degree of intellectual

and moral capability than mankind are universal
ly possessed b f the whol e family of m a n are com
,
pe t ent to sustain and discha rge the duties of free

ci tizens of a free com m onwealth H ence our .
c o m e t en c f o r and our right to self government

p y
-
, .
Ca n it be believed by a ratio nal and intelligent

man that the A uthor of our nature has super
,
added a moral sanction to our social and rel ativ e

duties a n d has yet left us inadequately provided
,
for the f ulfilm en t of them 7 N ay while w e a re ,
confessedly co mpetent to sustain the r esp o n si b il

ities and the agency of moral creatur es in all
SE LF GOVE R N MEN T
-
. 67
th e se higher duties which we o w e immediately

to G o d can w e not respond to the obligation s we
,
'
owe each other 7 H ave we be en m ade com

petent for the one an d are w e n o t competent for
,
the other 7 H as the S upreme Being been so

provident of t he r e gar d due fro m u s to one a n
other that while He has intruste d u s with the
, ,
-
guardianship o f our own conduct as the subjects

“
of His empire He is unwilling that we should be

,
committed to our o w n discretion in a m atter of

merely terrestrial im port a n d in H is infi nite view, , ,
of entirely subordin ate interest 7 H as H e intrust .
e d u s with the care of our eternal salv a t i o n an d 5

.
not venture d to commit to us the conduct and

supervision of all our temporal a ff airs 7
The advocates of arbitrary power so that it ,
be pre pe rly a c clim at e d an d fall to the dole of 5
ignorance and misfortune d o yet steadfastly m ,

a
sist upon the nobility and supremacy of m a n as ,
a being fur n ished w

-
ith the prerogatives of so v er
ei n t over the earth and endowed with a nature
g y ,
in the semblance of G od hi msel f V ain boast .
ing i f w hile the lower o rders of creation are

, ,
competent to fulfil the en ds of their being and by ,
the force of me re animal instinct to regulate their

o w n economy 5 i f while m an himself is so abun
,
dan t ly suppl ied for t he sustenance of his ani m al

68 SE L F G OVE RNME N T
~
.
n ature those exalted gifts and prerogatives mus t

,
prove so entir ely futile l n enabling him to fortify

himself upon the v ery threshol d of existence .
Wretched is our supremacy if w e b e found u n

,
abl e to maintain those just and equal rel ations

u pon which we depend for our enti re protecti on ,
an d to which all our rights and terrestri al enjoy

ments are m ade subordinate .
Upon a hypothesis contrary to that laid do wn ,
t he continual occurrences of the providence of

G od are as inexplicable as the apparent injustice
of his original dispositio n of u s: L ook at the v a
r i ou s n ations of the earth Their dili e r e n t ex p e
.
r i en c e s whi ch are but t h e exper i ences of various

,
communities of private individuals are to a great , ,
extent owing to their diff erent governments

, .
Wars that devastate the earth and peace and ,
plenty th at replenish i t 5 com merce and educat i on ,
th at cultivate society and the preservation of

,
rights tha t a fford the enjoyment of life liberty

, , ,
and individua l happiness are i n the highest de

, _
gree dependant u pon m u n i c ip al r e gul a t io n the ‘
e ffects of which in all their rigour or all thei r

,
benignity mus t be sustained by t h e constituent

,
peopl e When they are thus made answerable

.
~
to G od and to each other in this public and a rt i w
fici al cap a city ought they not in justice to con

, , ,
-
S E LF G O V E RN ME N T
-
.
,
69
tr ol this rel a tion an d shoul d not their probation

,
be coextensive with the sphere o f their r et rib u

tions 7 A nd ye t 1f they are not in their n a tural
5 ,
state and independently of adventitiou s circu m

s tances able t o govern themselves they may nay
, , , ,
in most cases must be rendered responsible for a

,
culpability not their o w n The earlies t insti n cts

.
of humanity teach u s that when we have done no

wrong we shoul d be obnoxious to no punish
ment 5 that our duties as a neighbour and a citi
z en are embraced within the sphe r e of our m oral
agency and ought legitimately to be no t less u n
,
der our control than our du t i e s as a husband and t
a father I a m a party to t h e government in the

.
e ffects of i t s m e as ur es and regulations I ought to ,
be in establishing those measures and regulations .
If the rel ation of governors and governed c o m m u

nicate downward it should be communicativ e u p
5
ward ; and whe n any ba rriers are in t erposed by

,
accident or usurpation to self government the y -

,
interrupt the free c ommunication which N ature ,
i n the equity of her distributions origin ally estab ,
lish e d between our duti es and our responsibilities

'
A n indivi dual has the sam e right to be in de

pendent that a nation has .
Whence otherwise does man whether civil ; ,
i zed or savage derive that m n at e feeli n g of i n

,
70 SE LF G O V ERNME N T
-
.
depe n dence that revolts at servitude and that ,
prompts him in e v ery em ergency to rely u pon

"
, ,
and act fo r himself 7 Why do t h e e ff orts of

those who aspire even vainly at their o wn g o v
, ,
e r n m e n t elicit so much of the admiration of the

,
world 7 Why does the fate o f B ru t us even yet “
awaken a tear of sympathetic emotion tho u gh ,
he reposes beneath the ruins of republi can R ome 7

Why does the cause of the Polish exile come
with t h e inspiration of poet ry and music to th e
heart 7 Is it not th at there is something natural
to man in self governm ent and that N at u re h as
-
,
pl aced a cord in et ery breast which despite o f

“
-
,
, ,
human sophist ry on the one hand or fatal mis

‘
chance on the other will resound to a single

“
note of liberty from any part or any perio d of

the w orld 7 5
This n atural impatience of control this admi ,
ration for those who s a cr ifice themsel v es at the

altar of L i b erty are useless passions a n d with
, ,
out any correspondent aim unless the D eity

-
made u s for self gov e rnment ; n ay an incredible

-
,
a rt ific e of N ature to seduce a s from t h e p a t h o f

'
legitimate obedience a n d subject u s to the acc u

,
mu l a t e d evils of a most jealous tyranny C ontin .
u all th warted in wh a t we feel ourselves com

y
pet ent to a chi ev e u nable t o assert an i n depe n d
,
ence derived to us w i t h e x is t ence w e would ,

SE L F GO V ER N ME N T
-
. 7 11
other wise a ppear at a war with ourselves in ,
Which the w o rst hc aus e must t ri umph and the

.
“
more worthy and h on o u r ab l e p ri n cipl es of our

'
natur e be ignobly s acr ifice d

'
With wh at wondrous potency are examples

of self gover nment charged O ne of t he chief
-
.
causes of t h e r e v o lut i o n a ry mov ement i nF rance

w a s un doubtedly the successful achievement of
, ,
our independence That revol utio n i n fl a m ed

"
E ngland and Ital y a nd G erm any w hile it
, , ,
ro used all E urope from t h e sleep of centuries .
If the principle of self g overnment is n o t i n -
harmony with the nature of man why have h i s ,
energies bee n deve l op ed just i n the proportion

th at he h as go verned himself 7 It would be i n
v a i n t o inquire u pon any other p ri n bi p l e for the
'
, , .
reason that free go vernments o c cupying as they ,
ha v e but a small portion of the geography a n d

chronolo gy of th e world have gone so far toward s ,
m o n o p ol iz i n g i i t s hist ory 7
‘
A lthou gh t he tra m
‘
s a ct io n s o f the ancient republics transpir ed upon a

‘
smal l theatre all t h a t is classic in literature pro

, ,
found in science or illustrious i n greatness see ms

, ,
to b e intimately associate d with them A nd a l .
though among the mode m s the examples of

, ,
.
such states h ave been too fe w an d too small and , ,
t oo i mperfect t o establis h the argument yet in , ,
modern as in all other ages his tory grows imp or ,

72 SE L F G OVERN ME N T
-
.
tant j ust in t h e degree that the government of

the people of who m it is written approximates
to sel f government
-
.
With just p ri de the unexampled prosperity of

,
o ur own country may be adduced The com .
m o n pl ac e s of hyperbole are sober statements of

truth when applied to the rapid march of culti
vation over our land From a bankrupt colony
.
we h ave become the second commercial nation

o f the world . F rom a population equal to that
of only t w o counties in G reat Britain we boast
'
n o w to equal if not surpass her in numbers

, , .
F rom being c on fin e d u pon the A tlantic seaboard

by the ocean on our right and sav ages an d i n
,
terminable wildernesses on our left we have sub ,
dued an d occupied half a c o n t in e n t C ities and .
villages spring fro m beneath the feet of the a d

v enturer a s he p auses a t the West ; a nd those of
a fe w years in this ch allenge c omparison with

,
the growth of as many centuries in other coun

tries E ducation and C hristianity are so widely
.
di ff used that they seem to knock at every man s ’
door and almost to beg admission for the gifts

,
and o fferings they bring C hurches and schools

.
,
and books and newspapers are i de n t ified with ,
t h e most intimate habits of the people C om .
merce fl oat s u pon a rt ifici al rivers and ri des with , ,

S E LF -
G OV E R N M E N P .
'
73
the sp eed of the elements in a rt ific i al V ales In

’
,
.
estim ating the mor e prominent characteristics of

the whole so commo nly sh ared ar e the necess ary
,
comforts and substanti al su pports of life as to

make u s overlook them and forget that in these
,
the humblest cultivator of t h e soil m ay ch allenge

comparison with the wealthiest b anker We
, .
forget that every l o gh o us e furnishes a s a t isfa c

tory meal to the d a intiest appetite ; that when
it sends fort h its youthful inm ates to feed else
where i n a sound mind and sou nd body it gives
, ,
them all that is nee dful to feed themselves ; that

M erit seeks no patron and Poverty itself d oes
,
not ask a i ms .
L et those who think the picture exaggerated

a n d overcharged look at the condition of the
great m ass i n other countries I will not say the .
fe w ; as the wil d beasts o f the wood might as

‘
well cl ai m to rest rain t he cultivating hand of

‘
m an and v indicate th e wilderness for their d o
"
‘
-
m ain as a fe w in any cbu n t ry clai m a m o n op

, , ,
ol of the b e n efit s which G od h as made for th e

y ’
common enjoyment of all L ook at th e mass in .
other countries What prop ortion of them are

.
beggared 7 Wh at prop o rtion of them know of

th e protecting arm of government except 1 n the
x p erience of the pu n ishments it i n fl i c t s 7 of t h e
e
74 SE LF GO V ERNMEN T
-
.
mild consolatory and reforming i n fl u e n c es of

, ,
C hristianity except i n the exaction of tithes and

,
penances 7 of th e importance of education ex ,
cept i n the frowning aspect of their colleges 7

Ho w m any of the m ass till their own lands sleep ,
in their own houses and ea t the bread they ea m 7

,
Whoever upon the Survey of these c i r cum s t an

,
ces jud ges the language we h ave used to con

,
vey too strong an impression of our comparative

advantages may be allowed to impeach our de
,
scription as declamatory and idle .
R evol utions in favour o f liberal prm ci pl es i

‘
have ever been pr o lific periods of greatness

”
When will revi v e our revolutionary congres s of

reat men 7 L ook throug h th e s l u m b er m ages
g g
of despotic F r a nce and you will search in vain
,
for the mighty energy that ch aracteri zed the p e

ri e d when each individual in that n ation i n dul
ged howeve r delusively the t hought th at he w as
, ,
an integral part of i t and a u nit in society—the

,
ennobling persuasion that from the abject condi ,
tion of a subject he had becom e his o w n so v e r

,
ei n Y ou will hardly fin d such a galaxy of il

g .
lu s t rio u s orators statesmen and generals as i n

, ,
t r o du c e d d irected and closed her disastrous

, ,
revolution of 92 The same causes operated

"
.
i n t h e neighbouring islands of Britain a n d that ,

SE L F G OVE RN MEN T
-
. 75
kingdom must wait for another such disp lay of

ge n ius and eloquence as characterize d her own
senate at that period unti l the same princi p les
,
a gain a gitate the elements of society on her
own or on neighbourin g s oil N o m an i n his .
senses can b e sup posed to j ustify the deeds

of that revolution 5 a n d I do not Speak of it in
that view I refer merely —to the mi ghty e n ergy
.
which the m ere persuasion of freedom though ,
fals e and delusive develope d in those who were

,
the subjects of such a senti ment an d elicited ,
from the antagonist minds of others If a v i .
cions freedom rouse h um an agency to such s t r i

king achie v ements what m ay we not expect
,
under a j ust and true freedom where hum an ,
power equally stimulated and stre n gthene d is

, ,
expended for the pro m otion of human happi

ness 7
Upon a revie wof all these considerations can
, ,
we still su b sc rl b e to the sentiment that man

-
when he needs a m a gistrate 5 must m ake a t y

rant 5 w h en he wants a government 5 must m ake
himself a sl ave 7 Is it not m ore co n formable to
truth as well as to the generous impulses of our
,
nature to assert the dignity of the human mind

, \
as suffici e n t for i t s condition and to v indicate

,
the pr ovi dence of our M aker in adapting us to

‘
76 SE LF LG O V E R N M E N T .
all the ex igencies of our state 7 C ertainly there

.
is a character of truth though p erhaps some

,
'
thing of irreverence in the remark of Je fi e rso n

, ,
If the people cannot m anage self government -

,
it will be h ard for m e to believe th at G od is not

”
a m alevolent Being .
It may h e insisted t h at t h es e conclusions are

t
f alsi fied b y h i st o r i c al truth and consequently

’
, , ,
directly opposed to the absolute results of actua l

experience Indeed so uni versally prevalent is
.
,
t h e opinion that history bears witness against

the competency of men for self governm ent ~ -
,
that it p asses al most universally unquestione d ,
and is esteemed a quite well established an d a l -

,
most incontroverti b le position .
It is falsely said that republics have not

proved to b e of lon g co ntinu a nce and this false ,
assumption is sophistically allege das conclusive

proof of their in ability to a nswer t h e ends of
th eir cre ation ; as if despotic institutions might
claim to be exempted from the ru in incident to
everythin g human ; an d as if a government to
'
be g ood must be et er n al
,
.
I do not find that republics were more evan es

-
cent i n ancient times than other governments I

‘
do hn d th at they excelled in wh a tever contrib

u t e d to t h e embellish m ent an d happiness of life .
S E LF G OVE RNME N T
-
. 77
in arts and k nowledge in defending themselves

,
from dangers in reviving u n der disas t e rs in sub

, _ 5
duing enemies and pl anting Ci t ies in making ,
themselves honoured and feared ; and that thus

their destructi on was the m ore signal The Ro .
man republic l asted as long as the R oman mon

archy of the “ est ; the C a rthaginian republic
f
lasted as long as the S partan monarchy ; an d the

A thenian r epublic endured a century longer than
the M ac e do m a n kingdom .
But the decision of this s ubordinate question is

entirely apart from the merits o f repu blican gov
and the practicability of self govern
‘
e r n m en t
,
-
ment by the people The ability of collective

.
bodies of men to go v ern themselves must depend

solely u po n their capacity m orally and intellect
,
u all to establish and en force l aws suited to the

,y
exigencies of their condition Th eir stren gth .
an d cour a ge to defend a free government may
affect its perm a n ency but so long as it endures

, , ,
cannot impeach its intrinsic excellence nor if it , ,
endure at all its absolute feasibility If as a

, .
,
ov er n m en t it accompli s
f or m o
f g , hes all the ends
designed by any mere form it b elo n gs t o the ,
peopl e to def en d their institutions and preserve

t h ei r i n depen den ce; A ll people h a v e by nature
merit enough to govern themselves ; but all peo
78 SE L F G O V E RNMEN T
-
.
ple m ay not still h ave intelligen ce and vigilance

enough to defen d their own favourite i n st i t u
ti ons We m ay hope fo f their continuance we
.
,
may fear their destruction 5 but the object itself

remains the same independently of our hopes
,
,
a n d fears A bad government woul d not in i t

.
,
self be any worse if from extrin si c causes it

, ,
should be rendered p erpetual however p itiable ,
t h e co ndition of its subjects might b e Se on .

,
the other h and the govern m ent and dominion of

,
R ome pronounced eternal by her orators and

,
poets have not been rendered less compl ete and

,
perfect by our subsequent knowledge of th eir

ruin notwithstanding that the condition o f the
,
people w as more precarious and their glory mor e

,
unsubst antial than they imagined If a n a ble .
and e fficient prince be suppl anted by fraud and

violence and an insolent and tyranno u s usurpe i
,
‘
reign in his stead are the ability and e fii ci en cy
,
of his previous a dministration necessarily i m pli

c a t ed i n his disasters 7 N either if a rep ublic be
.
,
of shor t d u ration i s the ability of i ts constituent s

,
to govern themselves necessarily cal le d l n ques

tion ; s u ch a misfortune only 1n v olves their i n
competency to perpetuate i t We need not be .
r o h et s but o nly s t a t es m en to exercise a deci

p p , ,
sive choic e among govern m ents ; for we h ave

SE L F G O V ERNME N T -
. 79
only to decide upon their p resent relative val ue

a n d intrinsic m e ri t
fi ‘
It is early enough to m ake
the election of a bad one when it is forced upon
u s by the compulsion of n ecessity ; w e may e n
dure a bad go v e rn m e n t b u t will never choose 5

'
one . M eanwh ile a march will be gained up on ,
the hard and adverse con diti ons of our being .
N o government has yet pr oved immortal Th e .
most stupendous fabrics of despotism have not

withstood th e brunt of time G overnments .
that were the enemies as well as those that were ,
the friends o f hu m anity are mo ul dering in m e n

-
,
'
u m e n t a l history Why should w e not reject all

.
forms because all are alike trans itory 7 A nd

shall not men of sci ence relinquish the present
advanced state and improve d co ndition o f the
-
sciences because they have not resulted in th e

,
discovery of the philos opher s stone or the i n ’

,
v en t i on of a restorative o 1 human li fe —
7
I f H istory is to b e interrogated as to whether

It i s c om m o n to s a y, W ai t !
‘
th e s e a r e e a rl y d ys : The
a
ex p e r mi e n t W 111 fa i l ye t .
’
Th e expe n m e n t o i ’
t he p t i c ul r
ar a
c on s t i t u t 1on s o f t h e U m t e d S at e s t m a y f a 1l 5 b u t t h e g re t p r n
a i
/
c 1pl e w h 1c h , w h t her
e f y o r n o t 1t s t r1 e s t o 1 m b o dy
s u c c e s s u ll ,
v
t h e ca p a ci t y o f m n k l n d f o r s e l f g ove r n m en t —l s e t b h h ed
a - s a s
f e ye r
or . I t h as as M r M a di so n s a i d p rove d a t h i n g p r e 1o u l y
, .
,
v s
h el d i m po s mle I f a re o l u t 1o n w e re t o t a k e p la c e t om o rrow
s . v
i n t h e U n l t e d S t t e s 1 t re m a i n s a n h i s t o ri c a l fa c t t h a t fo r h a l f a
a
—M i s s M a rt i ne au !
, ,
c en t u r y a p e o p le h a s b e en s e lf g overn e d
‘
l
-
”
.
,
S o c i e t y i n A m e ri c a v ol i c h a p,
. .
,
80 SE LF G OVE RNMEN T
-
.
al l men are competent by nature to govern them

selves let her h e asked what that could be call
, ,
c d a republic has ever proved recreant to the

-
ends of its insti tution an d has n o t acc ording to

, ,
the p eculiar relations of its people their age

‘
, ,
their country their natural constitution and a c

, ,
quired character and habits been foun d to govern ,
wisely e ffic i en t ly ah d justly 7 A re not the i n

, ,
s t i t u t i o n s and laws of republics more curio us rec
ords of practical wisdom a n d political skill as ,
well as of public virtue and scrupulous justice ,
than can be paralleled throughout the universal

constitution of monarchical and despotic go v
e rn men t s of the same period 7 While w e m ay
inquire whence are tyrannies 7 whence the o p
,
pression mankind have su ffered from the ear

liest ages by means of ignorance w eakness
, , ,
and licentiousness 7 Tyrants and despots are“
the names of kings an d emperors H ereditary .
legislators and governors those who inherit by ,
:
thei r bodies the sovereignty over millions of their
fello ws wh o suck 1n 1t s delicious s weets from
,
the breasts of cro w ned nurses governors by D i ,
vine right th ese h ave fertilized the pages of

,
history with blood—d omestic blood — the blood

'
of peace S ometim es indeed as in the case of

.
, ,
the French R ev olution demagogues an d anar ,

SE LF GOVE RNMEN T
-
. 81
ch i s t s ,
mobs an d factions h ave assumed the ,
n ame and the authority of the p e 0 p1e and with 5
the cap of liberty up on their heads a nd the sa ,
cred na m e of the republic in their mo n ths h ave ,
treat ed the people as slaves an d s a c rifice d the m ,
as brutes U nless w e beli eve the only actual

.
difference bet w een one governme nt and another

to consist in the na me despotism n o t republican , ,
go v ernment must b e hel d responsibl e for such

,
enormities Se far as m e n h ave su ffered fro m

.
bad g overnments just to that extent h a ve they

,
been tyran nized over in Opposition to their wills

by arbitrary power—j ust to that extent h ave they
, ,
been g overn ed .
L et not Li berty , then be fl o ut e d with t h e r e ,
proach of our inability to p r es er v e as proof of , -
h er i nc apa ci t y to g ov er n 5 others h ave misruled

‘
and m any i n her name but never with her sanc ,
ti on ; so far from i t that all tyrants and tyran

,
nies must be judged by the manner an d the ex

tent of their de v iatio n from her prescribed rules .
L et self government stand a pproved a mode of

-
government the most perfectly ad apted to reason

a n d n ature adorned by the most brilliant pages
,
of history and a refu e accessibl e to all men

, g
whom G od has made wh atever be their genius , ,
character or condition
,
.
G
82 SE L F G O V E RN ME N T
- .
A s A mericans at least we will cherish and , ,
defend i t while to cherish and defend it is a vir

,
tue 5 we will maintain i t since by the reluctant , ,
concession of its enemies it is in itself th e most ,
perfect form of whic h p olitical a ffairs are s usce p

tible ; we will stan d by it in honour of our n a
ture since every other political system is based
,
upon human degradation .
The voice of H istory h as been belied It .
yields its decisive testimony i n favour o f the "
practicability of self government 5 as it discloses -
to u s the fact of the actual exercise by man o f

his own governm ent under all the v ar io us p h ases ,
which his nature wit h its destitutions an d i n ,
fir m i t ies its ignora nce and pre cariousness has

'
, ,
ever exhibite d 5 from the wande ring Tartar and

r i mi t iye I n di an throug h the successive r ev o l u
'
p ,
tions gradual advances and hmal perfection of

, ,
G reek an d Ro m an society down to the l atest p e ,
ri o d of modern times with our luxuries c he ap ,
ened by science our territory widely extended by ,
nature and our habits m o di fied by C hristianity

, ,
“
in republican A m e ric afi ~
Whether w e refer oursel v es therefore to the ,

“
Cae s ar , D e B e l G a l . .
, 1 iv
.
5 23 . T ac i t us , De G e r x i .
, 7 .
be t Wo rk s
‘
Ro s A m e rl ca , 1 62
’
r s on . Je fl e rs on ’s , v ol . 1v .
, 278 .
C ol d en s
’
Hi s t . of t he F1v e N a t i on s , pas mm . S e e, al s o , Mi t
for d s G reec e c h ap
’
, :
s e c. 9.
SE L F G OVERNME N T
-
. 83
perfections of t h e B el n g who made u s the ,
goodness and wisdo m of H is purposes and the

rectitude of H is p r ovidence or to our ex perience
,
o f our o w n co nstitution and the u n s0 ph ist ic a

,
ted u nbou ght symp athies of our n ature or to

,
-
the testimony of historical truth we meet with ,
but one uniform result equ ally consonant with

,
o u r ideas of t h e C reator and honourable t o our -

.
selves that M A N I S BY NAT U RE i n dep en den t ly of

, , ,
a dv en t i t i ous ci r cu m st a n ces , com

p et en t t o G OV E RN
HIM SELF .
S ociety is therefore when legitimately con

, ,
stituted entirely voluntary 1n l t s origin and civil

, ,
government must derive all its legitimate po w

ers from the consent of the governed We in .
‘
our public capacity as the people 5retai n our

right to be judges in o ur o w n cause a nd the m ax ,
i m of co ntrary import is app l ic able only to pri
v ate a n d individual di sputes A n d indee d to .

, ,
whom coul d the wh ol e community resig n this

power 7 N ot certainly to one or t o any of its ,
constituent members ; since in being the consti ,
t u t e d Judge s in the cause of all the rest they ,
would necessarilyretain the prerogative o f j u dg

’
ing i n their own H ence the futility of Burke s
.
objection to self government :-

N o m an shall
’
be the j udge in his o wn cause ; by this each
SELF -
G O V E RN ME NT .
p erson has at once divested himself of the fi rst
fundamental right of uncovenanted man that is , ,

”
to judge for himself an d assert his o w n cause .
We have seen th at in free communities the set

, ,
tling of disputes accordin g to that fundamental ,
rule is merely an accommodation of interests by ,
a mode to which all w h o compose the society

have voluntarily consented and by men w h o fn ,
they have voluntarily chosen The citi z ens still .
Virtually judge for themselve s by their a gents .
They t hemselves judge not divested of any ,
rights but only of their pa ssi ons which would

, ,
otherwi se disqualify them for the honest exercise

o f those rights .
Fem ales infants m aniacs and idiots a r e not

, , ,
al lowed a y o i ce in n ational aff airs A s to m a .
ni a cs and i diots as they are not rational and

,
.
m oral be ings they w ant the necessary conditions

,
of political fr eedom Infants are for a time e n

.
, ,
t i r ely helpless by nature ; N ature indicates to

them therefore during th at period a condition
, , ,
of n e cess ary de pen da n c e an d pr o v ides in the a f

, ,
fe ct io n a t e solicitud eof the p a rent for their n ec e s ,
s ary protection during its continu ance They .

_
a r e free by nature as moral beings ; but they
have not yet a rr 1v e d a t t he m aturity of that n a

-
‘
ture Th e only difficulty li es i n determ inin g

.
S B L F- G OVE RNME N T . 85
whe n t hey arrive at that maturity I f the l aw .
p rescrib e too l ate a period the l aw is wrong in , ‘
that respect but n o t in e xclud ing i nf an t s pr e p

, ,
e rly so desig nated Wo m an has all the requi

. t
sites of political fr e edom in their perfection But .
whether or not sh e has been c on fin e d to the cir

cle of domestic life by the ap p oin t ment of Prov
‘
idence and subjected to the dom i nion of man by

,
‘
“
an express ordinanc e of He av en f are questions
which I do not c are to d iscuss as I would rather ,
ad m it the invali di ty of the exception than i m

p air the force of the gener al r ule .
L iberty is inherent an d inalienable ; b ut what ,
e v er the right of a p eople under an arbitrary

government m ay be to vindicate their freedom ,
the decla ration 1s not intended to b e m ade that i t

'
is just and prop er for any one o r a fe w to as ,

'
s ert that right without any reason able prospect

of success but with the certain t y o f involving a
,
kingdom in discord and blood ; 0 1: th at it is the

indiv idual duty of each su bj ect to be a r ebel It .
is a common remark that wh at woul d have been ,
esteemed a treasonable rebellion h ad not success

“
l o ri fied i t is often lauded as a most just and

g ,
glorious revolution That fic kl en ess of opinion .
T hy d e s i r e sh a ll b e t o thy h u sb a nd , an d he s h al l r ul e ove r
t h ee .
"
86 SE LF GOVE RNMEN T
- .
this s u b ec t ,
j which the remark is designed to
'
on
reprove I S the o ff spring of a just s entiment 5 for

,
although it be not only the right b u t the duty of , ,
the concurrent whol e to assert thei rfreedom yet , ,
if the a r t ifici al st re n gt h o f the go v ernment be

‘
far superior to wh at a revolt in favour of liberal

principles can excite against i t and the mass of,
the p eople so acquiesce nt in a state of servitude

that it 1s m vai n to attempt resistance the mag ,
n a n i m o u s impulses of liberty can never justify
an atte m pt that must inevitably end in riveting

the chains of sl ave ry The question under such
.
,
cir cumstance s will in v olye consider ations of pru

,
denc e which n o ration a l man can or wil l disr e

r i g ht to discard the
g ard 5 and a man has no more
use of his reason and the Ordin ary m axims of pru
dence i n the government of his conduct than he ,
has to discard the use of his moral facultie s .
Indeed the gi ft of the latter presupposes the

,
full an d complete exercise of the former Thus .

,
though circu m stances do not im pair human rights ,
they may a nd ought to i n fl u e n c e u s in our de

liberations about wresting them from the hand of
oppression ; an d if w e see an unfortunate issue
to the struggle to be inevitable we cannot with
, ,
out renouncing our understandings and becomi n g

temporari ly ina d5 engage in i t .
S E LF - G OV E R N M E N T
H owev e r this is , consideration for the 0 p

a
p ressed alone ; it is no argument for the oppress

or. He can only allege the right of the strong
e st which in t he Very nature of m o r al reason
, ,
ing can never be any r i ght at all B e it onc e

,
.
grante d th at all are universally competent to

practice self government the tyrant is st ripped
-
,
of his plea the usurper m ast be dumb in his o wn

,
us t ific at i o n and the monarch must abdicate his

j ,
throne h o w ancien t soever the tyranny that u p

,
‘
holds i t or live in a state of l awless and adul t e r

,
o us un ion with P ow e r
88 S E LF -G O V E R N ME N T .
CHAP TE R III .
Th e sa m e b
S u j ec t s c on t i n u e d .
N O THI NG can be m ore simple than the theo ry

of republican government It may b e readily .
comprehended by the plainest minds ; it appeal s

to the first m axims of common sense observa -
tion and the universal principles of morals

,
.
When you tell the plainest m an t h at e v ery one

understands his o wn business best that e v e gy one ,
is the best guardian of his own i n t ei est s you ‘
appeal t o acknowledged truths w hich he has ,
long since known to be of constant a pplication

in the daily affairs of common life When yo u .
tell hi m that G od n ever m ade one man to be the

master of another yo u appeal to sentiments to
,
‘
which no human bosom is a stranger When you .
tell h i m that we sustain i h the ordin ary allot

,
‘
m ents of Providence the consequences of our

,
political regul ations and civil l aws and ought

‘
, ,
therefore to have the m aking of them that we

,
are moral be i ngs a n d therefore in v ested by

,
Providence with the regulation of our own con

duct i n all our moral rel ations he is a t no l oss
“
,
SE L F G OVE RNMEN T
- . 89
to recognise the ready application and i r r esis t i

ble force of fundamental moral rules In the .
plainness an d simplicity of republican pri mei

ples the characterist ics of truth and j us t ioe are
,
m anifest G overnment like religion is essential

.
, ,
to our happiness and was designed by the A u

,
thor of our being for univ ersal use it is a proof

of the justice and propriety of a schem e of gov
e rn m en t as it is of the genuineness of a religious
,
system that it m ay be easily and universally

,
compreh ended ;
The firs t a ct of every other but republ i can

gov ernment over the citi zen is an act of usurp a
tion M an i ssues from the hand of his M aker
.
without a ny trammels The moment any exter .
nal restraint is put upon h is will the condition of ,
n ature is violated .
L eav e every man in the possessi on of bis h at

ural prerogatives an d a republic follows L et
, .
every one manage h is own business and interests ,
and so simple and common sense an arrange -
ment u navoidably establishes the same re sult .
No m an is conscious of having bartered away

'
his r ights Y ou c annot divest hi m of h is vilest

.
chattel witho u t his assent ; can you transfer the

sum of all h i s r i ghts not only without his con
,
se n t , b ut without his knowl edge ? Is ou r pre p

90 SE L F G OVERNMEN T
-
.
e rt
y so sacred , and our right of property so as
sailable ? Is our person inviolable so long as
we have been guilty of no crime and are our ,
rights of person so unprotected and defenceless ?

Transatlantic p oliticians do yet strenuously
contend that this transfer has been m ade H ow .
is it m ade to appear ? Is it established as a mat

ter of fact susceptible of proof such as woul d be
, ,
require d i n a court of justice from a man asserting

,
a clai m to an article of the m o st t riv i a l v alue 7

or is it absurdly reas oned out by th e force of a
,
mere abs tract and unsustained theory

O ther supporters of monarchy a rgue that s om e -
k
government is necessary and that it i s m ex p edi

,
en t to a ttempt an alteration of established forms

_ ,
henc e endeavourin g to make out the rectitud e

of thei r favourite system where it actually pre
,
.
vails from ex p edi en cy But this alleged i n ex

,
.
p e di en c
y of resis t ance no m ore rightfully trans
fers our lib ei t i es to the government than the su
‘
perior po wer of a robber and the i n e kp e di en cy ‘
of resistance transfer t h e property in our purse .
The rights with which we were endowed at

birth by G o d and n ature must no t only be
,
shown to be capable of transmission w hich ,
would be t h e prov in c e o f t heory but to h ave

‘
,
a ctually pas s ed from u s otherwise than b vio

y
S E LF 91
lence or power and this is the appropriate prov

,
ince of fact What force and frau d h ave estab

.
lish e d reason will not sanction

,
.
But on the other hand the rati onal institu t ion

, ,
of republican government h as r esul t e d i n a r a

t i on al scheme In a republic each citi z en m an
.
,
ages his o wn private interests 5 the com munity

provide for common inter ests A s all atten d t o .
the concern of all each is constitute d the gu ar

,
dian of his distributive sh are of the common

'
weal E ach is a public man an d h a a political

.
s
,
capacity so far as he has publ ic i nteres t s M an .
go v erns himself in all his interests and in all h is

,
relations as he was m ade by G od an d n ature t o

,
do Neither one man n or fiv e h undre d ar e

.
m ade the depositories of the public wants t h e ,
public wisdom o r th e pu b lic weal The stat e

,
.
becomes a union of all for t he protection o f all ‘
cemente d by com m on inter ests and affection s

?
,
governed b ythe united wisdom and protected ,
by th e u nited strength The government pro

.
vides a s for a community of men 5 of equals not ,
of inferiors 5 of m oral beings an d not of beings ,
unendowed with the r ight voluntarily to r e

ul a t e their own con duct a gr eeably to th e dic
“
g
tates o f their own will It provides for gov
.
e r n m e n t b y moral considerations and not by

92 SE LF G OVE RN MEN T
-
.
force The p eop l e are the s ov er eign s the g ov

.
,
ern m en t their s erv an t Th e operation of this .
system presents no such palpa b le absurdity as

a people a pparently at leas t existing for its
, , ,
government ; as the subordination of t he wh ol e

body p olitic to the will of a par t for be it r e ,
membered the struggle is not properly speak

, ,
ing between t h e m a n y and t h e f ew, but betw ee n

,
a r t an d t iie w/i ol e
“
a
p If government
‘ b e a .
”
provision of h uman wisdom for huma n wants ,
a republic a s the only prope r form of govern

ment a s it is t he only one ever expressly an d
,
solely instituted with th at vie w pursu ing no i n ,
dependent and extraneou s objects an d furnished

'
,
”
w i t h n o s u p erfl u o us p o w e r s g
It presents the .
stri ctest and m os t rigid a dapt ation of means to

ends It exhibits t he contrivance of skill an d
.
wisdom and evinces its own elevated design I t

, .
v indicates its o wn character by exhibit i ng i nter ,
nal eviden ce of an intelligent an d provisionary

ori gi n free from any ingredient of accid ent or
,
injustice It has and can h ave no sep arat e an d

“
.
, ,
independent existence ap art from the p e opi e It .
s ubsist s only as a government It has no i ndi .
Si Ju s suu m po pu h t e n e a n t
v em d om in i
gum s in t le ,
p
j udi c i oru m , b e l li , a c is , fce de r u m , c a i t i s p u n i us c uj u sq u e p e cu , e
m as, h an c un a m r i t e r e m p u blic am , 1d e s t r e m p o p ul i a p pe llat i
—Ci
,
pu t a mL c ero . De Re putb . 1 i . .
, c. 32 .
SE L F G O V E RN M EN T
-
. 93
‘
v 1dua lit The o ffic e r a n d the o tfice a r e n o t

.
y .
i de n t ified When not i n the d ischarge o f o ffic i al

.
acts the offi cer sinks into the citi z en ; an d this

,
is one of the most striking tests of legi timate

government If t h e good of t h e n ati on to be
.
secured in the admi nistration of its a ff airs be the

'
obj ect of go i e rn m e n t and that it is ev e n t h e a m

'
bitio u of despots often proclai ms all its legiti mate ,
powe rs must be subordinate to this end and c v ,
ery quality or pr e r o gat i v e inappropriate thereto ,
or that n aturally and obviously transcends that

limit is evidently a fraud and usurp ation u p on
,
the gov e r n m e n t s superior L ook at G rea t Brit

’
.
~
ain with its king that i n the eye of the C onsti

, ,
t ut io n can do no Wrong an d its Pa rliament

, ,
”
”
that is omnipotent These are the attributes
.
of the A l mighty and as n o m o dific a t i o n of h u

, ,
m anity whether individual or associated c a n

, ,
acquire the m so n o human p ower can lawfully

,
e x e r c1s e t hat absolute auth ority which is predi

‘
c a t e d upon them .
But h o w does republican government subsist ,
so grave and simple i n its exterior allied to no ,
living bloo d confederate with no sel fish interests 5

,
that i n flic t s no fe ar but th at of disobeying its

“
l aws and imposes no subj ection but a volunt ary

,
subjection of the will of m an in conformit y with

94 SE LF G OVERNMEN T
- .
the rules of justice to the dominion of his rea

,
o
son ? D oes the republican scheme make s uffi

cient provision for proper control for proper i n ,
t egri ty proper intelligence an d proper force 2?

, ,
The general opinion that republican govern

m ent r equires for its basis an u nusual amou n t of
Vi rtue is one that adds but little to the ener gy
,
of benev olent e fforts for the promotion of good

morals ( best l eft to their own appropriate con
siderati ons ) while it h as a strong negative i n fl u
,
e nce in deterring enlightened minds from favour
ing liberal e fforts an d nations from m aking the

,
experiment of freedom .
I n reality the virtu e it requires is the virtue

,
which alm ost n e c ess a ri ly results fr om our ha v ing

'
a moral n ature ; a degree so low that no st ate ,
nor nation can under any circumstances be sup

,
i
,
posed to be destitute of i t Fo r while w e a re .

,
not on the one han d to supp ose men to b e per

'
, ,
fe et an d presume u pon th at perfection as a b a

,
sis for our polit ical systems neither should we , ,
on the other hand suppose them to be depres ed

,
s
to the lowest extreme of vice a nd from hence ,

-
'
deduce their i n ab ilt y to go vern themselves ; but ,
i n all our s pe c ul at i o n s c o n s i de r t hem as being

5 1
what they really are mingled masses of good,
and evil .
SE LF G O VERNMEN T
-
. 95
It is however common t o treat pf self gov

, ,
-
e rn m e n t as if it required a moral p ower of self
restraint in individu als as e ff ectua l for the pur

,
poses of civil contr ol as l aw I S i n aristocratic

and monarchical coun t ries The subj ect is re a
.
so n ed upon as i f each individu a l whenever a ,
dispute arises bet ween him and his n eighb our ,
were required to be his o w n judg e and his own

executioner and political self government ren
,
-
dered essenti al that superh um a n excellence which

woul d lead a m an under such circumstances to
, ,
l ay dow n and e nforce with absolute impartiality ;

,
as against himself t h e perfect dem ands of jus

,
ti ce No w such is by n o means th e c ase

.
'
R epublican communitie s h ave two o ffic es to

discharge : in the first p lace t o de fin e and settle,
wh at the l a w shall b e and se condly to secure

, , ,
i ts prompt a dm inistration .
They do no t legisl ate for particular cases and

‘
indivi dual instances as they arise any more th an

other governments nor ( as We h av e no such di
,
‘
visions ) for s eparate classes but by ge neral rules

, ,
which must h ave a uniform operation ; Thus

‘
they enact that property shall be taxed a certai n
per c entage independently of its amount or its
,
owner ; that it sh all be acquired by a certain

title whi ch sh al l be ap pli ed indiscrimin ately t o
,
96 S E L F G OVE RNM E N T
-
.
all cases o f} acquisition ; that a certain conduct

which it de fin es shall constitute a crime and be ,
followed by a pr escribed and de fin i t e punish

ment w hoever m ay be guilty of i t In other
, .
w ords they are like other civilized communities

, , ,
communities of laws They cannot plunder the .
rich for rich and poor are denominations utterl y

,
unknown to the l aws 5 they cannot pu nish o h _
noxious individuals who h ave been guilty of no

crime for they pass no ex p ost f a ct o laws There
,
.
is no room for discrimination among individuals ,
and the distinction of separate and distinct p o

“
lit ical c l a s se s do e s not exist

'
I t is clear th at u nde r such circumstances t he , ,
l aw of j us tice will for m the rule of l egislative

conduct no m atter wh at m ay be the p articular
,
an d accidental shade of the moral character of a
people .
Because first t h e se pa ra t e interests and p asJ

, ,
'
sions of large multitudes of peopl e dr awing in

i
ditIe r e n t di r e c t io n s the law of justice furnishes

'
the only practicable basis for a general rule .
Justice alone can harmoni z e and reconcile these .
‘
vario us and c on fli c t i n g interests and passions It .
is the only n eutral ground on which all parties

can meet There are no poli t ical classes ; the
.
‘
c o n est is between i ndividuals N o individual .
SE L F G OV E RNME N T
-
. 97
will can be predomin ant because in dividuals are ,
equ al Their particul a r interests are all different 5

.
their common interes t only is t h e same ; and t h e

l aw of j ustice i s the i r com m o n interest I t is .
,
t herefore the only available ground of compro

,
mi se ; and if republica n communities harmonize

at all that is if they c a n exist at all it must be
, , ,
by adopting it as the b as is of their convention .
S econdly all men are i n a greater or less de

, ,
gree m oral 5 all men are su ffici e n t ly moral

,
where neither p assion nor intere st perverts the

decisions of conscience A sk any m a n to an .
n ounce a general rul e where he thus stands i n
diff erent and he will give you a s uffic i e n t ly fault

,
less one ; R epublican government thus sep arates

the l egisl a t or fro m the i mpuls es of passion and
i
the solicitations of private interest a nd calls on ,
h i m to pron ounce a just general rule If he can .
do this he h as all the necessary mor a l q u al ifica

,
tion for a republican citizen as a le g isl ator 5 an d

if he be morally incompetent to do this he can ,
n ot jus tly be mad e amenable for any p art of his
conduct to any human government or tribunal .
In his capacity as legislator he v i ews questions ,
of right an d wrong in the abstract To suppose .
a m an when thus disinter ested and unimpassion

,
c d co olly to announce a palp ably unj us t l a w is

, ,
98 SE LF G OVERNMEN T
-
to suppose him possessed of a ( l egree of d epravity

rarely if ever foun d in any individual of th e
, ,
species and which can never exist i n communi

,
ties until the race beco mes too abando ned to

subsist u pon the earth .
Fi n ally5 w hether honesty b e th e best policy

for all individuals and under all circumstances ,
universally t here may be men found to question

, ,
and sp e cific instances of success ful roguery may

be appealed to for proof 5 but that as a g en er a l ,
r ul e applied to numerous instances ; to communi

,
ties of men and lon g p eriods of time so as to ,
exempt the general and n a tural operation of

,
things from chance or accident the rule of j us ,
tice prescribes the most expedient co urse of con

duct there is no more doubt than that G od m ad e
‘
the universe To dispute it would be to deny

.
the nat u ral authority of morals —nay would be ,
to e nter into c o n flic t with t h e u n i v ersal e x pe r i

ence and express testimony of mankind When .
,
therefore one in v ariable rul e must b e adopte d

,
-
for a ll w h o doubts that m en suppose them to

,
'
be as bad as th ey e v er actually are will a dopt , ,
for t h e i n t e rn a l me gul a t io n of their own s ociety ,
th e l aw o f j us t i ce as the most expedient if not as ,
the most j ust ? It has been long since noted that

i
e ven a c o m in u n i t o f pirates will i nsist on the

y
SE LF G OVE RN MEN T
-
. 99
mo st r i gid a pplication of that l aw a mong the m

selves .
*
If therefore we c o ul d s uppo s e men to
, ,
'
be utterly destitute of moral principle an d sim ,
ply alive to their own interest we could not ,
d oubt that they would still adopt the laws o f

justic e as the best convention al rules The citi .
z ens of republics in their legislative capacity

, ,
n o t being abl e to separate the i r private interest ,
under the generalities of the l a w from t h e pub ,
lic weal the same rul e which governs the case

,
of their neighbour prev ailing likewise i n their

_own interest and du t y concur in practical ly l n
,
t ro du c in g the great rul e of C hristian m orality

into republican legislation .
These considerations cannot b e estim ated in

figu re s nor can thei r c o n c l us w e n e ss be set down
,
in the form of a m athematical demonstration ;

yet I hesitate not to a ffirm that they amount to a .
su ffici e n t degree of moral certainty to risk any
hum an interest upon M o n arch is t s m ust either

.
assent to the mor al ability of man for self gov -
e rn m e n t or take refu e u
, g n der the ph ilo s0 phy o f
H obbes that where m en are le ft i n a state of n a
'
,
'
t ure w i t h o u t restraint their natural condition is

5 ,
that of w ar and depred ation upon one another ,
a n d add t o this that such a condition is their de
liberate choice and preference .
w “a n mm e | 1b . n . c ll .
100 S E LF -
G OV ER N ME NT .
It is an error to s uppose that the existence of

republics requires a perfect moral sel f control -
to be actu ally exerted by individuals in their

private conduct Its establishment is no more
.
based 0 11 so a bsurd a requisitio n than that of

any other form of government It expects no .
more than other governments of its citizens It .
de p e n ds n o t so much on moral a ct i on as on mor

'
a l r esol ut i on ( with which the most i n fir m speci
mens of humanity a r e s uffic i en t ly p rovided ) and ,
that not only where a failure to act morally is vis

’
i t e d with the nat ural co nsequences of vicious ex

cesses but where a failur e to resolve morally is
,
visited with barbarism instead of civilization ,
an d a state of unrestricted violence and plunder

i n pl ace of the dominion of law L aws are .
merely the resol ut i ons of community to abide by

and enforce the principles of justice .
L ook into rep ublican legisl at ion on all fund a

mental l aws : wh at an almost universal concur
rence of minds —what an almost perfect unanim
ity of opinions O n all questions respecting con
.
tr acts an d redress for the violation of them r e ,
isp ec t i n g property respecting evidence respect

, ,
i ng crime an d its punishment respecting the ,
organization of courts and sectional a dministra

t ions there is hardly the slightest div ersity The
,
.
-
. 10 1
public at large scarcely t ak e any int erest in them ,
because of the u n q uali fie d co n fide n c e they feel

in the result In most of ou r states complete
.
'
codes of l aws h ave been passed at a single ses

sion a n d without interrupting the ordinary b usi
,
ness of legisl ation o r unduly protracting the sit

,
ting O u all the great vital fun damental points

. .
, , ,
legisl ators b re immediately agreed A lmost all .
p arty d isputes are in comparison of .i n fin i t el

y ,
subordinate consequence not a ffecting i n a, ,

—
sc arcely perceptible degree our individual liber ,
ties our fortunes or our happi ness Their fin a l

, , .
settlement often o ccupies but a s entence in the

statute book —they are about m atters for the
-
most p art of commercial regul ation or of inter

nal improvement best left to themselves—agita
,
ting the propriety of taking private interests

under the public guardianship Those poin ts of .
‘
legisl ation about which men differ so much i n r e

publics are mostly not matters of justice at all
, , ,
or involving in the slightest degree th e moral

, ,
c ap abilities of m ankin d for self government but -

,
merely subordinate matters of public policy 5 and _
it may wel l be conjectured that when the busi ,
ness of government shal l be restricted to its prop

e r sphere p olitica l a nd party strife such as is
, ,
n o w known will be abolis hed forever

,
The n e .
102 S E L F G O VE RNM E N T
-
.
c ess ar i e sof legisl ation like the necessaries of ,
human life are cheap an d of easy acquirement 5

,
i t is the su p erfl ui t i e s that cost the g reatest toil ,
an d expense and di fficult y ,

.
A s the legislative duties of a republican com

'
m u nity do not require an extraordinary amount

of moral integrity among a people so neither do ,
its executive functions .
D e Tocquevill e thinks u s in n o da n ger from

the weakness of our administration but rather ,
from its st r en gt hfi “
,
We feel that the force of the community is our

o wn force ; we feel that its executive energies
‘
a r e emplo ed to enforce our o w n will s ; i t com

'
y
m ands all the m oral strength of a virtuous appr o
b a t i o n because we know that its determinations
,
are the n earest practicable approxi mation to ah -
solute just ice 5 but above all we feel th at our pri

, ,
vate interest is entirely implicated in the public ’
weal The innate sense of justice universally

.
p ervading th e mass governing the good by the ,
excellency of its own n ature the indiffe rent by ,
a regard to their own interest the bad by a con ,
In m y o i n i on , t h e m a i n e yil o f t h e r e s e n
p p td e m oc ra ti c in
t d
s t 1t u t 1 0 n s o f t h e U m t e d S a t e s o es n o t ar 1 se , a s 18 oft en as s erte d
E u rO pe , from t h e i r w e ak n e s s b u t f om th e ir overp o weri n g
—
in , r
ut ren gt h .
”
D m
e ocr ac y l n A m e ri c a c h a p x v
, . .
i
SE L F -
G OV E RN M E N T . 1 03
v i ct io nof i t s pre v al ence and power and exert ,
ing upon all in a greater or less degree the sanc

tion of conscience gives to republican govern
,
ment that silent but sovereign power that sways

the state It is the strong presumption of justice
.
arising i h favour of the laws that makes t h e

-
,
sta ff of a petty co nsta ble as pote ntial as the cd -
du ceu s of a M ercury and confers on one as the

, ,
o ffic e r of the l aws the executive p ower of all

, .
I t is not necessary to t he e ffic a cy o f that p r1 n 0 1

ple that all should be invari ably just no r does it ,
assume a n y i m a gi n ary perfec t ibility in the spe

‘
cies The e ffici e n cy of its support i s predicated

.
upon the fact that men i n general without any ,
p articul ar interest of their own in View or any ,
private passion to g ratify will concur in the ulti,
mate decision of t ribunals of their own i n s t it u

tion as just and will feel that i n maintaining the
,
rights and interests of others as settled b y them ,
they are actually establishin g t he fir m est legal

guaranty of their own R epublican government .
does not rely upon the state of the public morals

'
but upon the union of the virtu ou s impulses of a

moral nature with the str o ng moti ves of a person
al inter est 5 and whatever doubts m ay be enter
‘
t ai n e d under v arious possible circumstances of

, ,
the s u ffic i en cy of either s eparately there c an b e ,

.
1 04 SE LF G OVERN MEN T
-
.
no doubt of their being all sufiic i e n t in a stat e -
of combination .
If an individual be not thus the best gu a rdian

of his own interest it m ay be doubted w h et h
,
er republican governments have any s u ffic i e n t
ground of reliance It must then be asked.
whether any other system proposes a better Is .
there any system which o ffe rs a better guaranty

f or good government than the alliance of duty
w ith the strong n atural impulses of self interest 7 -
D o monarchy and aristocracy present instances in

which t h e fellow feeling of the higher ranks and
-
orders h ave provide d a better security fo r the

'
m asses than the self in terest of those masses

-
woul d h ave prov ided for themselves ? cases in

which benevol ence has proved st ronger than self
love ? cases in w hich humanity has outstripp ed
D ivinity an d done works of super erogation by
, ,
lov ing its neighbours bett er than 1t s elf What

moral securities do they furnish ? D oubtless ,
abundant that they W ill govern u s en ou gh ; b ut

,
what security tha t they will not govern us t oo

m u ch ? What that they will govern t h em selv es ?
D uty perhaps but not self interest 5 for here these
, ,
-
are fou nd in a pp arent if not real collision 5 a l

,
ways see m ing and see n to be hostile .
But i f they d o not provi de better moral do

, ,
SE L F GOVERN ME N T
-
. 1 05
they prb yi de b etter intelle ctual guaranties fo r

good govern ment ? With just the same kind of
wisdom and skill will a people m anage their po
l it ic a l as their private aff airs ; that is in a man ,
ner a l ways proportioned and suitabl e to their

circumstances The intelligent chemist may
.
think he can m anage p ractical agricultu re better

than the poor farmer ; but he W ill find on e x p er ,
i m en t that the farmer will m ake a fo rtune where

,
he will lose one So it is throughout every de

.
p a rt m en t of huma n life
.. E verybody under
stands his own business a nd his o wn w an ts best ,
and individual skill and personal i nterest mak e

the best provision for them These are truths
.
which political economy has been slow to de

ve 10 p 5 for the governments of the O ld World ,
after having kindly un dertaken the guardi anship

of a race thrown by an impro v ident C reator u pon
‘
—
the earth utterly unprovide d as is sai d with

, , ,
requisite moral cap abilities have undertaken

, ,
quite consistently with the regulation of the ex

ternal relations of mankind that of their private
,
”
business also The l e t alone principle which ,
the p olitical economists have at length so success

fully demonstrated extends also to the region of
,
poli ti cs What does the p al ace know of the n e

.
c essit i es of the cottage ? or h o w can a central

106 S E LF -
G O V E R N ME N T .
administra t ion be informed of popular wants

'
so well as those who have su ff ered them or u n

“
derst a n d so w ell the Operation of l aws as those

wh o judge from a personal experience ? N o
form of government coul d h ave less o f a pra o
tical nature than a monarchy or a n aristocracy .
N one coul d b e more ignorant of detail or of

facts 5 while republican government is through ,
o ut its whole administration entirely based on

,
the closest and most rigid deductions of those

who h a ve h ad a practical and experimental
knowledge of the evils to be redressed and of ,
t h e various ex pedients that have been devised to

r e dress them
.
M O N A R HI A L C C G OVE RN M EN T . 107
CHA PTE R IV .
g
Th e O n i n an dS u pp o rts o f M on arc h i c al G ove rn m en t .
H A V IN G seen that mankind are free b yn at u re ,
and not less competent to govern the ms e lves

‘
than to sustain the responsibility of moral beings ;

let us trace a s far as w e c an historically the a c:
, , ,
tual origin of monarchical g overnments an d see ,
by what plea the usurpers of human rights justify

their supremacy .
M ost writers are p leased to consider the con

dition of the primitive families as exhibiting the
im a ge of monarchical governments to which ,
they therefore a ssign th e rank of the highest

antiquity ; while monarchists p lume themselves
upon this assumed fact a s an argument in favour
of the simplicity of their favourite system and of .
its n atural conformity to the wants of m an But .
those who have no preconceived theor i es to sup

port will be puzzled to discover i n the M osaic ,
account of the first age of mankind t h e f e a t ur e s

i
of any political organ i zation D i fferent families

.
lived without a n y common superior upon the

, ,
fo o ting of distinct and independent n atio ns Th e .

1 08 M O N A R C H I CA L G OVERNMEN T .
only kind of authority known was that of a father

over his children springing voluntarily from rev
,
erence an d fili al love A mong us that authority

.
,
over the primitive families h as acquire d the des

i gn at io n o f pa t r i a r ch a l g ov er n m en t But it can .
not with any propriety be called in the political ,
sense o f the term a for m of government It was

,
.
not di fferent in its nature from wh at family gov

e rn m e n t n o w is and has b een in all ages
,
The .
same power h a s subsiste d since not only under ,
the sanction of law in far greater perfe ction but

, ,
e R o m a n govern ment
( as under t h embracing ,
t h e most a bsolute disposal of property pe rson , ,
a n d life ) to a far greater exten t When go v . .
e rn m e n t s followe d this p aternal authority was

,
not superseded N ot s u pplying the place of

.
govern ment —i t cannot properly be characterized

5
as s uch . S ociety may strictly be sai d to h av e

subsisted d uring its primitive age in the a b
, ,
sence of all government .
When revealed to us at its next stage f am l ,
lies have become tribes ; domestic have given

place to political r e l a t io ns j the t i es of h abit
and association supply the place of the more i n
timate ties of kindre d and an experience of the
,
b en e fits r esulting from numerous cou nsel con ,
c en t r a t e d po w e r and mutual defence cements

, ,
thei r v e t fr e e and olun a ry u nio n

v t
M O N A R C H I CKL G OVE R N M EN T . 1 09
Je fferson descri b es our Indi ans as be i ng evi

de n t ly i n this state E very man with them
.
”
,
he writes is perfect ly free to follow his o wn

“
,
inclinations But ifi n doing this he violates t he

.
rights of another if the case be slight he is pun

, ,
ish e d by the disesteem of his society o r as w e , ,
say by public Opinion 5 if serious he is tom a

‘
, ,
hawked as a d angerous enemy Thei r leaders .
conduct them by the i n fl uen c e of their character

only 5 and they follo w or not as they ple as e hi m
'
, , ,
of whose ch ar acter for wi sdom or war they have

the highest opinion H ence the o rigin of the
.
p arties among them adhering to different leaders ,
and governed b y their advice not by their com ,
m and .
”
The C herokees continues Je ffe rso n
,
”
,
the only tribe I know to be contempl ating the

‘
establishm ent of regular l aws m ag istrates and , ,
governmen t propose a g overnme nt of represent

,
a tiv e s elected from ev er t o wn O f all things

‘
y .
,
the least they think of is subjecting themselves to

the will of one m an This the only instance of
.
,
’
actual fact within our knowledge will b e then , , ,
a beginning b y republican and not by patri

_ ,
a r c h a l or mon arch ical o v e r n m e n t as specula

‘
g ,
”
tive writers have ge nerally c o nj ectured .
The transient glimpses of history that reveal

to us the early condition of the G reeks} Ga uls,
1 10 M ON A R C H IC A L G OVERN MEN T .
Britains and G erm ans exhibit a stat e of s ocie ty

, ,
exactly similar in all respects to that described

by Je fferson and of the utmost possible freedom
,
of organization .
They are wrong therefore who represent , ,
primitive m an as readily and n aturally submit

ting himself to his father as a kin g and to his ,
chief as a despot .
A t the next stage of observation the tribe ,
forms a n ation with a kin g at its head 5 but i n

,
the i ntervening period its domestic str uggles ,
have not been of su ffic i e n t importance to attract

the notice of history We however do know .
, ,
the wild and intractable nature — o f man in h is
n a t i v e s t a t e 5 how j ealous of his independence 5

'
h o w impatient o t control ; and w e ourselves

”
h ave felt that th e original instincts i m pl an t e d i n

our breasts the n at ural dictates of our u nder
,
standings are all in favour of personal i n de pe n d

,
ence The voluntary s ubjugation of one s o wn

.
’
will t o that of another would be the last act of

culti v ated man E ven on the hypothesis that
.
such an act b e u nder certain limitations politi

, ,
cally necessary by what reasons could a semi

‘
barbarian have been convinced of i t ? The

‘
d oomed subj ect under any circumstances would

, ,
be the l as t to perceive or to recognise the n eces -

M O N A R C H I CA L G O V E RN ME N T . 111
s i ty 5 the superior the first to an ticipate his do

,
“
minion 5 and this antagonist p osit ion m ust hav e

been sufficie n t of itself to h ave thrown the t wo
parties into fo rcible collision .
I t is not to be d enied that monarchical gov

e rn m en t has i t s fou ndation in the succe ssful usur
p e tion of arbitrary power by an indi v idual Its .
origin m ay be r eferred to t w o distinct periods in

the history o f huma n s oc1e t y 5 the firs t as w e ,
h av e s ee n s ucceedi ng immedi ately after the pri

‘
,
m e v a l distribution of mankind i nto tribes 5; t h e

'
second an advance d period which takes d ate

, ,
fro m the fatal terminatio n of re publics In t h e .
first case it is the o ffspring of abarbarous in the ,
l ast of a c orrupt a ge In both c ases it suppl ant s

,
.
free governments .
If a ny do ub t arise as to the me ans by wh i ch

~
t h e firs t revolution was achieved from th e ab ,
s e n ce of dir ect historical information it must b e ,
e ntirely remov ed by the analogy which the con
v ersion of free into absolute governme nt in the
latter p eriod furnishes for its s olution N o man .
will conten d that society required at its most a d

v an c e d stages of cultivation and r e fin e m e n t harsh
e r means to s w ay it th a n i n the iron age That .
C e sar or Bonaparte was less scrupulous of .
m eans than a chief dealing with semi barbarou s -

1 12 M O N A R C HI C A L G OVE RN MEN T .
or savage people It m ust t he n be allowed ,

.
, ,
that monarchy at both stages alike has taken i t s

, ,
o riginal in fr aud violence an d usu r pation : that

, ,
it w as instituted n o t for the n at i on but the m a n 5

, ,
n o t to answer the r ational ends of h uman gov
e rn m en t but to
, g ra t ify the cupidi ty of human
“
am b i tion fi
The issue therefore between republican and

, ,
monarchical governments is whether the vices ,
or the wisdom of m an have m ade the best pro

v ision for hum an w ants .
Thus o rig inating it becomes m atter of curi

,
o us i n qu i ry by wh at plea I S monarchical govern

,
m ent sanctioned ? h o w does it commend itsel f

t o the re a son of m a n? to what fun damental
principles does it appeal ?
A re E urop ean constitutions profess edly the ,
’
result of a p eople s jud ment on what is best or g
w h at is r i g ht A r e the y founde d on the actual

condition of t hings as the best p ro v ision fo r t h e
p r es en t ? A re they t h e choice of the generation
for whom the y are designed

The direct contrary of all th 1s They are es .
t ab li s h e d by p r eceden t and ascertained by refer

,
ence to the musty r e c0 1 ds of centuries long since

p as t
, an d the pract ice of generations long since
S e e B url a m aq u i , N a t . an d P 0 1 L aW ,
. b o ok c . 11 .
M O N A R C H I CA L GOVERNMEN T 1 13
dehd The whole order of nature is reversed ;

.
the past is placed in front of the present and the ,
dead prescribe l a w to t he living .
v s
'
T h e q u e e n of s l a e ,‘
Th e o
’
g
h o dwhn k d a n e l of t h e l i n a n d b d d d ea ,
Cus t om , w 1t h i r o n m a c e , p o1n t s t o t h e gra ve s

W h ere her t d dd
own s an ar e s o la t e l y w ave s : ”
If interrogated by the whole bo dy of the na

'
’
”
ti on By wh at right do you ru le 7 no s o v er
,
ei g h wo uld d are refer it to thei r consi deration ,
that the established g overnment subsists because

it is in its fram e the best ; it is of the nature of
monarchical and aristocratic governments to de
bar their subj ects from the decision o f th at ques
tion T h e mon arch s only j ust ific at io n is
.
’ “
I ,
”
have ruled therefore I rule
, The g overnment .
‘
can only say We h ave exercised this power in

,
time p ast therefore w e e x er mse 1t n o w

, What .
”
does this indicate b u t an o r l gm l n force ? what

better right than the right of t h e stron gest ?
M onarchy i s u ndoubtedly a govern m ent of
force Why not yiel d the reins t o the peopl e ?
.
Because its ple a is they woul d not go v ern

”
, ,
”
the mselves wisely or justly Would not the .
mona rch and his agents and mini sters still con
s t i t u t e p arts of the n ation 2 U ndoubtedly 5 but” “
t h e people would not liste n t o them H ow is it .

”
1 14 M O N A R C H I C A L G OVERNME N T .
bett er under a monarchy ? Because the gov

”
er n m en t has the power to coerce Thus any .
apology for mon archical government must r e

solve itsel f into an acknowledgment th at it is a
'
government of force In deed the designation .

,
of su bj ect s given to every individual of th e

“ ”
,
nation but one implies as much A ll modern

,
.
E uropean governments are immediately derived

from the feudal syst e m —a n institution of the dark u
’
ages designe d to maintain subjection among a
,
conquered people and in a conquered country

a kind of martial l a w incor porated with the civil
jurisprudenc e This system h as never been rev
,
o l ut i o n i ze d but o nly m eliorated 5 and it is unde

,
niable that all the go wern m en t s of monarchical ’
and ci v ilized E urope are b ut mere meliorations

of G othic tyranny .
M onarchical government claims to subsist by

prescriptive right which as applicable to such a
, ,
subject is no better than a right by conquest the

, ,
actual foundation of i t .
Prescription can of itself con fer no right It .
15 merely a l egal presumption an d as s uch no , , ,
thing more than a rule of evidence B y virtue .
of i t an uninterrupted possession for an i n de fi

,
nite period under a clai m of righ t is su ffic i e n t

, ,
evi dence in t h e ab se n c e of c o n flict in g c ircum

,
‘
c
M O N A R C H I CA L G O VERNM E N T . 1 15
stances of a grant from him or th em in w hom

,
the absolute propriety had been last known in ,
the view of the l aw to reside ; If the pr esu m p

,
tion b e rebutted the prescription fails If a cl aim

, .
he acknowledgedly unjust in its incept ion no ,
mere l apse o f time c an imp art to it any sanction

or v alidity Prescription therefore never has a l
.
‘
, ,
t e r e d nor c a n it alter the absolute rights of p ar

, ,
ties A s constituted by any l imited period of

.
ti m e i t is not known to morals A s fa miliari ze d

, .
to u s it is purely a conventiona l p rin ciple v o l un

, ,
.
t a r i ly adopted by a settled community in a spirit

of c o m fir o m is e 5 th at the quiet of society m ay not
be disturb e d by endless litigations and the p os ,
.
session of property u nsettl ed by continued and

violent changes : M en only agree by t hat rule
h o w far they will i n v est i g a t e thei r abso lute righ t s ,
and what limitations they will put t o t he r em e‘

‘
'
di a l power of the ir l aw s In this therefore the

.
, ,
legal sense of the t erm it cann ot subsist in the

,
absence of express enactme nt ; n o r without the

voluntary con cu rrence of thos e to be bound by
it
. O ur co des of morals kno w no statutes of
limitations .
E ven if the rul e of prescription were appl i

c able in its utmost l atitude ten thousand years ,
of usurp ation would not establish in t he eye of ,

1 16 M O N A R C HI CA L G O V E RNMEN T .
morals the justice of a n existing government as

, ,
no length of time can win from morals a sanc

tion for what has undeniably taken its o r igi n i n ~
force N ay the most unequivocal renunciation

.
,
of human rights which are in their n ature inal

,
i e n ab l e co u ld only in dicate i n what tempora ry

,
and responsible agents certain delegated powers

had been reposed u pon which the people would
,
sti ll be at any time at liberty to deliberate in their

sovereign capacity and which they woul d be left
,
free at any t i m e t o resume O n h o w fl i m sy a

_ .
prete x t are the most inexorable tyrannies erect

ed ! It i s not less an insult to the human u nder
standing than an injury to human rights that a ,
kin d o f govern ment which confess edly ori g inated ,
in fraud and injustice and which even in i ts, ,
most en lightened stages gives to its people t he

,
n ame of subj ect s should addu ce its p ower in

,
proof of its justice and claim to rule for ages to

,
come simply because it h a d s uc c e e de d in main

taining subj e ctio n for ages past . 1
Prescription as it is familiarized to us relates

, ,
t o property a n d monarchists clai m

, to receive ,
“
to hold to transmit their government and their

,
privil eg es in the same manner in whic h they e n

”
and tra n smit their proper t y and their li v es
jy
o .
But government is not of the natu re cf property ;

M O N AR C I I I C A L G OVE RN MEN T . 1 17
'
it is not acquired by the same means h eld b y the ,
same right or capable of transmission on the

,
same principles .
O ur right to property and our right to tran smit ,
it to our descend ants are n ot as some h ave suppo

, ,
sed dependant upon the l a w of the lan d or u pon

,
any human convention ; th ey a re n a t u r al rights .
N ature in giving to m an e x istence imp arted

, ,
to him also at the sam e t im e a right to ma intain

‘
, ,
i t ; and not only to u s e her bounti ful provisions

’
for his absolut e susten anc e but for his l awful e n ,
j y
o m e n t and the proper cultiv ation a n d develop
,
m ent of his n atural faculties To this end indi .
—
vidual appm pri at io n was requisite The natural .
sense of m ankind s u ggested prior occupan cy as

the mode of appropriation and it became there , ,
fore the original groundwork and legitimate

,
m ark of property C ivil society did not institute

.
this order of things but receive d it as already

,
established by n ature and has merely surr ounded

,
i t with positiv e sanctions N or are present ine .
qualities in w hat was originally and n aturally -
com m on stock at variance with the theory of the

,
n atural origin of the right of property ; these

inequalities are but a n ob v ious consequence of "
the original appropriati on .
We have o ff spring helpless beyond all com ,

1 18 M O N A R C H I CA L G O V ERN MEN T .
parison with those of other races and N ature ,
evi dently imposes upon u s the obligation to main

tain and provide for them It is a duty we owe
.
to the m and to s o cie t y5 h av i n g been the occasion

‘
of bringing them into the world H ence by .

,
every means within our reach w e ought to pro ,
vide for the supply of their wan t s in such a m an

ner that their existence m ay be a blessing to
themselves and their addition the ornament an d
,
strength of society S uch however are the a o

.
, ,
c iden t s of human life that the state of helpless

,
infancy sometimes may and such is the ordinance

,
of N ature that it ordinarily must be prolonged ,
beyond the death of its p arentage It is evident .
ly therefore the intention of N ature that t h e a c

, ,
cumul ations of our lives be transmitted to our

children after our deaths for their necessary sus
t en an c e .
Ho w,
then does the in h eritance of property
”
coincide 1 n p r 1n c1pl e with the 1n h eri t a n ce o f gov

'
c ra ment 7 The rel ation of monarchical govern :

o rs to their subjects is n o t a n atural but an arti ,
fic i al rel ation A s N ature did not create so she

.
,
does not perpetuate i t ; and no natural obliga

tion to discharge the duties of go v ernor survivi ng
the monarch there are no n atural means or prin
,
c i pl e s provided for transmitting to his son sov er
e i n intell ect o r sovereign p ower

g .
M ONARC H I C AL G gy E R N M E N T . 1 19
G ov ernment is never like property the right , ,
cf the incumbent It is the right of the people .
unless indeed the good of the whole must be

, ,
ma de subordinate to the interest of the few .
How then can a right he inherite d by the son

, ,
which did not exis t in the fath er

The judicious and philosophical P aley do es not
asser t the least an alogy i n p r i n cip l e b etween the
two cases of government and property as a c ,
quired b y prescription and transmitted by i h

heritance 5 nor does he design ate t h e s entiment
that views them i n conju nction as the o ffspring
of just and enli ghtene d opinion On the c ontra .
r
y he
, characteri z es the opinion of right in gov
e r n o rs founded on prescription as a p r ej u di ce an d
t
l abours to sho w in our familiarit y with prescri p,
tion as applied to property t h e r e aso n why its

, ,
~
application to the affairs of g overn ment meets ,
with respect or
-M on archy the right of the m o narch and de ,
sc en di b l e to his h eirs If so certainly the nation ,
must be just as much his to govern as the peas ,
Th y e who o byf
e rom p r j u d ic e
e
d a re
d e t e rm i n e by an
o p1n 1o n o f ri gh t i n t h e i r g o v e r n or s w h i c h o pl n i o n i s foun d e d
‘
‘
u p on p pt
r es cr i N or i s i t t o b e w o nd e re d a t t h a t m a n
i on .
k 1n d s h ou l d reveren c e au th or i t y fo u n d e d i n pre s c r 1pt 1on w h e n

-
,‘
th e y o b s erve t h at i t i s pre s c r1pt 1on wh i c h c onf e s t he ti t l e t o r
a l m o st e ver y t h i n g e l s e &c — Pal ay s M oral a nd P 0 1 P hil

” ’
, . .
.
b ook v i c h ap ii.
, . .
120 M O N A R C H I C A L G OVERNMEN T .
ant s farm is his to till ; and gov rn in e n t itsel f

’
must have been constituted not for the n ation

, ,
but merely to a ff ord the monarch a n Opportuni t y

to govern 5 not for the g ood of a ll but to furnish ,
an agreeable di v er si on for on e
N otwithstanding that prescription is th e chief
argument Openly urged in favour of mon archical
a n d aristocratical governments it is easily to be
,
perce i ved that their iron handed despotism does

-
not maintain itself upon so imagin ar y and u n

substantial a basis If institutions so pure and
.
liberal as th ose of a republican country requir e

the stern supports of reason and virtue to sustain
what is c o mmonly thought to b e at the best but , ,
'
a tra nsient existence c a n t h e corrupti on and vio

,
lence of monarchical and a ris t r o c r a t ic govern

ment s fin d su fficie n t stability in a fl i m sy prej udice
arising from a n imagin ary prescripti v e right ?
L ook at the numbers whose self interes t i n -
,
derogation of the common weal requires the per ,
m a n e n c e of such governments and you will as

,
,
certain the real sources of m onarchical and aris

t o c r at i c power
.
First the king himsel f with his fami ] y of dukes

, ,
and princes—the chief nobility of the realm dig

n ifie d by m en i a l o ffic e s in his household and the
'
most skilful artists and wealthy m anufacturers

M O N A R C H I CA L G OV E RNM E N T . 12 ]
ambitiously enro lling themselves as th e objects

of his patronage .
He is the source of p ower A re there states .

"
men of illustrious name w arri ors of renown ; ,
ec él e s i a s t ics that comm and p opular re v erenc e for

thei r learning and piety 5 and t hrough all sub
'
'
,
.
ordinate grades a re t h e r e genius enterprise a c

‘
, ,
t i v i t y and w ealth —the king can comman d in

,
his service the vari ous talent s an d c o mb in e d i n

'
fl ue n c e of all F rom t h e prim e minister to an

.
o ffic e r of the customs—from t h e l o rd chan c ellor _

-
to a just ice o f the quorum—all are raised by h is

‘
'
sign manual to the full sway of offic e He is t h e

-
.
fountain of honour H is touch en nobles the .
blood He k e e ps ; t h e golden gate t hat bars th e

.
plebeian from the a ris tocrati c o r de rs f D uke

doms b ishoprics stars and garters are the tokens
, , ,
of his favour and the badges of his s ervice .
A dd to this i n fl u e n ce that of the o v ergrown

m onop olies and rotten corporations th at of the ,
debtors and the creditors of government O ne .
branch at least of t he Le gisl a t u re all the j u

, ,
'
dic i ary the executive the nobility the o ffic e rs

, , ,
,
of the army an d n avy and the dignitaries of ,
the C hurch a r e c reature s of the crown ; and

, ,
once so created are pled ged by self i nte rest by

,
-
,
the ho nours and e moluments of rank and p ower ,

M O N A R C H I C A L G OVE RNM E N T
'
122 .
to sustain the h and that created them Thus are .
abstracted fro m the ca u se of the people and de ,
voted to the service of the governing p arty ; the

gr eater p art of the health vigour and activity o f
, ,
the body politic The governmen t is ; indeed

.
, ,
m ade u p of a minority but a minority a s superior

,
in power as it is inferior i n numbers The selfish .
interest of the mo narch mul t iplies i tself and o c

-
,
c upi e s the bosom of every subordinate ; not only
commanding the num erical force of all but also ,
all their means of privat e and personal i n fl u

‘
ence A ppalled by the least prospect of change

.
,
they dread revolution as a political death .
'
N otice the e fl ect as it is clearly o b s ery ab l e in

,
history o f b ut o ne of the v arious eng i nes of

,
monarchical power—the elevation to the peerage

_
D e L olme the eulogist of the Brit ish C onsti t ution

, ,
exults l n this prov i si on of a mod ern ostracism ”

,
as he styles i t whereby the government m ay

,
separate the peopl e from their friends when pat

r i o t i c integrity becomes alarming Bribe with .
honours ! When o ne of the most absolute powers

known to the C onstitution is t hus exe rted to r e: -
ward political apostacy 5 when such are the ar :
rangements o f a governm ent that ambition r e

,
,
c e i v es its highest gr a t i fic a t io n at the moment that
public virtue undergoes a paralysis what m ay w e ,

MO N A R C H I CA L G O V E R N ME N T : 12 3
n ot s uppose its subordin ate provisions to be for

’
subduing and ruling a people !
N o wonder that the real fr i e n d o f po p ular
rights is dismayed by the fatal i n fl u en c e which
pervades an d m o di fie s every social rel ation and ,
which assuming a personal and individual aspect

,
in every i n fl ue n t i al m e mber of com munity is v ari ,
c d fro m the com pl ai sa n t smile of the superior

“
, ,
who is a conservative from sel f interest to the -

,
ridiculous truckling of the dependant who is ,
either p aid for his compliances proud of his ser ,
v i t ude or debased and swayed by f ear : fear not

, ,
perhaps of the guillotine or Bastile—not of ban

ish m en t or c o n fis c a t i o n —but o f personal h ostility
and proscription on account of pol itical Opinion ,
from those who control all the energies of society ,
an d whose relative import a nce in the social scale

is dependant upon the permanence of ex isting
orders and institutions
He m us t be incorrigibly stupid wh o supposes
t hat a standing a rmy is the only engine of ar bi
“
t r a ry power .Ho w is a standing army main

t ai n e d 7 U nder the most despo t ic govern ments
:
an d in its greatest efficiency it is a mere i n s t r u

,
ment ; the primal and v i vi fym g Spirit is still a

di ff erent thing A rbitrary power whether m an
.
,
a bsolute or m itigate d form i s sustained b

, y t h e
124 M O N A ILC H I C A L G OVE RNM E N T .
same p rinciples oper ating only by di fferen t

,
agencies .
Th ere are but two w ays in which govern ment

can be upheld : eith er on the voluntary principle ,
appropriate to all the complicat ed agencies of r a

t i o n a l and moral beings or by coercion ex e r
, ,
c i s e d through th e passions and subjecting men, ,
like brutes to force The least abridgment of one

,
.
of t h es e m e t h o ds induces the necessary applica

'
tion of the other The Vices that enslave the

m oi al are the subj uga t ors also o f the political
,
world A ll that is appropri ate to monarchy

.
,
op erates by means of self interest in the superior

-
and fear in the subordinate or by a combination ,
of both principles in the union of both characters .
There are it is true m any very many better prin

, , ,
c i l e s in operation 5 n evertheless it is the force of

p ,
these that gives to mon archy its disti nctiv e form .
It is true that mon archical government is

sometimes found m o di fie d by some of the most
essential principles of human rights an d that its ,
mechanical means and instruments for the ordi

nary conduct of its administration and frequent ,
ly for carrying into e ff ect those principles are ,
a mong the wisest provisions ever de v ised by h u
man skill and ingenuity That a n ation shall

.
not be taxed without its consent or a citi z en ,
con demne d to lo ss of life or limb except by t h e

M O N AR C H I C A L G O V ER NME N T . 12 5
judgm ent of his peers a n d t h a t every man shall

,
,
enjoy freedom of conscience in m atters of reli

gion are among th e former ; the electio n of rep
,
re se n t a t i v es the trial by jury the division and

, ,
indep endence of t he three powers of govern

ment are among t h e lat t er The l atter are the
, f
result of experience and li a v e been e x t ensiv elv

,
copi ed by u s in the m echanical distribution and

,
arrangement of political p owe r in our system .
But do not mistake What ha ye been found by

i
.
m o n a r ch s t h e most apt instruments to govern

subjects we h ave adopted as the most e ffim e n t
,
m eans for gov erning ourselves These provis ;
ions are irrespective of the a n im a t in g pr i n ciple x
of a government Whence are the former A re

.
they coeval wit h the origin of monarchy an d in ,
strict consistency with its spirit ? O r are they

i n novations made by democracy upon mon archy ,
the encroachment wh ic h t h e rights o ti t h e people ,
strengthened by the physical power of the people ,

‘
have made u pon t he prerogativ es of the so y er

ei n
g
?
The history of M a gna C harta wil l tell .
Whatever there is of monarchy in foreign gov

e rn m e n t s is tot a lly an d ra dically wrong ; what
ever there 1s of democracy is right and must , ,
therefore be good 5 the dividi n g line is distinctly

,
marke d and e as ily trace d .

126 M O N A R C H I C A L G OVE RN MEN T .
But foreign writers whom we have so servile

,
‘
ly followed i n o ur politic al theories anxious to ,
vindicate the systems under which they live have ,
e ndeavoure d to present them as one uniform and

consistent whole w i thout reference to the totally
,
repugnant nature of the materials of which they

are composed The consequenc e is that instead
.
,
of laying down the fundamental principles of

po litics in all their just l atitude they subject them
,
to the arbitrary domination of circumstances ,
thus viol ati ng their essential nature an d u tterly ,
annihilating their authori ty They attempt to .
compound the republican prin ciples which a r e

exhi bited in their governments and whi ch are ,
really the axioms of politics with the p ur e m o n

’
archical character which prevails in those gov

e r n m e n t s —a n attempt that is like ende avouring
to subject the conscience of man to the op eration

of physical force .
What is in them a practical error 1s m u s a ,
foolish subserviency We are u nder no necessity

.
of adopt ing their systems Se far from uphold

'
ing democracy they depreciate i t i n the p r a cti

, ,
cal scal e below all other governments B y see

,
.
ln l n the ori gin and n a ture of mon archy its um

g
fit n ess to be considered a model for any political
system w e are better prep ar ed t o renoun ce t h e
,
delusion u nder which w e have l aboured U n for .

C
M ON A R HI CAL G OVERNME N T . 127
t un at ely, our predilection for republican govern

ment h as been rather a m atter of sentim ent than
of principl e; for while we repudi ate wi th hor
ror the idea of succumbi ng to a monarchy w e ,
have t am ely ado pted those political m axims and

m ethods of reasoning w h ich sanction an d main
tain the monarchical form We h ave adopted for .
eig h politics along with foreign literature when it ,
would h ave been just as r ational i n our school

days to h ave imbibed the heathen mythology with
'
c l ass i c a l l e a rn i n g We must be original a n d i n

.
dependent in our politics To say th at repub .
lican government is the best while we admit ,
other forms to b e legitimate is occupying but ,
very debateabl e ground in favour of our own

institutions To say th at it is the best for a s on
.
,
account of some fancied superiority of i n t elli

gence and mora ls or extraordinary felicity of
,
position a n d circumstances is taki n g still m or e ,
doubtful and c ertainly far more invidious

, , ,
ground E stablish the trut h that republican gov

.
e rn m en t is the only form comp ati b l e with human
rights and the questio n is fix ed on an immutable

,
foundation secur e from the fallible an d ever v a

,
-
r in results of human calcul ations and all the

“
y g ,
capricious decrees of fortune .
D iffering from the worl d as w e do in our po

li t i c al or g aniz a tion we must not search for the
,
12 8 M O N A R C H I CA L G OVERNMEN T .
fundament al principles of politics among t he

ruins of E uropean despotism We m i1s t exercise .
the same indep endence in thinking that our for e _
fathers exercised in acting We m us t no more: .
search for precedents in principl e th an they sought

for precedents i n practice True from G reat .
,
Britain ou r blood our langu a ge o ur lite rature

, , ,
our l aws an d religion were originally derived 5

,
but why shoul d w e as Jefferson has said

“
,
”
,
he al w ays looking backward instead of forward

for improvement
The principles of our government ar e th e prin
c i p l es of com m on s e n s e an d com m on honesty
'
While w e enjoy the peacefu l dominion of these

p pr l n m l es around our sacred and u npolluted
‘
hearths and a l t a rs a n d view their r efl e c t e d i m

5
'
age in the wealth enterprise high moral a n d

, ,
intellectual condition and universal comfort of

,
our citizens at home and t h e di gnity an d i nde

,
e n den c e of our n ation abroad why should we

p ,
suffer to p ass unreb uked th e o ppr ob i u m of those

‘
who cry out that their a bstract perfection is
5
”
thei r pr a c tical defect 5 and who eul ogize meas
ures which they style practic al for no other ,
reason ( as o ne h as h appily expressed himself )

”
than that they h ave had the misfortune to put

them in practice
O BJ E CTI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY
"
. 129
CHA P TER V .
Co m m o n O bj e c t 1on s t o D em o cra cy c o n d e re d —
si Th e Ch a ac t er
. r
an d S p 1r1 t o f Mo n arc h 1c al G ove r m e n t s t 1ll fa r t h er ill u

n s
t ra t e d
.
WE t hi nk h ave conclusively established

we
the position that m ankin d universally h ave the
,
same right to manage their political as the i r pri

vate interests and t hat all have the same right
,
to manage the concerns of all that each h as t o

m anage what exclusively con cerns himsel f Who ’
is to provide for my priv ate and individual wel

fare There is not a government of any civil
i z ed nati on but would say that I mys elf 5 and a c
knowledge that any interference with the V ol un '
t ary direction of what are exclusively m y 0 a

_
private a ffairs would be tyrannical But is not .
a n ation as comp etent t o i m an a ge its own affairs

as an individual his 7 A nd by the s ame right
, .
, ,
is it not entitled to the direction of them D oes

any part of a n ation p ossess a power a right or , ,
a degree of wisdom that does not reside in the

collective w hole ? H ave a part a right to rule the
~
whole and not the whole to rule the w hol e ?

,
1 30 '‘
O B JE C I I O N S T O D E M O C R ACY .
H avin g established the right sh all deny ,

who
that it is exped ient ? who shall deny that it is
practicabl e ? Who shall say th at wh at is just
is in expedient or impracticable ? the Just a n d
the right growing out of the essential rel ations of
things who shall thus impeach the A uthor of
,
N ature or s ay that H is wisdom or H is power

,
was unequ al to H is rectitude in determining our

condition and establishing our rel ations as moral
,
bei n gs
O ne of the most prominent objections to r e
publican govern ment is that it gives the same
s
,
power of controlling the state to men who are

'
quali fi ed by th eir habits of th ought and business

to j udge well and to th ose wh o a re utterly and
,
brutishly ignorant m aking no discrimination ;

-
,
that it cannot b e in the very nature of the case

, ,
that the poor la bourer who toils in the streets of

our cities an d the jurist who presides i n our
,
courts of j us t i c e o r the st a t e sm an w h o rules in

' '
’
our S enate are equally q u alifie d to Judge of po

,
l it i c al measures a n d p olitical m e n while our i n ,
s t i t ut io n s by giving all a n equal vote give these

, ,
di fferent descriptions the same right arid the same

power .
But if the right of voting were dependant

,
up on intel lectual q u alific at i on s the d istinctions ,

O BJ E C TI ONS T O D E M O C R A CY . 13 1
in this respect bet ween men woul d be as innu

‘
m e r a b l e as the individu a ls of the species N ot .
only Woul d t h e statesman an d j urist be distin

'
gu ish e d from the poor labourer b u t neighbour,
from neighbour 5 the m an of collegiate from the

man of common school education 5 the m an of
travel from t he domestic man 5 the m an of w i t ,
though poor from the blockhead thou gh rich

, , .
O n e rule would be a pplicable to one individual ,
another to another ; n ay as m an is never station

,
ary at a n y p eri o d there woul d be an i n fin it e

d 5
number of gradations of p ower and i n fl ue n c e

i n th e state applicable to the same individual i n
,
p assing through life a ccording to the vari t

,
stages of his progress ; and it would be i m possi

ble for the combine d wisdo m of m ankind to de
vise a scale by which the r e lat iye p ower o f e ach ~
one i n community should be g raduated and d e

t erm in e d .
The poor l ab ourer has an equal voice in t h e

2
st ate because he is a co n stituent p art of i t It .
is not a p ower conferred on him because h e is
p articularly well quali fi e d to exer t i t but it is a ,
r ig ht that inheres in him that he has b een e m

,
dowed with by G od w h o m ade him a moral

,
being It is exactly like the equal right which

.
'
bel on gs to every m a n of m anaging his o wn prop

132 O BJ E C TI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY
e rt
y
. The W ise can manage property better
th an t h e fo olish ; but those l aws are sti ll um
‘
impeachable which gl v e to both the same right

to dispose of their own a greeably to t heir own
'
will There is the same appa rent absurdity in

.
those laws that suffer the ri c h fool to control his

millions while the wis e man w ho is far better
, ,
u alifie d to dispose of the m j ud iciously starves

q _ ,
in a n eighbouring g arret as in the political sys ,
tem that allows an ignorant l abourer the same

po w er to vote as the learned jurist or the a e com
li sh e d statesma n
p .
A h but i t m ay be 1n s1n u at e d in t h e one

,
”
, ,
case a m an disposes o f his o wn as it seems me et

r
_
to h i m ; in the other he arb i trarily disposes of

,
what belongs to another B y n om eans When

”
. .
the j urist or the statesman votes does he do it ,
because h e has rights over another or becau se he ,
is himself a free citize n F or the l atter reason ,
undoubtedl y He is merely e x er c 1sm g his own

.
freedom not prescribing l aw to another So with

, ..
the poor l abourer He v o t es b ec a us e he is a

.
’
m ember of the state He does it to protect him

.
self 5 it is in the course of his o wn business and

interests He does it bec ause self government is
.
-
h is right When a community act for themselves

.
,
'
t h e r es ult of their joint deliberations m us t b e de

‘
O BJ E C TI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY 33
t er m in e d by a pl u r ality of V o i ces 5 each mem

ber of that com m unity only acts for him self and ,
disposes of his o w n therefore when he votes to

, ,
direct that public determination either in one

w ay or the other
The I m as good as you principl e } ? as it i s
“ ’
- - - -
,
called is greatly c alu m n i at ed5w it h ou t being cor

,
r ec t l un de r stood When we say th at all m e ha

y . re
by n ature equal we mean nothing more than that

,
all are by n ature equ al in their moral attribut e s

equally moral and accountabl e beings —an d ,
therefo re equally entitled to the regul ation o f

,
their own conduct as that is the basis of moral

,
accountability 5 therefore all by nature equ ally

,
entitled to exercise their o wn government pri ,
v a t e l and publicly socially and p olitically This

y ,
.
is a prin ciple which G od and N ature h ave estab

‘
li sh e d and they w h o dispute it enter into c on

,
t r ov e rs y with the essential foundation of m orals .
R epubli ca ns do not conten d for the annihil a

tion of social distinctions D istinctions of rank
.
in society are legitimately all owed in matters of

taste and fashion A republican m ay be as fas
.
ti di o us as he pleases in the selection of his as

sociates without violating his principles ; but
whoever w o ul d convert arbitrary distinctions
int o political rights an d franchises whoever ,
1 34 O BJ E C TI ONS T O D E M O C R A CY .
w ould giv e one m an a high e r consideration than

a n o ther in the eye o f the C onst itution or the
,
-
l aws plots against t h e liberties of h is fellow

,
m an If I am a man of education I shall throw

.
,
open my doors to a m an of education 5 if a m an

of wealth to him whose usual gr at i fic at io n s are
,
similar to mine 5 if a m an of polish a nd r efin e

ment to him whose h abits and manners d o not
,
disgust me N o p arty is injure d by this distin o

.
t ion. If I a m ignorant I d o not like to be mor

,
t ifie d by a comparis on bet w een my a c q hi r e m en t s

a n d those of a le a rned man 5 if I a m not rich ,
I feel most contented and happy with those with

whom I can enjoy a reciprocity of favours ; if
u naccustomed to high rank the fasti diousness of
,
m ode and fashi on is more dis gust i n g to me t h az;

my rudeness is shocking to them These social .
preferences and a ffin i t i es are a mere m atter of

taste convenience or capr ice 5 and however ar
, , ,
b i t r ar ily they may be exercised never can a f

,
fe ct one s rights or occasion an i nj u stice

’
.
That there are inequalities among men f ur ,
ni sh i n g important grounds of distinction the r e ,
p ublican does not deny ; but he does d eny that

an y man i s di fferent from another in his essential
m oral attributes He does not de ny that one

.
man has a more exalted understandin g a more ,

O BJ E CTI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY . 1 35
v ivid imagination a more powerful judgment , ,
than another ; but he holds that no m a n is de s r
t it ut e of reason an d conscience 5 th at diversities

‘
are therefore in de gr e e z not in kind ; that they

, ,
cannot a ffect the essential relations of m an to

m an 5 that th e y c annot therefo re 5 make the ,
r i g h t s of one m an greater than th o se of an s
other .
If one man h as a more inventive genius a

'
,
m o re co m p r e h en s iv e pruden ce a m ore enl arge d

'
experience a more scrupu lous integrity than ah

,
other wh at is the natural I m ay say the m en

, , ,
table consequence from the p ossession of such ,
superior qual ities He possesses s uperior power

and i n flu en c e H ow ? from t h e arbitrary force
.
of circumstances or the co ercive power of hum a n

,
laws ? N o it is fr om the voluntary homage of

'
the human mind and heart D istinctions such as

-
.
those I h aV e m e ntioned a re the only just dist i n c

i
‘
‘
-
tio n s among men and th ey vindi cate themselves

,
.
They are the distinctions of n a ture a nd reason ”
and they are establish e d by nature and re ason .
These distinctions $ 6 far from being repudiated,
by republicans exh ibit themselve s in their utmost

,
latitude in republican countries where there are ,
no arbitrary l aws and u sages to cont rol their oper

ation and e ffect It is true th at N ature h as est ab
.
1 36 O BJ E CTI ONS T O D E M O C R A CY . I
l ish e d inequalities in the worl d of man as well

as in the world of brute and inanim ate objects .
But N ature has not been so impotent as to require

human aid t o execute her decrees The dist in c .
tions which s he h as designed she has not wanted

power to carry into e ff ect ; n ay she never m akes
,
known her plans but by th e execut 1o u of them .
It IS abs u rd therefore for m an to come in w ith

, ,
his empirical devices of m onarchy and ar ist o cr a

cy as if he had caught N ature in travail and u n
, _
able by her o wn means to e ff ect the same har

'
, ,
mony of ranks and o r de rs i n s o ci et y which she

h as so successfully achieved i n the vegetable and
an imal creation .
R epublicans are far from being levellers 5 they

'
are for distinctions and inequalities ; not for th e

ranks and orders established by th e arbitrary
decrees of m an or the accidental allotments of
,
birth an d fortun e but for the dist inctions and

,
inequalities of r ea son and n ature in their most

u n u a lifie d extent
q N ot
. so with monarchists and
aristocrats They are the worst levellers in the

.
world They are worse than levellers ; for they

.
not only do all in their power to annihilate the

just grounds of d i stinction among men but they ,
establish i n their stead distinctions of the most

false a n d arbitr a ry cha racter They not merely
.
dethrone the o n ly true lords but they establish

,
O BJ E CTI ON S T O D E M O C R A C Y . 1 37
stupid idols in their pl aces In A meric a the

‘
distinctions of society are constitute d by the

various kinds and degrees of r eal merit alone ;
in E urope n o m atter h o w legi tim a te the grounds
,
of distinction one m ay allege i n his favour he is

'
inevitably subordin ated to the kings princes and , ,
nobles of the empire—co nstitut ed how 2 by birth

The high es t de gre e of rational and moral wo rth
‘
‘
is degraded beneath the most capricious ac cident

that presides over human desti ny
A ristocrats omit i u their zeal for the i n e qu ali
5
'
ties and diversities o f rank an d power the most ,
essential part of the a rgument they profess to

u rge and an in dispensable condition to its being
,
wielded in their favour Th at N ature and rea .

‘
son have established gr o u n ds fo r the utmost di;

V ersity among m ankin d is absolutely undeni a ble ;
'
all experience is in favour of i t ; but t hat she

has constituted birth and family t h eindices of that
superior merit which entitles o n e by natural right
to great power an d an extended i n fl u en c e was ,
never I b eli e v e seriously argued If it were to

, , .
b e we should not dispute the advocate s reasons ’

, ,
but question his sanity .
A republic provides for the proper divisions

of rank and gr ade i n society on the true grounds
’
of dis tinction an d for the exercise o f their l e git i

,
1 38 O BJ E CTI ON S TO D E M O C R AC Y .
m ate i n flu e n c e in its appropri a te mode and to a ,
ust ex t en t : that is it leaves t h e matter entirely

j ‘ ,
to the regul ation of itself It leaves reason to .

‘
acquire its just force by the control which a s u

perior u nderstanding inevitably gives over other
minds 5 1n orals to s way manki nd by the i n fl u en ce
-
,
of an el evated character an d exampl e ; e x p e ri

ence to be honoured in the v e rific at i o n w hich its
,
lessons receive from practical results 5 an d all

the power which N ature h as given one rational
and moral being ov er another to be exercised by ,
ration al and moral means L eave m en f re e an d .

,
it is nat ural that no t being governed by fo rce

, ,
they should pl a ce t hem s el v es under the dominion

s
of reason
If a poor a n d i gn o r an t man wants a lawyer or
~
a doctor or wishes to put his son at school and

, ,
cannot of himself arrive at a sati sfactory judg

ment a m ong the competitors for his choice he ,
asks his wiser or m ore experienced friend and ,
governs his conduct by the a dvice or the c on duct

of others The same lights th at he avails hi m
.
self of i n the direction and governmen t b f his

private a ff airs he employs to regulate his p ublic
,
’
and political conduct This natural resul t gives

.
to the wise the i r Just influe nce while it enables ,

’
th e ignorant and un e ducated to act judiciously ,
and l e a v es them in t h e u nrest ri te d e n jo yment of c

.
O B JE C I I ON S
‘
T O DE M O C RA C Y . 1 39
their rights It is not more diffic ul t and certain

.
, ,
ly to the immediate interests of the individual

,
concerned not a more i mport a nt task to choose

, ,
a public represent ative than to choose a counsel

lor to at t en d to one s legal interests or a physician
’
,
to who mto com mit on e s h e al t h an d life 5 an d ’ ‘
the same me ans of inform ation and the same mea

i
sure o f intelli gence acc omplish ev ery m a n to ~
m ake in eit her case an equally judicious choice ,
Perhaps after all the people do not choose

, ,
the w isest governors n o r always the wisest meas ,
u res But this evil can n ever be very striking

.
,
because it woul d then b e apparent 5 an d bei n g ,
app arent would be remedied by the people who

, ,
can only have their o w n true an d sub st antial l n ‘
t e r e st at heart Besides if they choose po orly ‘
.
, ,
no one has a right to complain 5 their p ower to

'
'
choose e m a h a t e s fro m G o d a n d they are r espo n ,

.
sible only to H im .
A mistake however is often m ade o n this

, ,
h ead The greatest statesmen and men o f the

.
“
most shini n g abilities are not always perh aps I ,
may say are not usually chosen ; but this feature

, ,
i n the practic a l operation of our institutions is a

subject of congratulat i on rather than chag i m to
the real friends of republic an go v ernment F or .
,
in the first pl ace the greatest geniuses an d states

,
men do not always m a ke th e most judicious go v

140 0 13JE CTI O N S T O D E M O C R ACY .
e rn ors : as they do not always make the best fa

t h er s of families so they do not always make the
,
most provident heads of n ations A sound judg .
ment which is not invariabl y an accompaniment

,
of the most shining an d brilliant qualities is one ,
of the most essential q u alific a ti on s for the exercise

of power 5 while a bright genius always expands
~
_,
in p articular directions and is not apt to take a ,
general and c omprehensive survey of a ll the dif

fe r en t views and i nterests that o ught to be taken
into account .
I think I can discover the reason why the mod

e ra t e ly great rather than the very great are a t
p
!
, ,
to b e selected fo r o ffice and at t he same time see

, , ,
m it a pro v ision for the safety of republican inst i

t ut io n s If a man is electe d to o thee in this coun
. 1
try it must be by the supre m acy of party But

,
.
one whose genius prompts him to rely u pon

ari d act for himself will be very apt to yield r e
,
l u ct a nt ly that subordination to p a rty which is

requisite with us to g1y e e ffect to any political ,
organization I t is not very likely therefore

.
, ,
that such a man will be chosen as the leader of

a party For this same reason ho wever the man
.
, ,
w h o is fix e d upon will comman d the more hearty

reliance of the com munity ; as he m ust be more
dependant upon the people an d h ave less c o n fi ,
dence in himself independently of h is s un n o rt ers .

O BJ E C TI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY . 14 1
He will t herefore be m o r e pro n e to consult his

‘
, ,
intere st by devoting himself to the publ i c good ,
t h an i n pu rs u m g plans of i n div i du a l a mb i t i on
’ ‘
f
.
.
Th e ve ry great if they h av e more power to do

,
ood h a t e greater pow er as well as greater

‘
g , ,
.
i n duce ments to do h arm 5 and if the book of

,
‘
exp erience be con sulte d it will b e foun d th at

,
'
nations hav e ever s uffere d more from a wan t of

integrity than a w ant of ability i n t h e i r rulers .
Th e li bert y tha t rep ublics accord to all m en

of every rank of governin g themselves el evat es ,
their characters and qu ali ties them for self gov

,
-
e rn m e n t . The elev ation which this freed om con

fers on people of the lowest sta t ion stimul ates to ,
a de gr e e o f self improvement and attention to t he

'
-
,
o v e m en t of their families
un
pr which does not ,
cease to surprise even thos e who daily w itness its

‘
results in the case of foreigners coming t o our

,
land without consi derati on or c haracter but rank ,
ing in the second generation with the wealthiest «
and most i n fl u en t i al of t h e n ation D eprive a . ,
m a n of i n fl u en ce let hi m become of no account

, ,
and consequ e ntly pass un obse rved in society and ,
he loses one of the highest in ducem ents to a c

quire character or to preserv e hi s i ntegrity ; but
,
add to his weight an d respectabili ty let him feel ,
that he and his children are integral p arts of the

n ation i n the m i ds t of w h ich they liv e , p arties t n
142 OB J E C TI ON S 1o
' ~
D E M O C R ACY .
its l aws and equal p artakers of its righ t s and

,
privileges an d you increase as much as huma n

, ,
m eans can the force of his moral motives and

,
the energy of his active powers .
M any weighty objections are u r ge d against ,
republics because they do not provide for a re p

r ese n t a t i o n of property and there are not a fe w
,
among u s e v en who contend that the exclusive

, ,
privilege of directing the state ought to be se

cured to those at least who h ave som e property ;
, ,
p artly because it has a natural tendency to en ure s
a greater amount of intelligence in the direct i on

of
_ p_ u bl i c a ff a irs
( and so far the argument has
already been anticipated ) part ly becaus e as it is , ,
a ss e r t e d t h e man o f property has a greater in

'
t eres t at stake t h a n lt h e poor m an We will en .

~
de a v o u r to reply b ri e fly to t h el atter argument .
F rom the right of self government follows the -
right of representation Of course it belongs to

.
all of whose moral constitution the right of self

government can be predicated It does not b e .
l ong to property It belongs to what are prop

.
,
erly speaking the constituents of the state The

, .
state is made up of an association of individuals

on certai n common principles on w hich all are
”
a greed ; and all the p arties to the association h ave

a right to p articip ate in its common concerns ;
property however i s not on e of the parties
, , .
O BJ E CTI ONS T O D E M O C R A CY
«
. 14 3
The object of gov ernment is to pro v i de for an d

se cure the r i g ht s of m en But all men are equal
.
in their rights 5 therefore all h ave an equal i n

t e r es t i nthe common s take L aws do not oper .
ate upon property directly but i ndirectly in set , ,
tling and fix in g the r i g ht of prop erty an dft h e ,
principles up on which it shall be ac q uired and

transferre d without r e fe re n c e t o t h e amount 5 i n
,
m aking the laws therefore all ought to h ave an

, ,
equal voice independe n tly of the extent of their

wealth M y right of prop erty is not less impor
.
tant to me though worth but a hundred dollars

, ,
than yours to you though worth a hundred thou

,
sand ; the same l aw which protects your prop

e rt p r otects mine and the same l a w w hich
y ,
breaks down the b a rr 1ers of your property leaves

mine also unprotected and defenceles s A nd .
,
though I have nothing yet I dep end on the same ,
la w for the b e n e fit I expect from m y future earn

ings for prompt returns from my daily labour and
, ,
a shield from the wretchedness of i mmediate des ‘
t i t u t io n as does the m i lli on a i r e to enforce the

,
payment of his re nts and mortgages The statute .
book is a code of general rules and the c o n sid ,
era t io n of rich an d poor of great an d little ,
amou nts of property cannot arise in the business

,
of law m aking to which therefore the poor ar e

‘
-
, , ,
14 4 O BJ E CTI ON S T O D E M O C R A C Y .
equally competent as the ric h h av m gnot only no ,
antagonist but not e v en a ny separate interest

,
'
,
.
Which do we esteem mo st dearly our rights ,
of perso n or our right of property ? D oes any ‘
man hesitate whether to prefer the inviolability

o f his property or the sacredness of his domestic
'
rel ations and the i nviol ability and security o f his

,
p erson ? D oes one doubt for a moment whethe r

he woul d rather have his wife and children i n
s ul t ed and outrage d his c har a cter traduced him
‘
, ,
‘
self an d a ll w h o are most dear to h i m load ed

with every kind of con t u mely and abuse without ,
redre ss and h old the lives and personal safety

,
of himself and his family at the mercy of every

villain in the community or be stripped of every ,
cent l n the world ? But at least the personal ‘
rights of the poor are the same as those of th e

rich The poor man s life his dom estic com
.
’
,
forts h i s wife an d children are as dear to h i m

, ,
as those of the richest m an i n the world are to

him 5 and it must be allowe d that there is no m an
in the world so rich but that he esteems hi m s elf
‘
above his property : therefore the poor man ,
however poor has a stake in society and the

,
j l a w s greater than is represented b y the millions

of t h e richest m a n in commu nity howe v er rich , .
If great public works are to be constructed ,

O BJ E C TI ON S T O D E MO C R A CY . 14 5
whose labo ur is to build the m ! If battles are ’

‘
to be fought who is to fight them —

,
,
every hu -
man bei n g counts one in the muster r oll of armies -

.
The p oor man has in his ha nds the only com

, _
,
m o di t y which has original v alue the firs t pri c e ,
of all other com moditie s —hum an labour He .
can dispense w ith th e capital of the rich but ,
the rich c a nh o t dispense with his labour I t is .
not tru e therefore of any m an that he has n o

, , ,
stake 1 n society .
A ll should have an equal v e i c e l n the publ c

delib erations of the state howeve r unequ al m
i
,
point of circumsta nces since human rights b y

, ,
virtue of which alone we are entitled to vote

at all a re the attri b utes of the man not of his
, ,
circumstances S hould th e right to vote the

.
,
characteristic and the highest prerogative of a

freeman be at the m ercy of a casualty ? I a m
,
rich to d ay worth my hundred thousan ds 5 b ut

-
,
my wealth consists in stock and merchandise ;

it m ay be in storehouses it m ay be upon t he ,
ocean 5 I have been unabl e to e ffect an insurance ,
o r there is some co n cealed legal defect in my
policy ; the fir e or the storms d evour my w ea lt h

in an hour : am I the less competent to vote ?
H ave I less of the cap acity of a m oral and i n
t elli ge n t being ? Am I the less a good c iti
M
14 6 O BJ E CTI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY .
Is it not enough that I have been de pri

ved of my fortune—
n ?
ze
m us t I be disfranchised by
co mmunity 2
My h aving a greater or less amount of pr e p
ert
y
does not alter my rights Property .is mere
l y the subj ect on w hich righ t s are exercised 5 its
’
amount does not alter rights themselves ; If it

were otherwise eve ry one of u s would be in som e
,
de gree subject to s om e wealthier neighbour a n d , ,
if the representation of property we r e consist
ently c arried out the a ffai rs of every c o m m u

,
n i t y i n stead of being governed by the majority

,
of rational and intelligent beings would b e gov ,
erned b y a preponderance ofhous es lands stocks , , ,
pl ate ,
jewellery merch
,
a ndise and mo n ey !,
It is
not true that one man has m ore at stake 1n the
commonw
-
ealth than another We all have our .
rights and no m an has an ything more If we

,
.
look at the subject ph il o s0 ph i c ally and consider ,
much i m n is by n ature to wh at he
h o w s u
p e r or a
’
is by extern al condition h o w m u ch sup er i or his

,
real attributes are to wh at h e acquires from the “
a c ci de n t s o f
fortune we shall then view the dis
,
t i nct i o n s of rank and wealth in their true com
a ra ti v e i ns i gn i fic a n c e and make as little dif

p ,
ference on these accounts with the political as

w ith the moral man .
F ro m w hat has al ready been observed it Will ,

O BJ E CTI ONS T O ? E M O CR A CY . 147
be seen that we do not maintain republics on the

ground that the majority a r e al w ays right 5 ' ”
and therefore the many arguments which have

, ,
been urged again st the absurdity of such a prop

o si t io n do not assail t h e t r u t h a n d propriety of
‘
r epublican principles The real found ation of

.
republican government is the t ruth of the propo

siti e m that men have a right to j udge for them
,
selves ; th at whether they Judge right or wrong ,
therefore if they do not infringe the equal right

,
of anot her to judge for himself they are amenable ,
to no human tribunal We maintain th at there

.
is no common superior among men w h o are not

connected by any human convention 5 that those
who make up a community have the same right
to act for t h e m s e lyes in their comm on and public
concerns that as individuals they h ave in their
,
p rivate and i n di vid ual a ff airs ; and consequently , ,
that the right of n a tions to s el f— government no

more depends upon the assu mption t h a t t hey al
'
ways act right than that of an i n di v i dual i n his

,
'
private c apacity The propp si t io n is simply that

.
, ,
they have in all cases t h e r ig ht t o a ct 5 and as ,
the only way in which commu nities can act to

gether is when they act in p articul ar cases and in
,
aggregate masses to abide by the decision of

,
m ajorities that t herefore the m ajori t y h ave in

, , ,
such cases a right to decid e .

148 O BJ E CTI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY
Indeed now at length it would seem th at t he

,
obj ections to republican government have been

rather captions than real .
In the earliest part o f our history its enemies

-
were foreboding th at it would be able to main

tain no more than a transient existence 5 but n o w ,
that subsequent events have shown the perma

nency of Our institutions they have turned fro m
,
impeaching our principles to ridiculing our hab

its and depreciating our people .
H appily we are impregnable by this n e w

,
method of att ack so l ong as we are truly repub

l i c a n i n our tastes fe elings and habits ; a n d whe n
, ,
we are guilty of the foolish vanity of emul ating

E uropean extravagance or aping foreign an d i n
,
a ppropriate usages we richly deserve the rebukes

,
we are quite sure to receive We o u ght to know .
wherein our s trength lies and rest in that as our

,
stronghold : i t is not in the condition of the few ,
but in the universal contentment and happiness

of the mass We are truly fl attered that our
.
circumstances are such as to suggest a comp ari

son as to t h e luxuries and embellishments of
,
life between the two worlds and that the coun

, ,
try of one century falls no farther behind that

of ten centuries But if the foreign traveller
.
,
wishes to kno w what w e really are he must not ,

O BJ E CTI ONS T O D E M O C R A CY . 149
c o n fin ehis excursions to the fashionable saloons

of our cities w here h e will only learn w hat We
,
‘
a re not 5 n o r seek for fin e ca stles fin e cabin e ts , ,
hu e p arks and gardens fin e equipages an d laws

, ,
of etiquette He must traverse the interior look

“
.
,
at our farms enter our farmhous es and o ur sh e ps

, ,
converse with our farmers and labourers exam ,
i ne our sch o ols a n d our churches a n d ascertain ,
the c ircumstances an d condition of our com m on

people L et him inqui re as to the number of
.
p aupers an d criminals ; contrast the relativ e "
s afety of our woody wilds with the op en an d

inhabited country of the O ld Worl d ; observ e
the relati ve intelligence and virtue of th e mass .
e s by which both countries are occupied L et .
him as certain h o w commonly the ordinary and

necessary comforts of life are shared by a ll ;
what provision industry and economy without ,
fortun e can make for the present a n d w h at

, ,
hopes reason ably cherish of the future 5 an d if ,
circumstances throw him much into the com

pany of t h e wealthiest t h e ; m ost i ntelligent or
, ,
the most powerful in the land let him inquire ,
the history of their early fortune an d learn from ,
what origin they sprang and by what means ,
they ha v e risen ‘
We too i n our t urn h ave been t o o observ ant

, ,
-
,
1 50 O BJ E CTI ONS T O D E M O C R A CY .
of those externals that strike at first gl anc e .
D azzle d by the ad v entitio us splendour which

surrounds foreig n governments our vi ew is di ,
verted fro m an inspectio n of their intrinsic a t

tributes We are apt to confoun d the govern
.
ment with the n ation and to gi v e to the govern

,
ment the credit o f what the nation has achieved

‘
in Spite o i its government When t h e subject

_
.
o f monarchy is c onsidered the i m a m a t i o n i m

g
-
m ediately crowds upon the mind an assemblage

of chiefs of t h e greatest and mos t enlightened
nations i n the ancient peaceful and undisputed
, , ,
exercise of sovereignty co mm anding t he greater ,
p art of the we alth intelligence and power of the

, ,
w orld . But the moral judgment abstracts from

a ll these e x ternal circumstances and considers ,
government as it weighs an individual a part

, ,
fi om accide ntal p osition and in relation simply ,
to t he que stion of the just or the unj us t the good ,
o r the bad A nd who can endure the abs urdity

.
of mon archical government in all its naked a h

s t r ac t i o n ? A sovereign selected not by choice , , ,
but by fortune ; not from among those possessing

competent q u a lific a t io n s but taken i n dis c ri m i
,
h ately from t h e embryo in the womb the chil d ,
at the breast the boy in his bib the youth in his

, ,
”
teens or the old man or woman i n their dotage

,
or insanity as the capricious chances of birth and

,
O BJ E CTI ONS T O D E M O C R A C Y . 15 1
death in the royal family h appen to dete rmine .
"
Thes e chances ha v e n o w made a femal e an d a
minor sovereign over one hundred an d fifty mill
ions of people comprising one of the most e u
,
lightened portions of the hum a n family The .
ablest statesmen of the age the most profoun d ,
scholars and jurists a nd the mos t renowned gen

,
e r a ls yiel d to a supremacy as ridiculous if not

, “
,
as idolatrou s and pro fane as the worship of the ,
E gyptian A pis or the G ran d L ama The s u

"
preme execution of the l aws is vested in a girl to ,
whom were she i n pri v ate life those laws would

, ,
not intrust the disposition of her own pin money -

.
O ne to whom perhaps in a di fferent position a

, , ,
discreet father might not h ave allowed the dir e c

tion of her own w a rdrobe governs a k ingdom ; ,
arbitrarily disposes without ques t i on and without

,
appeal of every civil an d military post in t h e

,
greatest of modern empir es ; and by holding i n ,
her hand the powers of peace and w a r need only ,
utter a capricious decree to embroil a worl d !

A nd how is it with the hereditary nobles and
le gislators ? an o r der of men in the causti c l a n
'
guage of Burke swaddled and rocked and

, , ,
d and l ed into l egisl ators A re they a race dis

.
”
ci pli n e d to business or a r ace nurtured t o pleas

,
AD . 1 839:
152 O BJ E C TI ONS T O D E M O C R ACY .
ar e ? a race of statesmen or merely a race of gen

,
t l e m en 7 The order w oul d sink into universal

c ont em pt were it not receiving contin ual recruits
from the plebeian stock A nd as it is when we

.
,
Would think a literary body no better than a con

r e a t i o n of lunatics were it to m ake a pro t es
g g
so rsh i p hereditary or an individual a fool H he
,
should acknowledge the o th ee of his meanest ar

t ific er t o be transmissible by descent how absurd -
to a cknowledge an hereditary right to the most

elevated and responsible authority that man can
poss ibly exercise ove r his fellow man -
.
Wh at is the consequence 7 The laws are ex

"
pressly ma de to counten ance an d build up this ah

sur dity 5 and tho ugh equality is the very essence
,
of j us t ice this firs t principle i s studiously v iolated

,
i n t h e distr ibution of prop erty Those children

.
wh o h ave an equal cl aim to a competent provis

i o n are from pride of caste and family am b ition
, ,
thou gh n ature h as made them equal arb itrari ,
ly allotted to di fferent ranks the very worst pas

,
s ions bein g thereby generated in the midst of the
m ost tender an d intim ate rel atio ns A soil har d .
ly ample enough to sustain its popul ation on the

m ost just and equal division is studiously a cc u m u
,
l ated and preserved by the acknowledged policy

,
-
o f the laws in t he fewest possible hand s

, But .
,
O BJ E C TI ON S T O D E M O C R ACY
“
. 153
.
the more there is thus absorbed by t he f e w the ,
less is left to be distributed amon g t he m ass ; and '
where you hn d fortunes inordinately great o n the

one h a nd you will hnd a proportion ate amount o f
,
poverty an d destitution on the oth er P r o v x de n c e

.
has given thi s earth and the blessings it contains

for all those who liv e on i t If a greater portion
.
7
is to be enjoyed by one than another it i s by him ,
w h o is m ost rich l y endowed with those qualities

that d eserve i t While t he j us tice of the l aws
.
will not suffer any arbitrary alteration of the l and

marks of property their policy ought not to place
,
restrictions u pon desert in obtaining i t .
The n obility the C orinthian capital of $0 0 1

”
ety 7 They do far more to debase it by their
vices than to adorn it by their accomplishments .
L abour which was to primitive m an a curse is to

, ,
fallen man his chief blessing A ctive life de .
v e l o s all t h e elevat ed energies which our n ature

p
is cap able of exe rting w hile it is the parent of
,
every v irtue A n hereditary aristocracy wi th

. .
whom the necessit y of l abour is superseded soon ,
come to regard all industrial occu p ations as dis

honourable A nything but a musement and p leas
.
ure appear u n b e fit t i n g their rank ; a n d when

—
amusement a n d pl easure 1 n st e a d of bei n g a r e
,
laxation from toil and business become them ,

15 4 o nw c r t o n s T O D E M O C R ACY
se lves the business of life they i mmedi ately ,
degenerate into vices A ristocracy is not m ere

.
ly itself corrupted ; it becomes a powerful agent

of corruption in its turn F urnishing an ex .
ample to other classes it induces all s orts of

,
extravagance and m akes vice itself f ash i on a

,
~
ble ; while from its el e v ated p osition and com

,
m an di n g i n fl u e n ce s it has m eans of seduction

,
happily unknown where there is no defin i t e a n d

perm anent d ivision of ranks F rom this i n e qu ai .
ity of ranks s prings the d istress everywhe r e i nci

-
dent to mon archical an d aristocratic g overn

ments : hence o ne quarter of t h e a nnual i ncome
devoted to t axes 5 hence one quarter o il t he p e p
ul a t i o n devoted to beggary .
Lux ury ought always to be th e subs idiary or

the reward of labour 5 so f ar as it is not it is the ,
curse of society When it comes to sol ace a m an

.
i n the progress o f his l abours or to greet h i m with ,
repose and c o m r t at the close of them it fin ds ,

’
no enemy in the poli t ical economist But when .
a whole class from genera t ion to generation an d

, ,
from century to century transmit excessi v e for

,
tunes ac quired withou t labour an d preserved

,
without merit it is a sign of disease in the body

,
politic which wi ll ine v itably display itself in t he

,
debased condition of the l o wer classes S uch a .
s tate of society does not result f rom t h e na t ural

o s m c r ro n s
'
TO DE M O C R ACY . 1 55
operation of things bu t from vi cious l aws I n

, .
such a r est rict e d t err i t o ry as that of G reat Brit

‘
ain to industriously co n vert l arge portion s of the

,
e a r t h de si gn e d for the subsistence of m ankind

~
, ,
into its original w ilderness state to a ff ord an 0 p ,
p ort u n it
y for noblemen to indulge i n t he sport
‘
of the chase whil e th ousands aroun d the m are

,
starving for t h e want of wh at i s co nsum ed by t h e

game is a perversion of the g ifts of n ature a n d
,
"
the bounties of fortune which shocks the moral

sens e .
Y et republicanism is not of an a grarian char

acter or spirit Its immediate object is an equal
.
division of rights not of p roperty Institutions

, .
which lay their only sure foundation in the l a w

of justice ; which cl aim to e x ist only by virtue of
that law cannot aim at spoliation They estab
,
.
lish the fir m e st legal gu aran tee of private rights ,
as they repose the gu a r di a n sh i p of the sacred trust
i n those w h ose interest as w e ll as w hose duty it is

to defend it But republicanism does aim a d eath
.
blow at all those l aws and usages the object o f -
w hich is to perpetuate property in certain hands ,
or to give it a particular and exclusive direction

a s a means of political power It has no fellow
.
ship with the law of entails or the l a w of prim e

geniture Whil e it med dles with no vested right s
.
its tendency is to break down all those im po li t ic

156 O BJ E CTI ONS T O D E MO C R ACY .
which serve to make pr operty a polit

re g u l a t l o n s !
ical element The landmark s of private prop

.
e rt
y are as sacred an d imm ovable in a republic
as in a monarchy It is political institutions and
.
m atters of public policy only t h a t a r e t hrown en

t i re ly into the hands of the people 5 and under ,
that control w hile those l aws only are enacted

,
which respect fut ure acquisitions and not any

present vested right property is m ade easily
, ,
trans mis ible from hand to hand and liable to

s
,
a party s legal o b l iga t i oh s ; those perpetuities are

’
prevented which serv e only to p amper the pride

.
of wealth and family without answering any ,
purpose which the law ought to encourage a rid ,
the nat ural Operati on of things achieves the rest ,
distributing wealth a m ong the in d us tri o us and

.
deserving .
Re p ub li c a n is m is the uncompromising enemy

'
of a political aristocracy l n all its form s whether ,
of prope rty or of birth It will not allow that an

.
inanimate possession or a mere casu al ty s hould

prescribe to beings of a rational and moral nat ure .
It shows the same stern hostility to a h i er ar

chy th at C hristianit y itsel f when an u n pr eju ,
diced ear is l en t to its precepts is most clearly ,
und erstood to announce A union of church and .
state from the adven t of o ur S aviour beginning

, ,
O B J E C TI ON S T O D E M O C R A CY . 1 57
with the then e x is t in n e w is h hier a r chy do w n t o

'
the prese nt time has been the nurse of bigo try

,
and superstition and the parent of all the religious

,
persecution which has d isgraced the annals of our

species The fruit ful source of tyranny on the
.
one hand and of hypocrisy and corruption on the

,
other under its baneful i n flu e n ce t h e C hurch has

,
been ma de a stepping stone of political power -
and ambiti on t he profession of its tenets a mere

,
worldly fashion and C hristianity itself fro m b e

, ,
ing the great and paramount object of an i mm e r

tal existence has been degraded to a subordinate
,
means of terrest ri al and temporary distinction .
These ; then are the ends which republicanism

,
proposes to itself no exterminating war but

that of reaso n against force 5 no destruct i on but
'
of tyranny ; no division but o f rights ; no s u
re m ac but that of r m ci l e
p y p p .
The prevailing tendency of our institutions is

to p lace the common enjoyments of life withi n
the reach of all ; to make popular books cheap ,
newspa pers education accessible and atta inable ;

,
to spur forward mechanics to that perfection

which will bring manufactures withi n the me ans
of all resting for thei r success u pon the number
,
rather than the qu ali ty of their patrons ; leavin g

unobst ructed to enterprise and merit every station
158 O BJ E CTI ON S T O D E MO C R A CY .
in soci ety 5 ten di n g to the greatest happiness

of the greatest number .
"
Th e reverse tendency is m anifest in the opera

tion of monarchical and aristo c ratical govern
ments The fe w actin g on the assumptio n that
.
,
they are H eaven s favourites a i m to monopoli z e

-
’
,
its bounties while they in fact engag e in a con

,
t ro v e rsy with H eaven and the b e n efit s and bless

,
ings which Providence makes abund ant their ,
constan t e ffort is to make rare .

P E R M A NE N CY OF D E MO C R A CY 159
CHAP T E R VI.
Th e P erm an e n c y of D e m o c r a t ic G ove rn m e n t , and t he e ven t u al

P re v a l e n ce o f D em o c r a t w P ri n c i le s p .
‘f
IF we has happened in Franc e
e x am in e w h at
at in t ervals of fifty years begi nning with th e ,
eleventh century W e sh all invariably pe rceive

,
that a t w ofold r evolution has taken place in the

state of society The n oble h as gone down on
.
the so m al l adder and the rot u m er has gone up

' '
the one descends as the other rises E very half .
century brings them nearer to each other and ,
they will very shortly meet .
N or is this phenomenon at all pecul iar to

Fra n ce Whithersoever w e turn our eyes we
.
,
s hall w itnes s the same continual revoluti o n

throughout the whole of C hristen dom .
The various occurrences of national e xist

ence have everywhere tu rned to th e a d v ant a g e
of democracy all m e n h ave ai ded it by th e i r

exertions those who have intention ally labo u r
e d in its cause and those who hav e s e ry m
,
1? .
unwittingly those who h ave fought for i t a n d ,
those who have declared themselves its Opp e

1 60 P E R MA N E N CY A N D EVEN T U A L
h ents have all been driven along in the same
.
track have all laboured to one end some i gn o

, ,
r an t l
y and some t mw i lli n l
gy ; all have b een blind
instruments in the hands of G od .
The gradual develop ment of the equ ality of

conditions is therefore a providential fact and it ,
_
possesses all the ch aracteristics of a D ivine de

cree : it is universal it is durable it constantly , ,
eludes all human interference ; an d all e v ents as ,

”
well as all men contribute to its progress
“
,
.
Thus says D e To cque v ille A nd this furnishe s .
of itself a stron g presumptive argu ment in t a

vour of the justice and propriety o f democrat .
i c gover nment
~
D oes G o d will u ni V e rs al a n
.
archy o r universal i nJu st ic e 7 the sup remacy of

x
the mob the annihilation of p roperty or the

, ,
dissolution of th e bands of law and order 7 R e

publican gover n ment then partakes of none of , ,
these qualities Will not the D ivine P r ow de n c e

.
respect institutions founded in justice and m atu ,
red by wisdom and experience ? S uch then , ,
c annot be the basis nor such the m aturity of ,
m onarchical and a ri stocratical governments .
The transitori ness of r epub lics h as long been

i
a favourite them e t declamation with the ene a
D e m o c ra c y 1n
‘
A m e r1c a , b y De To cq u e v 1ll e , p ar t i .
, Iht ro
au c t i on .
I R E V A LE N CE OF D E M O C R AC Y . 16 1
mies of h uman liberty w hile on the other h an d, ,

‘
the constant sp read and event ual prevalence of

democratic principl es ever will be subj ects of
r a t e fu t contemplation to its frien ds The ad
g .
mirabl e discussion of D e Tocqueville is based

upon the constant and uni form tendency of events ,
as shown by the light of history The subject .
seems to admit equally well of d p r i or i re ason

i n g a nd the conclusion to which he arr 1v e s to be
,
cap able of a philoso phic al de m onstrati on i nde ,
pendently of historical facts .
We have seen that m ankind are universally

entitled to th e exercise of self government as a -
,
m atter of right by the l a w of justice and th at

, ,
every other form of government is no better than

a n usurp ation E stablish but o ne uni form l aw
.
of j ustice for all m anki nd an d a republic is t h e ,
n ecessary consequence A republic is not so cor .
re c tl
y a for m of government as it is the suprem
acy o f principle I t is that stat e in w hich m an
.
kind enjoy liberty It i s an exemption from a ll

.
unl awful restraints F orms of government h a v e

.
been for the most p art only so many y ame ns

, ,
’
modes of tyranny Where the pe opl e are every

.
thing and political forms establish ments insti

, , ,
t ut io n s as oppose d to the peopl e nothing there

, , , ,
and there only is liberty ; such a state and such

, ,
362 P E RM A N E N CY A N D E VE N T U A L
a st ate only constitutes republican go vernment
, ,
the fund amental p ri n c 1pl e of which is not a hu

m an i n vention b ut r e sul t s from the lea v ing u h
'
tram m elled by human de v ices the just and natu

ral r elations of man to m an L et m a n be just to .
his fellow man arid relinquish all usurp ation and

-
, ,
w e sh all all be as exactly equal in the eye of

pol itics as we are in that of morals .
The question then as respects th e progress

, ,
and eventual supr em acy of republican pri nciples ,
is n o more nor less th an thi s : w il l j us t i ce be

.
m aintained in the public relations of man to m an ,
a u d its empire be enlarged ; or will society be

”
’
surrendered up to the domin i on of fo rce ? will

men like brutes b e governed o r like r a i on al
, , , ,
a n d moral creatures gover n themselves ? , The

’
whol e tendency of m an s moral nature must d e
termine h i m to w a rds self government and every -
,
step which society takes in moral improvemen t

-
must bring i t n e ar e r to a republican form an d

«
Spirit If there be a tendency in the s pe c 1e s to

.
wards progressive improvement if there be a ,
dispensation over u s which points to the eventual

reali z ati on in the a ff airs of men of those princi
, ,
ples of rectitu de existing in the D ivine M in d WE ,
must be contin u ally approx 1m at in g to this con

su mmation of political j us tice The cau se of t he .
P R E VA L E N C E OF D E M O C R A CY . 1 63
republican is intimately allied with the highest

terrestrial hopes an d the best interests of man
kind a n d we cannot cherish the prospect of the
,
-
universal political e manc ip ation of our race with

out elevating nor r elinquish it witho ut d epress
,
ing ourselves in the scale of existence

,
.
We must keep continually in vie w in the dis ,
c u ssi o n of this subj ect a distinction to which we

,
have repe atedly adverted between the fund a ,
mental principles of g overnment and its mechan

ical structure and practic al operations The .
essence of republican go v ernment its peculiar ,
a n d distinguishing principle is the s u premacy of

,
the popul ar will It is this t h at constitutes a r e

.
public ; it is this th at m akes it a n emanati on

from the eternal and immutabl e l aw o f j ustice .
That a people have the m oral right of sel f go v -
e rn m e n t is equally true of every peopl e in every

,
age and country This fundamental principle

.
,
as permanent as universal as the race itself pre

, , ,
vents republican government from ever becoming

obsolete when once instituted Its moral n ature .
and rel ations like those of m an n ever change

, , .
But i n its practical character it is like m an the , ,
mere creature of circumstances That men sh ou ld .
o v ern th emselves is its fix e d an d unalterable

g
principle predicated upon the moral ch aracter
,
164 P E RM A N E N CY
"
AM ) E V E N TU AI .
of man 5 but wh at particular frame they shoul d

ad e pt i n the e x ei c ise of self governm ent what
'
-
,
particul ar measures of public policy when t h e ,
government is once o r ga m z e d a re questions ,
w hich it leaves to b e d etermined entirely by lo

‘
cal posit 1on by previous ha bits by the age and

, , ,
the thous and other capriciou s circum stances that

m ake u p the diversities of human condition The .
peopl e of a republic n ever can therefore be at , ,
v ariance with thei r government In its essential .
principles it is a transcript from their nature ; in

its practical character it is the mere creature of
'
‘
their will A thousand y ears hence if we sho ul d

.
,
so long endur e as a nation a republic will be as

,
proper for us asn o w H ence it possesses a prin

'
c ipl e of permanency w hich mo n archical o V ern

g
ment can n ever acquire .
M onarchy 1s ordinarily th e product of a dis

t ant age and its aut h orit y is generally absol ute
,
i n proportion as its o r1g1n i s remote l n every . t
i
'
other provision for our w ants in all affairs i n ,

-
which mankind are left free to provide for their

o wn w ants in thei r o wn w ay t h e dictates of , _
wisdom and our habits of li fe prompt u s to ade pt

the latest inventions an d improvements 5 we .
ade pt nothing simply because it is old nor reject ,
a nythin g simply because it is n e w b u t while , ,
our p rej i ie e s a tt a ch 11s to t he

e o u r rea n s fl
P R E V ALE N Q E OF D E M O C R AC Y . 1 65
‘
points u s to the n e w and w e subj e ct everything

,
to the test of utility In the a ffair of govern .
ment alo ne civilize d and enlightene d m en a r e

,
found weak enough to b ind themselves implicitly

'
to the past an d renounce the b enefit s of expert

,
ence and improvement But ho w absurd t he "
S s t e m t h a t point s to a race which lived t e n cen

'
J
t ur i e s ago as endowed with such supernatural
,
farsightedness as t o be able to prescribe for the

present generation better th an the present gener
ation with all the experience and ai l the accu
, ,
m u l at e d wisdom and i m p r ov e m en t s o f every other
a dded t o its own can pre scribe for itsel f O ri

, .
i n at in
g g as monarchical government generally
,
does in a very remote age but e xercisin g its

,
-
functions to p rovid e fo r the wants and necessities

of the present ; ambitious an d encroaching in the
character of it s chie f functi o nary but inflexible
‘
in its constitution to the spirit of improv ement 5

basing itself u pon p resc ribt io n an d governin g ,
itself by precedent it must m 1t s very n ature, , ,
be continually at va riance with its subjects It .
is the past i n c o n flic t with th e present It is .

"
necessarily at war with every proposed meliora

tion Th e pe ople cannot feel a n e w want with
. 1
out its being necessary to assail the constitution
in order to obtai n i t The governing power must

.
s t ic k t o ol d landmarks or it would b e entirel , y

166 P E RM A N E N CY A N D E VE N T U A L
overwhelmed by innovations A ctuated by a de
’
“
.
sire to maintain its sovereignty on the one han d ,
and the people actuated only by a sense of i n

jury an d by necessity on the other two separ ,
ate a nd independent p arties are created hav ,
ing distinct interest s and antagonist forces The .
see ds of strife ar e s e wn i n the very elements of

such governments The longer they endure t h e
.
,
more oppressive become the prerogativ es of sov

e re i n t the more numerous extensiv e a n d irre
g y , , ,
s is t i b l e the wa nts of th e peop l e Time in flicts .
its changes i n dis crl m m at ely on both parties and ,
places t h e m more and more widely at variance

w i t h e a c h oth er until at len gth the govern ment ;
’
which unless forcib ly reformed by the people

, ,
onl y becomes continually m ore absurd at t h e ,
same time that it gro ws proportion ally more vio

lent and t yr a n i c al must fin ally yield to t he
,
growing intelligence and greater strength and

,
numbers o f the people So much have force and

‘
. ,
fea r to do w ith the n ature of monarchic al gov

ment that every impro vement it receives is look
,
e d upo n as a c on cessi o n 5 i t is not considere d

l
whether all h as been allo w ed that the interests

“
of the people demand but whether all has been

,
conceded that cannot safely be withheld A nd .

,
be it observed; e v e ry dm proy e m en t wh ich is thu s

c onceded t ot heincreasin g intellige nce an d liberal
P RE V A L E N C E or
J
D E M O C R ACY . 1 67
Sp i rit of the age only assimilates monarchy mor e

nea rly to r epublican government Thus j ealousy .
of feeling opposition of interests and of motive

, ,
which are o nly aggrav ated by time inhere in the ,
very constit utio n of mon archical government an d

predestinate it to destruction while r epublic an ,
government has for its b asis t he e t ern al and i m

‘
'
mutable principles of justice which preserve the

,
people in an unvarying rel ation to their political

institutions and ad m it without disturbance every
‘
human improvement .
R epublicanis m is th e common cause of the

Species R epublican government is everywhere
.
essentially the sam e for it is ev erywhere the

,
government of man by himself The division .
into nations is therefore in i ts view a question

, , ,
of expediency and convenience m er ely The h
glory of a monarch is his power ; o f a republic ,
its liberties A monarch aspires to conquest as

.
'
the m ea n s of gratifying his pride and ambition ,
augmenting his revenue increasing the n umber

,
of his subjects multiplying his me ans an d r e

,
sources for other conquests an d t hr ow m g i nto

,
his ha n ds n umerous posts of honour and pr ofit -
for the gr at ificat ion of h is depend ants But a .
republic can conquer only to impart its liber

ties
. U nder such a supremacy it ceases t o
168 P ERM A N E N CY A N D EVE N T U A L
be an object of ambitio n for m an to subdue an d
ensla v e his fellow man A ll m ankind are taught
-
.
‘
by the principl es of republicanism to regard each

other as of one common family and n ational dis ,
~
t i n ct i o n s sink into t h e most perfect i n s i gn i fica n c e .
In republican principles being thus the com

mo n cause of all m ankind the s ame in every ,
age an d nation w e see the real source of th at

,
symp athy which binds u s so strongly to t he pa .
t r i o t s of G reece of R om e and o f Poland and to

, , ,
the bra v e a ssertors of li b erty in every clime an d

of every period Th e pr1n c1pl e of liberty is a
.
fraternizi ng p rinci ple R epublic s are bad neigh

.
bours for other governments It is a lways has .

,
been and al ways must be s e N o state e xpedi

,
.
ents no vi gila nce of government can prevent i t

,
.
.
The cause of the oppresse d of every country is

identical People will m ake common cause with
.
people And how cont emp t ibl e must appea r the

.
t yr a n t s a n d oppressors of the spe cie s h o w des ,
p i c ab l e their strength h o w mean their devices

, ,
h o w glaring their u surp ation when arrayed ,
against the innumerabl e and united hosts they

have plundered of liberty and red uced to the ,
conditio n of subjects It is appalling to think

.
‘
of t he al most u niversal combination of interests

w hich really subsists against m onarchy r eposing ,
1 n 1 n a c t i v i t y only fr om w ant o f i nt e lli gence and

PR E V A LE N C E OF D E M O C R A CY . 1 69
of concert Th e physi cal strength of society and

.
,
all its real inter ests combine with the justice of

,
republ ican government to precipitate society into

that form M onarchy subsists o nly by su ff erance
. .
The ca use of monarchy is to a great extent , ,
of a p ers onal nature and undergoes simultane

,
ous changes with every fl uc t uat io n in the fo r th n e

of the individual or family with whom it is as
s o c i a t e d and 1s su bjected t o all the vicissit u des
,
of huma n experience N ot so with republican .
government It is of an abstr act nature to which

.
,
nothin g can be added from w hich nothing can , _
be subtracted The hop es and wishes o f m an

.
-
kind are constantly directed towards i t as a

fix e d point Whatever devi ations political tern
.
pests may force them to un dergo their ultimate ,
course must an d will be r ec t ifie d by this polar

star.
C o mbinations a re m uc h more easily e ffecte d

to subvert monarchy tha n to support i t ; to a d
vance liberal principles than to uphol d usurp a
tion E very other political cause but that of
.
democracy is th e cause of p ower ; i t address es

,
i ts elf to the i n t er est of its associates It c an .
command a s m any as it can bri b e with t h e e x pe o

t a t io n of rewards it can retain them while it can
ho ld out a prospect of succes s It fin ds its read .
O ‘
1 10 P E RM A N E N CY A N D E V E N TU A L
iest converts in those who are most corr upt -
'
N ot so w i t h c o m b i n a t i o ns i n fa v o u r of de m o c
'
racy It is the cause of principle of j u stice It

.
, .
is e asily made known Its confederates do not .
address the mselves to personal a nd individual i n

t er ests but to the cons cience
,
If t h ey wish to .
'
m ake a p r oselyte theyhav e not to exhibit a mus

,
,
ter roll of their strength and numbers or make

-
,
an imposing displ ay of the m ul t it n de and extent

of their reso urces They convert b y a ddr essm g
‘
themselves to the enlightened dictates of the u n

ders t an din g and the w arm and upright imp ulses
,
o f the h eart Th e m er i t of the c aus e do es not

‘
'
.
depend upon i t s s u c c ess E very good m an is its

n atural ally Its supporte rs are the best not the
“
.
,
worst of t h e species If the attempt fail failure .

,
m ay bring temporary misfortune but it brings als o ,
p ermanen t fame C onfederati ons thus easily

.
formed and of such m aterials must always be

, ,
the apprehen sion of despotic governme n ts ; and

the fact that s uch are in the n ature of things so , ,
highly pr obable must render the existence of

,
monarchy 1 11 this a ge hi gh ly pr e c ar 1 o us; and its

l ong co n t m u an c e in enlightened countries ex
t re m e ly probl ematical A ttempt after attempt .
m ay fail b u t m en will p ertinaciously persist in a

,
c ause that c o m m afids so much virtuous admira

,
t ion ; and I S s o co n ge n i al to our n a t i i e i m u ls es f

p
P RE V A L E N C E OF DE M O C R A C Y . 17 1
Every failure will but gi v e b ir t h to a n ew enter '
prise until suc cess m ust eventually cro wn effort s

,
which in all human probability will be i n c es

, ,
san t ly renewed so long a s huma n ity remains un
changed .
To have the permane n cy o f natur e every i n ,
s t it ut i o n must conform to t h e laws of nature .
Monarchy is at variance with t he n at ural dispo

sitio u of m an and his 1 unate Sense of j ustice
What is unjust ca nn ot i n its n ature be durable .
The Providence which presides over the univers e

does not admit of i t I n the separate and isolated
.
cases of i n div idu al s t h e l aw of j ustice m ay often

a
be viol ated and ye t b e unavenged by n ature I t

, .
is certainly however th e natural t eriden éy of

, ,
things even in this life that vice shoul d be fol

, ,
1
lowed by punishment ; an d whatever m ay b e t h e

’
f a ct i n individual instances when w e comprehend ,
s o large a number of individu als o r so l ong a p e ,
r i o d of time as to represen t the aggregate of h u

,
m a n experience the l aws of mor als will gener

‘
,
‘
ally be found to hav e be en v i n dic at e d b y t he ret

‘
ri b ut ion s of P rovidence The histories of nations

.
represent th e aggregates of huma n experience

—
'
.
Time ( a l apse of tim e which though lon g for , ,
an individual is still short for the species ) tim e

,
-
h as b e en maturi ng these gre at principles for their

d eve l o p m e n t an d at t his a dvanced period of the
,
[72 P E R M A N E N C Y A N D E V E N TU A L
world when society is everywhere in such a fe r
,
ment it needs no hardy prophet to predict the

,
proximate downfall of monarchy i n civilized

states .
In firm i t y l s 1 n v o l v e d in the very form an d con

s t it ut i o n of mon archical govern ment It is the .
sovereignty of the few ov er the many ; compar

a t i v el f e w therefor e are directly interested i n
y , ,
its defence and preservation ; yet the absolute ,
strength actually residing in the masses i t is _

,
compelle d to trust its defence to those who h ave

n o i m medi ate interest in its preservation nay to , ,
th ose who if they properly apprec i ated t heir o wn

,
situation woul d beco me sensible of a direct i n

,
t e r e s t in its downfall To the s ubj e ct u s urp a t io n

'
.
,
or conquest is m erely a change of m asters;

whereas on the contrary every republican has a
, ,
direct personal interest in asserting and main

taining the li b erties of his country H ence repub .
lies often a r m eu m a ss e and no republic has ever ,
b een conquered until it h as first b e e n c o rrupt e d

‘
E very form of gov ernment which is not self

government is necessarily centralized is in the
fe w . It has a separateness and locality admit
t in g o f every unfriendly attempt being coneen
t
t r a t e d up on one or a few points which once

‘
, ,
carried it falls H ence 1n the most despotic

, .
,
countries as R uss1 a a n d Turk ey a s uccess ful

'
, ,
P RE V A L E N C E OF D E MO C R ACY . 17 3
p lot in the p a l ac e c h an e s the sovereignty of

g
the n ation ; in co untrie s less so a suc cessful ,
em eu t e in a city The scene of the l ate revol a ’
tion i n F rance wa s c o n fin e d to t h e stre ets of

P aris It is an inv ariable ordinance of nat u re
.
,
the more despotic the power the fewer h ands it ,
must be concentrate d i n a nd the mo r e unstable

,
will be its found ation The s ai n e defect m ay b e

.
predicated of every govern ment of one m an or

set of men over others a n d tho ugh it b ecomes ,
less and l ess in proportio n as po we r is l es s Co n

,
c en t ra t e d yet as the disproportion between the

, ,
o x e r n o rs and the governed 1 n mon archies must

g
a l w ays be great it i s an intrinsic and u n av o i d
,
able defect which predispose s all such govern

ments to decay and dissolution N ot so with t e .
publics The sovereignt y is co ex t e nsii e with

'
.
f
the li m its of the s tate What matters it to t heir

.
citizens if their capital be t a ken ? It no more -

‘
deranges their measure s o f defence than if it

were the most inconsiderabl e to wn in t h e c o u n
i
l
'
try A ccustomed to be i nformed an ti t o act u pon

.
every public interes t to regard thei r governors

,
as their ser v ants and not as the i r masters they

, ,
ar e prep are d for every emergency They are .
not subd u ed while the smallest part o f the m is

free N o secrets of state repose in the portfolios
”
P 2
‘
17 4 P E RM A N E N CY A N D E V E N TU A L
of their ministers I f their governors a re pris
.
~
o ners of war the p e e pl e are not dismayed

,
The .
nati on is the government and the government the

,
na tion ; and the govern m ent will subsist u ntil the

whole people are subdued While a m an is free
‘
.
.
,
he knows that h e has something to figh t for for

he feels that h e himself is a sovere ign .
The i n fir m it i es in monarchical go v ernment

from the concentration of its p owers are equally
a a r e n t f w h e t h er referen c e is m ade to its d an
pp
ger from inter n al or from extern al fo r c e fi They
are the concomitants of a subjecting p ower in all
its forms whether th at of kings or of nobles or
, , ,
of c i ties
.
H ence the destruction of ancient republics In .
'
violation of lib e r ty t h ey Iorded i t o v e r n e igl

, _
‘
b ou r i n g cities and whole n ations In their i n .
ter1 or economy indeed they w ere republican ;

, ,
but in their relation to other states and co m m u

n i t i es t hey were m onarchical Th ey had all
.
the centralization of monarchical gov ernment .
A thens r uled A ttica with i mperial s w ay ; S p ar

'
ta La conia T hebe s B (E Ot i a ; R ome the world

, , , .
The n atural and ine v itable conseq u ence by de

cree of N ature followed They br oke in pieces .
from th e extent of their dominion Their empire .
w as augme nte d in an arithmetical ratio their

stre ngth an d d u rability were diminishe d in a ge
P R EVA LE N C E OF D E M O CR A CY . 17 5
o m e t ri c a l or compound ratio ; the h u m b ers in .
t er e s t e d in t h e so v ereignty b e c a m e c o m p a r a t iv e ly
less whil e the extent o f c on q u es t to bem aint a in
,
-
‘
c d became Continually greater The citizen sol

.
dier w a s supplant ed by the mercenar y Th e ser .

‘
vant of the state and hi m self a c o n st it u e n t p a rt

, h
o f the s t a t e g fi h t i n i n self d e fenc e was sup

“
g g
-
-
,
planted by the soldier of fo rt fm e ; at tached t o th e

person of his general and fight i ng for the acqui
,
sitiou of plunder or p o w e r While the e mpire

'
was coextensive with t he republic the stat e de ,
pended upon itself for its armies and Wa s a de ,
quate to its own preservati on but when the con

quests of the republi c wer e so widely ext ended ,
it had to employ a force abl e to dictate its own

terms to the e m pi r e fi The republic w a s n o better
'
o ff with its subjects than its armies Th e nations .
it subdued became less warlike ; they Were easily

detached from their sovereign ; they had no p er
sonal interest in mai ntaini ng t h e p ower which
had subjugated them It is a n invariable l a w of
.
P rovidence which nothing can r e sist y t h at man

, ,
not being m ad efor t h e g overnment of his fellow ;
man can never hold him in p er manent subjection

,
.
The e x t en sw e dominion of the ancient repub

li cs was likewise one of the chief causes of their
corruption H ence the tribute derived from sub
.
‘
G ran d eur e t D ecad e n c e de s Ro m a m s , c h ap . v.

17 6 P E RMA NE N CY A ND E VE N T U A L
jugated provinces th at enabled t h e idle populace
,
of the imp erial ci t ies of ancient times to subsist

on the public treasury and furnished their lead ,
ers and demagogues with the means of corrupt

ing the people with their own money It was .
this extens ive dominion that eventually br ought

all occup ations except those of the soldier an d
,
the politician into disre pute an d excluded bus i

, ,
ness industry; that great p reservative of morals ,
from the ordinary habits of ancient people It .
was this that m ade w hole stat es select individ

ual citizens for their patrons and fe e them with ,
princely presents ; that enabled t h e fgre at m en o f

t hose ti m es to rea lize imm ense wealth from the
plunder of unfortunate provinces and l aid t h e ,
foundation for that contest of bribery wh en th ey

were prosecuted for extortion between their m u ,
n ific ent fort unes on the one hand and the

,
wea lth and resources of oppressed states on the

other which brought all the public virtue in the
,
empire into m arket Thus the extensive empire

.
of the ancient cities entirely at variance with

,
repu blican principles an d gained by unj ust con

,
quests o pened and fed all the avenues of cor

,
—
rup t ion and Providence by one of those j ust
, ,
retributions which characteri z e the moral gov

e r n m e n t of the uni v erse m ade their unjust usur
,
p at i o n s the ins trument of their own destruction .

P RE V A L E N C E or D E M O C R ACY . 17 7
We are not to expect in the n atural course of

.
,
things either public o r private degeneracy in a

,
republic from the i n fl u x of public or private pros

pe rit y E ase and abundance are the appropriate
.
rewards of labour ; they ordin arily come at the

’
latter p art of a m an s career when mo derate ,
habits have rendered him secure from their se

duc t iv e i n fl u e n c es L eave property to se ek its
.
own channels enact no l a ws to make it i n alien

,
able and the natural course of t hi ngs will di

,
rect its t rans mission to thos e who h ave earned it

by their industry a n d frugality ; whilethe large st
accumulations will p ass rapidly from the prodigal
an d licentious and redu ce them an d their pos
,
t e rit y to a condition of w ant and depend ance

“
whence they c an only rise by a renewal of those

virtues by which the wealth of thei r ancestors
w as originally acquired There is no danger
.
,
therefore when things are left to take th eir nat

,
ural and proper course our habits not corrupted

,
by vicious legisl ation a n d a perverse policy on

,
the part of our government There is no d an .
e r t o be apprehen ded f rom the increase of pub

g
lic w ealth and the multi plicatio n an d impr ove
,
ment of the comforts of life O ur wants must .
still be supplied by human labour and skill ; and ,
so lon g as the se are necess a ry 1 n whatever for m ,

17 8 P E RM A N E N CY A N D I
E V E N T I AI
they are exerted they will Operate as a n e ffec

,
tual prote ction to the pu b lic mor a ls .
But w e have m these modern times a mo re

,
‘
p owerful gu arantee for the public morals We .
have the C hristian r el igion ; vvhi ch G reece and

’
R ome h a d not Its code of morals i s p erfec t

.
’
Its sanctions are as p owerful as it is p ossible for

t h e i magination to conceive It is ne v er s a t is fie d
.
with the improvement of its d1s c i pl es ; i t will

n ever cease to make converts u ntil it embraces ,
the u ni v ersal race of man If humani ty had a .
downward tendency this religion would arr est

,
its p rogress It 1 s 1 m plicit ly believed b y u s that

.
its a chie v ements will be equal to its aims and

’
that it will go o n c o n qu er i n g a rid to conquer until

'
it sh al l h av e restored o u r r ace to its pri m eval p u

'
rity O n t he contra ry rites and ceremonies con

.
,
stituted t h e chief part of the religion o f the a n ; '
c i en t s and those rites and ceremonies so far fro m ,
improving corrupted their votaries The most

, .
di sgusting an d abom inable o rgies formed a p art

of them while theft had a patron in M ercury ,
drunkenness in Bacchus licentiousness i n V enus, ,
and every vice a prece dent in the conduct of some

of the num erous divinities of the ancient myth ol
-
o
gy . It may readily be supposed th at heathen
i s m had but little connexion with the study o f
P RE V A L E N C E or D E M O C R A CY . 17 9
mor als which while that odious system w as

, ,
universally popular excited no interest among

,
the people b a t was c on fin e d to the s choo ls o f the

'
philosophers There was thus no renov ating

.
p r 1n c i l e for human nature

p and it w as t
lef under
all the seductive i n flu en ce of cir c umstances com ,
b in e d wi t h a religion itself the o ffspri n g of t h e

,
passions an d vices of m en t o a n uncert ai n de ,

c
e n dan c e o n n atural tempe rament and the un

“
p
aided sanctions of a natur al c onscience
But the C hristian re ligion not merely preserves
our morals from corruption and gives them a de ,
cided a n d continuous impulse to w ards improve

ment : it tends d irectly to the institution of de
’
‘
m oc r acy Make men just an d they mu st be

.
,
democratic What will become of usu rpation

an d force corruption and frau dy as C hristian ity
,
takes its march over the earth 2 It respects no

'
abuses however a n cl en t It sanctions nothi ng

,
.
but what is wise a n d what is good It abhors . ,
the corruption ; extravagance and vanity of ,
courts It imbues m an deeply with t h e fear of

.
G od and those who fear G od a re inaccessibl e to

,
any other fea r It fiIIS u s w i t h a s en se o f the

'
'
absolute equal i ty of the species It teaches u s .
to respect nothing so much as pri nciple It i n .
spires the most dign i fied indepe ndence I t is . ‘

180 P E RM A N E N CY A N D EVE N T U A L
democratic in its A uthor ; our Sa v i ou r h i m self
T
came from t h e co m m o n people he was born in

“
a m an ge r ; he was a carpenter s son It was ’

.
democratic in its apostles they were fi s her

men po or ignorant and despised It expresses
, , ,
.
its pre ference of the poor Its m orals are di

'
g ested to the compr ehensio n of the poor and illit

c rate Its sanctions ; no man so stupid but t h at
.
he can comprehend It inc ulcates the h b e rt y

.
of conscience ; a n d no man who is t h o r onghly

i
impressed with the truth that his C reator has i h

trusted to him hIS own e ternal sal v ation can w e ll ,
doubt that t h e s ame wis e Providence h as fully

“
a ccomplished h i m for t h e s u b o r di n a t e relations

’
an d respo nsibilities of this life and his own gov ,

“
e rn m en t among t h e rest N o bo o k ever written

.
makes u s so sen sible as the Christian revel ation

of the di gnity of m an as m an and t h e frivolity ,
:
of all those temporary or accidental distinction s

with which the world has been so long oppressed .
I c an n ot re frain fro m noticing som e st ro n g

points of similarity between th e history of reli
ion a n d of democratic liberty nor can I b eli e ife
g
these p o ints of resemblanc e between the fate of
’
truth i n reli g i on a nd of truth in politics man s ,
chief terrestrial and the summary of man s c eles i

‘
’
tial good to b e en ti rely c apr ici ou s a n d fa n ciful

'
,
P RE V A L E N C E or D E M O C R A CY . 18 1
Both h ave al w ays had the predomin ance of

numbers against them Both are shs t ai n e d by
‘
principle and would be annihilated by p rece dent

,
or authority Both fl o u rish best on the same soil

.
,
and symp athize deeply in each other s su ccess ’
es. Bot h ha v e always inculcated the same con‘
temp t for human authority the same regard for

,
the poorer and humbler classes t h e s am e disr e

,
gard of merely a dventitious and accidental dis

t i n ct io n s the same p aramount authority of prin
,
c i le Both h ave for their b asis the l a w of b e

‘
p .
n e v o l e n ce
. Both h a v e been reproached with the
or1g i n an d character of their supporters Both .
have been st igm a t ize d as t he occasion of a n ex

a
‘
tensive destruction of the sp ecies Both have .
borne the reproach of be ing disorgani z ing and

anarchical .
The C hristian religion is e mphaticall y a reli

gion for the peopl e It i m p re gn at es the ma sses
' ‘
with something better than h u m anity What a .
relig i on for t h e m an y ! What a basis for pOpu

lar government ! Ho w eleva ted and how sub
s t a n t i a l the hopes of th e friend of
popular righ ts ,
whe n he feels that the progress of human liberty

’
must keep pace with the progress of C hristian

illuminatio n; and that th e cause of m an is thus
i den t ified with the ca us e of his Maker !
PART II .
C HAP TE R I
.
The a lle ged T y ran n y o f th e M j it y

a or
”
in A m eri c as
”
WE do not subscrib e to the principle that the

majority are al w ays right and can do no wron g .
The pr esu m pt i o n i s certainly i n their favour ,
from the v ast combination of wisdo m and of

will ; but we are as far from acknowledging a
pop e in our politics as in our religio n an d hold . ,
maj orities like in dividuals to be but fallible

, ,
men .
L et us revert to the foundation on which the

‘
power or more prope rly speak ing ; the right of

, ,
majorities in republican communities 15 founded ,
and see how far it actually extends .
The great a im and en d of ow il society are t o

secure justice bet ween man and man ; an d o n ,
examination it will be found that i n republics al

,
”
most all its powers are in point of fact while it, ,
S e e De To cq u ev me
’
s D em ocrac y im it m e r i c a, ” p art i .,
c h ap . x v.
1 84 T Y R A NN Y OF T HE M AJ OR IT Y .
may well be doubted whether legitimately all , ,
ought not to b e restricted to the necessary means

,
for the accomplishment of this great end The .
power to declare w ara n d ra i se armies is to protect

gove rnment and th e power to levy tax es to sup
, ,
port it i n the administration of this o ffic e the

power to coin money and the power to regulate
,
weights and measures furnish it wit h fix e d

‘
standards for this object ; its power to iss ue p a
tents merely se izures a right founded on the first

princ iples of justice ; an d so of m ost of the other
po wers of govern ment : its power to m ake inter _
nal imp rovement s and its pdw e r to m anage th e

,
p ost o ffic e s eem to be of a di fferent characte r

,
.
But wheth er or not the j urisdiction of govern

ment sh o nld be exclusively res t ricted to the oh
j j
ec t ust mentioned it is,
certain that what other
p owers soever it does exercise are for i n fin it ely
s ubordinate pu r poses and sink to nothing in th e
,
comp arison of importance When men unite .

,
therefo re i n civil socie ties it i s for the purpose

, ,
of securing the prompt uniform and peaceful, ,
ad ministration of justice o r what is the same

, ,
.
thi n g ( as j ustice is the practical discharge of

what our rights cl aim from other men ) for the ,
protection and e njoyment of our right s But .
h o w w h en we are all as we hav e see n ma de

, , ,
TY R A N N Y OF T HE M AJ O R ITY . 185
t he n atural j udges of o ur r i ghts a re we to ar ,

’
rive at what j ustice r eally is ! There is in the ,
n ature o f things a perfect rule ; but we see i t

,
im perfectly an d individuals view it under v a

'
rio n s a nd di ffe rent comb inations of error On e .
holds it t o be this another to be that an d this

, ,
v arious sense o f individuals does n o t a dm i t of

i
a de fin i t e and harmonious action ; we must hav e

a osi t i v e r u l e in order to co n centrate t he actio n
p
of community .
No w when the e xistence of society require s ‘
, ,
a positive rul e authoritatively promulgated ;

when its primary object deman ds that this rul e
shall be the l a w of j ustice ; and when the con
s t it u t i o n of our n ature resulting i n hu m an free
,
dom demand s that w e ourselv es be the sole

,
udges and interpreters of that l a w what can w e

j ,
do when t h e s ubject i s submitted t o aggregate

.
bodies in their primary capacity b u t abid e by ,
?
the det ermination of majorities The o retically ,
the prerogative of determining the rule of right

resides 1n the whole but unless all will agree ,
in opinion wh ich until m en are perfect they

, , ,
never will w e must take up with as near an ap

,
proximatio n to a perfect mode as w e can get .
M odern r e pub lics : b y th e manner in which t hey

,
take the public determination by maj orities ,
P
186 T Y R A NN Y OF T HE MA J OR I TY .
adopting the representative system dividing ter ,
r it or
y into sections legislatures into ,
d i fferent bod
ies creat ing p ublic o ffic es with di fferent tenures
, ,
and fillin g them at di fferent elections while the ,
sovereignty itself is divided into state and nation

a l make great pro v ision for the sentiments a n d
,
opini on s of the minority also and bring u s as

.
,
near as is practicable to the aggregate sense of

community and near enough for all human pur
,
poses E ach citizen being allowed his equal

.
vote he thus enjoys t h e ut m ost possible amount

,
of human fr eedom and all t hat man ever could ,
or ever did d e sire .
Wh at then Is the p os i t i v e r u l e thus ad opted '
in itself right becaus e i t is the determination of

,
t h e m aj or i t y N o ; but w e yie l d it implicit ~
obedience as if it were right because it is in ,
p ra ctice the nearest a

pp r o m m a t i o n to t h e perfect
s t a n da rd a n d the best possi b le c o m ro m ise w i t h

‘ ’
, p
hum an im perfe ction We obser v e the decision .
( not the arbi trary will ) of the majority so far as ,
it is a nnounced in the prescribed const itutional

modes as the rule of our civil an d pol it ic al con
’
du ct —
,
as the positive law—until it is reversed by

the same authority N ot that as l aw it is per .
, ,
feet but that as a positi v e ru le em anating from

,
‘
a n authority which Freedom herself h a s c onsti

t ut e d if w e would h ave constitutions and l aw s
,
T Y R A NN Y or T HE M A JO R ITY . 187
at all ,
must observe i t M aj orities thus do fo r
we .
us i n a goo d degree (p o t absolutely as will be

, ,
soon shown ) in politics wh at the j udge does f o r

, ,
-
u s in expounding the laws ; and there is the S ame
distinction between p erfect en actments and posi

tive statutes that there is bet ween tha t perfect
'
abstract j ustice which we cal l l aw and the actual

“
authoritative d ecisions of the ju dge : So far as ‘
the regular active interference of society through

, ,
the interposition of its o rg a m z ed forces is c o n ,
cerned the decisions of the ju dge and positi v e

,
statute s must be acted upon as if they were a h

‘
s o l u t e ly and per fectly right because wh a t e i e r ,

'
of abstract pe rfe c t io n is wanting has been sac‘
r i fic e d to the necessi t y of positive r ules 5 but so ,
far as individual Opinion is con cerne d they are ,
no more tha n a presumptive stand ard which ,
every citiz en is at liberty if he can by legal and ,
proper measures to ge t r e v ok e d , .
Thus though w e never assai l the decrees of

,
'
the majority when uttered in t he c o ns t i t ut i o n al ‘
vo 1ce o f the whole yet we o fte n feel t h e mos t

,
perfect assurance in assailing the Opinions enter

,
t ai n e d b y its individual comp onents and e n de a v

"
o u rin
g to conve rt it into a minority In othe r .
wo r ds we yield an implicit o b e d1e n ce to t he

,
l aw s so fa r as they are enacted by t he c on s t it u f -

188 T Y R A NN Y OF T HE M A JOR ITY .
t io n al force of the m ajority but w e never feel ,
call ed u pon to r enounce individual Opinions from

deference to that majori ty .
E ven i n the enactment of l aws w e by no

means hold the power of m aj orities to be a b so
lute and u n q u a lifie d It a ckno w ledges this lim
.
i t at ion in its v ery n ature that being merely a u

, ,
t h o r i z e d t o announce the l a w of justice it c an ,
never i n any instance extend to the perpetration

of a clear a n d p al pable inj ustice In t his respect .
political power is subject to the same li m itati on

as t h e dec rsi o ns of a l egal t ribunal A n occa .
sion ho w ever wit h us for such a limitation to be

,
-
,
'
actually put u po n the powers of the m aj ority ,
can only very rarely ; if ev er occur ; for i t is i m ,
possible to imagine a case in which a body of

c itizens large enough to constitute a majority in
our large democracies could concur in p erpe

t r a t i n g a p alp able i nj us t ic e A gainst political .
tyranny in every shape we have the best possible

security that human nature admits o f ; and if
we are really still insecure from its assaults it is ,
only b e c a use G o d has denie d all refuge from it

‘
to mankind C ontempl ate the great n umbers

.
which are required to co n stitute a majority .
No w it i s p o ss ib l e that a m o n g its leaders there

'
may b e ambition m ay be corruption t ortuo us

, ,
TY R A N N Y O
_ F THE M A JoR I T Y . 1 89
n ews unjust aims but among the m ass of that

,
m ajority ne v er ,
It s Opinions may be mistaken
.
,
b u t its feelings must b e r i gh t ; it i s mor ally i m

'
p ossible that so l arge a body sh o uld h av e any

other interests any other symp athies th an those
, )
which belong to the universal wh ole It m ay b e .

,
often is misled b u t w h e n it
,
is in pursuit o f
'
the p ublic good It sometimes takes the wrong

.
path by mistake nev e r by desig n N ay those

, .
,
who hold t he balance of power consti t uted by ,
the excess of the majority abov e the minority ,
a r e usually a comparatively sma l l n umber whose ,
adhesion to the cause o f virtue and the common

weal is of itself s u ffic i e n t to save the state from
palpably unjust or i mproper me as ures .
When we hear of the tyran n y of the m aj ority ,
o n e w ou ld think it a body as fix e d and perma

‘
nent as a monarch ical dyn asty rioting in the

re a t es t e x c e sses of power a n d responsibl e only
‘
g ,
to itse lf We know however that it is i n t r ut h

.
, , ,
r
,
an extrem ely fluc t u a t m g body the composition ,
of wh ich is c h a n gm g every d ay sustaining daily ,
lo sses an d receiving d aily accessions of new

,
'
con v erts : I t is accountabl e to a n ever vi gilant -
minority th at i s continually and rigidly criticising

,
every measure at t h e bar of public opinion Its .
e xcesses are visited with the immediate loss of

190 TYRAN N Y or THE M A J OR ITY .
its powe r a n d the indignant exclusion of its

,
agents from o th e e The maj ority th at i s is t e

.
sponsible to the majority that i s t o be L et it

. .
act with violence or tyranny and it will i n evi t a ,
b ly b e con v erted into a min or ity

_ N o p arty can .
in th is country e n g a ge i n a course of vicious l e

g isl a t i on , an d ex empt themselves as a part of ,
the co m m on country from its retributi v e e ff ects

,
a n d w h e n these are felt it immediately r e n o u n

‘
, ,
ces its le a ders and its m easures b y a d0 p t in g t h eir

'
opp osite s A course of tyranny is t hus u tterly

.
impracticable unless w e are to suppose republi ;

,
cans capable of devoting themselves in Spite of ,
sense and su ff ering to the work of s e lf destruction

,
-
‘
N or have w e t o apprehen d a maj ority s b e c o m ’
i n g so exces si v e as to exempt it from t h e salutary

fi
restraint imposed by the fear of degenerating into

a minority A m ajority is on the contrary made
.
, ‘ ,
more i n fir m by becoming very considerable It .
immediately encounters the danger of falling i n

pieces of its own weight In proportion as it IS .
small i s the necessity of union and t he c o n s e

\
“
quent perfectness of its organizatio n M en act

together in parties not because there is a pe rfect
,
unanimity of Opinions but by a s a cr ifice of minor

,
ditt e r e n c e s to p aramou nt public obj ect s When .
a p arty ar e very numerous the nec ess ity o f sub ,
ordination becom es less in point of fact and still ,

TY R A N N Y or T HE M A J OR ITY 19 1
less in a ppearance ; henc e indi v idual s strike out

plans of person al ambition and individual wills ,
set up for greater independence : it falls a sac

r i fic e and the evil of too strong a ma j o
,
rity thus
re ct i fie s itsel f The tyranny of maj orities is
.
.
therefore rendere d imp ossible becaus e t hey are ,

j
subject to the continual con trol of pub li c s enti

ment which is t he judgment o f the p eop l e on
,
th eir own interests .
Whe n a n individual o r a party is wron ge d

”
in the U nited S tates says D e Tocquev ille to
, ,
whom c a n he apply for redr ess ? If to public .
Opinion public Opinion constitutes the majority ;

,
if to t h e Le gisl a t u r e it represents the maj ority ;

.
,
an d implicitly obeys its injunctions if to the

exec uti v e power it is app o inte d by the majority
, ,
and r emains a passive t ool in its hands ; the pub

lic t roops co nsist of the m ajorityunder arms ; the
J ury is th e majority invested with h e right of
’
t
heari ng judicial cases ; and in certain state s , ,
even the Judges are el ected by the m aJo ri t y ”

.
A l l this i s mere idle d eclam ation If a man be .
inj u re d in this country and the l aw a fford him a

,
remedy our Judges and juries a fford hi m a

,
prompt cheap and effectual m o de o f redress

, ,
s
,
as free n o t m erely from a partial and pa rty

,
bias but as free even fro mall suspicion of it

, ,
TY R A NN Y OF TH E M AJ OR ITY .
as any j ud icatories upon the face of the earth ;

a n d whoe ver shou l d wish the arbitrary inter
v e n t i o n of the executive or t h e army where
the law is silent w oul d c al l for an agency

,
whi ch would m ake every possession a n d every

right a pitiful a ccident subsisting at the m e r
,
c
y O f a desp o tic will If a m.an su ff er by re a
son of t h e i m p er fe ct i dn o f the l aw he a pplies
’ '
to public opinion whose creature a n d sl ave the

,
m ajority are and the present maj ority w ill either

,
be coerced by fear of that appeal or be turned ,

‘
out by sentence passed u pdn i t and t h e evil soo n

,
redressed by a future majority The evi l will .
certai nly b e redre ssed because arising o n the , ,

.
sup po sition m ade from an imperfection in t he

,
l aw it m u st operate with equ al se v erity on all

,
classes o f a republic a n country where the i n ,
t e re s t of all is inseparably connecte d with the

inter est of each , an d t heinterest of eac h and al l
is dependant upon Just l aws N o intelligent
‘
member of this republic has f ail e d t o observe

h o w every citizen e v en the humblest a n d most
,
ignorant whe n he suffers a p r l v a t e 1nJu ry r e

, ,
s o lv es and generalizes the cause from which he
su ffers i nto a u niversal evil applicable to the -
whole comm unity and deduces universal c o n s e

,
q u e n c e s from i t .
“
Wha t become s of our boast
TY R A NN Y or T HE M AJ OR IT Y . 1 93
cd freedom he says ; what is t h e use of l aws ”

w hy call this a free country ? what is the security
—
of property if a m an un der these circumstances
,
can do and h 1s neighbou rmu st s uff er ; such an i h

,
justice stating his o w n i nj ury i n the form of a

general proposition to make it tell upon the sym
,
a t hi e s of those about him What h e thus say s

p .
in his own case he understan ds when said in the

,
case of another and he lis tens to the ta le an d ,
unites in t he caus eof his compatriots that his tale ,
m ay be listened to an d h i s cause promoted in

, ,
turn Thus citizens learn by continual an d p er

.
,
sonal experie nce that the interest or the i njury of

,
t h e i n di v i du a l is the co ncern of the whol e ; and

'
public Opinion thus becomes as safe a guarantee

for the common weal as private interest is for
,
indi v idual prosperity .
It is wron g to represent the A mer ican people

’
as subject to the uncontrollable will of t h e ma ‘
or i t ; It is true that in t h e original adoption

J y ,
of a consti tution the m aJo r 1 ty governed a n d , ,
whene v er it comes in re v iew before the people ,
a numerical majority must again govern This .
is however a very rare case ; and it is not i n

, ,
thus setti ng u p the skeleton and fra m ework of a

society ( i n which t h e l egisl ation of a p eople is at
the most d ista n t remo ve fro m human in firmity ,
R
19 4 TY R ANN Y or TH E M AJ OR I T Y .
and wherein they a r e likely to be perfectly unau

i m o u s on all m ost essential points ) that injustic e
and injury are seriously to b e apprehe n ded A f .
ter society is thus organized and by t h at ve ry ,
o rg aniza t ion the will of temporary maj orities is

,
subj ected to m any pract ical limita t ions .
In t he firs t place this C onstitution itself is the

,
p aramount l aw N o majority however great

.
, ,
ca n ordin arily add t o al t e r amend or in any

'
, , ,
w ay contradict i t U ntil a question be formal

.
ly presented to the people on the amendment of ,
the C onstitution that ins trument itself towers

,
above a nd presents the firs t broad lim it ation to

, ,
th e po w er of majorities B y giving to the rep .
r e s en t a t i v e a fix e d and in dep endent tenure o f
o ffic e it pl aces hi m beyon d the immedi a te reach

,
of maj orities B y m aking requisi te in many

.
,
cases a m aJo rit y of t w o thirds for the passage of

,
various descriptions of l aws it provides a farther ,
rest ra int ; a n d fin a l ly by the creati on of two

, ,
distinct and indep endent soverei gnties

-
.
We often find one m ajority amon g the people

of astate and a d iff erent m ajority in its L egisla
,
ture ; sometimes a L egislature of one p o lit 1cs ,
and the executive of another which gives a tem ,
p or a r
y pre domin ance to th e minority ; ofte n a ,
’
st ate with one politics while one s immediate ter
,
TY R A NN Y or T HE M A J OR ITY . 1 95
administratio nand j udiciary are of anoth

ri t or i al
e r 3 very often a state with o ne politics and the

'
nation of another R arely very rarely—indeed

.
, ,
I think I m ay safely s ay n ev e r—do w e fin d all the

'
political authorities under which we happ en to be

pl aced the creatures of on e p arty The p o w e r "
.
'
of one m aj ority is t hi s m o difie d a n dy e ry much ,
m o difie d and c ontrolle d b y the p o w er of another

,
or , if you p lease t h e po w er of the majority is

,
'
m o di fie d and controlled by the po w er o f the m i ;

n o rit
y,
which has th us secured to itself at least as , ,
great an i n flu en c e in th e a dministration of affairs

as it is entitled to by the relati v e pr OJi o r t i o n of
its numbers to the aggregate whole Thus w e .
are fully entitled to say that by the contrivances

,
of our government w e h ave secured in its a d

ministra t ion the action of the w hole people .
When I firs t read the s ections of D e To c q ue

ville on the t yranny and unlimited p ower of the
m ajority in this co u n t ry I was for a long time at
,
l
a los s to c o nJec t ur e what original c o uld h av e set ~
to his i magin ation for the picture S ensible of

"
'
no such state of facts as was there described I ,
could not but wonder that the poor pers ecute d ,
V ictims of too free a state should never have

foun d a voice Where are their uttered com
"
plaints ? I ask e d Th e press is free ; it disgorges

.
f
1 96 TYRA N NY or T HE M AJ OR I T Y .
e verythi n g from a schoolboy s complaint to a

,
’
president s message ; perfect immunity is secured

’
by anonymous publi cation to the utterance of e v

,
er
y opinion yet among ,
all the va rious literature
which o u r books and newsp apers present a n ,
A merican writer compl aining o f the tyranny of

majorit ies as m ajorities is yet a r am a v i s quite u h
, ,
known even to the curious In dee d D e To cq u e.

,
ville himself seems to admit th at the evi l exists ,
for the most part only in apprehension

, I do .
not say ( h e conclude s one of those sections)

”
that tyrannical abuses frequ ently occur in A mer ’
ica at the presen t day ; bu t I m aintain that no

sure barri er 15 establishe d a gain s t t h e m a nd t h at ,
/
the causes which mitigate the govern ment are to

'
b e foun d in t h e ci rcumst ances and manners of the

country m ore th an its l aws In other words w e ,
‘
have no securi t y a gainst the passage of tyranni

ca l l aws but in t h e p e o pl e themselves ; wh ich ,
h o w e v e r i s the same kind of security that a com

f
munity have that an i ndividual will not v o l un t a r

,
ily destroy his own property or cut his o w n t h roat .
A ccording to the republican theory it is security ,
enough We do not require guarantees fro m

.
oursel v es f or t h e ju dicious exercise o f o u r o w n

'
”
powers N ot only th e causes that mitigate
.
,
b ut the cau ses t hat mak e the government are ,

TY R A NN Y ‘
or T HE M A J O R IT Y . 1 97
th e ch a1 a ct e rs a n d wills of the people ; and this

fact so far from exciting o ur apprehensions 1s
, ,
the foundation of our c o n fide n c e We derive .
our security from ourselves not from our la w , s ,
or only so far from our l a w s as they m ay b e sai d

to lea v e the government e n t ir ely t i n o u r hands
‘
D e Tocqueville in his speculations o n this

,
head has evid ently confounded t wo distinct sub

,
ol i t i ca l m a ori t
j e c t s the po w er of a
, p j y un der re
publican government a n d the phenomen a re su lt

,
i ng from that al m ost entire unanimity c o n st i t u

ti ng p u bli c ap i m on which are not di fferent i n
'
their n ature ( tho ugh they m ay be more po w erful

in their e ffects ) frb m wh at are exhibited u nder
every form of government .
S o far as p olitical m ajorities in our coun t ry

are concerned I think perh aps they m ay enforc e
,
a greater subord ination to p arty than political '
m ajorities in other countries and that such is a ,
n a t u r a l c o n se q u e n c e of greater freedom
~
Mii .
n o r i t i e s however are e qually tyrannical i n this

, ,
r espect though their organi z ation m ay be less

,
app arent ; bec a use w hile an administration h ave

,
an independent set of measures to sustain all ,
that is req uired to organize an opposition is

union in assailing The truth is that in repub
.
,
li e s the organi z ation of part ies ought to be mor e

1 98 TY R A NN Y or T HE M A J OR ITY .
perfect than elsewhere for t h e very re ason th at

,
‘
the real subjects of d ivision are fewer an d of

l ess importance Wh at may be called t he nat
.
ur al ties of party are we aker ; to act w ith e ffect ,
the a i t ifici a l ought to be stronger W here t h e .
subjects of division are fundamental an d of vital

consequence —w here they are clearly m a rk e d o ur ’
in the nature of things an d the division of inter

,
ests and of classes—these interests and classes

may safely be trusted to themselves : e a ch m a n ,
kno ws his place and is boun d to i t But it h as

,
.
l ong since been discovered that i n republics ,
where t h e real subj ects of di fference are much

m ore minute th an elsewhere they a re much less
,
coercive ; an d that a party owes a great deal o f

its success to i t s o r ga n iz a t io n as well as to i t s
i
principle s H ence subordination is more rigi dly

enforced But t his kind of i n flu en c e exercised
.
by party Operates only u pon politici ans not o n ,
the community at large w h o o n the contrary

, ,
*
generally regard the m an with greater favour

that acknowle dges no pa rty trammels The only .
conseq u ence that follows fro m renouncing it is

loss of p arty c o n sideration and t h e power an d
,
prospect s of o ffice a loss w hich he who is guilty

o f defection m ay be thought p erhaps to deserve ,
by reason of his having imp aired the stre n gth of

TY R A NN Y or T H E M A J OR ITY . 1 99
the party thro u gh whose p re v alenc e alon e he

coul d hope for po litical rewards ,
B ut says D e Tocqueville
,
”
it i s in the ex ,
amin ation of the display of publ i c o p1n 10 n l n the

U nited S tates th at we clearly perceive h o w far .
the power of t h e majority surpasses all the p ow

”
ers with which we are acquainted i h E urope 5
“
and thus confounding the political force of

, .
majorities with the n atural force of public O pin

ion he l aunches his most severe denunciations
,
against i t .
P robably the greatest force of pu blic Opinion

.
in this country is exercised i n suppressing the

expression of athei stical and in fide l sentiments ,
w hile a similar restraint seems to be exercised in

preventi ng the dissemination of vie ws unfriendly
to republica n government A keen and sensi .
tive observation of its e ffects i n these two i h

'
s t a n ce s s e e m s to h ave given birth to D e To c q u e

’
vill e s erroneous speculatio ns o n th e tyranny o f
‘
t h e majority in A merica
In neither of t h ese i nst ance s however d o w e , ,
meet with th at million headed monster of tyran

-
n
y so t e rribly depicted by D e Tocque v ille spread ,
ing itsel f l ike one of the pl a gu es of E gypt

, ,
throu ghout every p art of m an s daily existence ’

,
an d de priv m g him of every com fort and enjoy

ment of li fe—a t y r a n hy t hat if it r e ally exist e d
, ,
2 00 T Y R A NN Y OF TH E M AJO R I T Y .
would be i n fin it ely worse th an t h e ecclesiastic al

des potism of the d ark ages .
It is n atural that w here Opinion is the most

,
enlightened and t he most free it should h ave t h e ,
greatest n atur al force as the presumptio n is

,
greater l n favour of its Justice an d proprie ty In .
pro porti on therefore as yo u relax other forces

, , ,
you strengthen that of public opinion and w her e , ,
government is the weakest Opinion m ust be t h e ,
strongest Is this a faul t of governments or of

.
man ? If public Opinion be strong here it is not ,
th at g ov er n m en t has m ade it s o not that m aj or ,
i t i es h a v e made it so but that such is the inevi

,
table re sult of the n at ure and co nstitution of

m an . If its force be legit im at e and pr op e r w e h
must r eJ0 1ce that it is st r on g w i t h us and that it ,
is stron g because it is right N o man can fail .
to hav e observed h o w much wiser and better we

are fo r o u r neighbours than for ourselves how
~
much more exact w e are in laying down a rul e

for another to ac t b y than in squaring our own
,
conduct by any ru le ; h o w much better all by ,
virtue of continually as the phrase is putting

,
“
,
”
their b est fo o t foremost outwardly a ppear than
‘
they really are : by Just so much is public opin

ion better than private practice and just so much ,
do es wh at is calle d character a creature of bu b ,
lic opinion sup er add to the force of our moral

,
‘
TY R A N N Y OF T HE M A J OR I TY . 201
m o t i wes I t seems to b e the great

this fo r c e of
"
highly e ffic i en t a nd really m oral a gent which is

ch ar acte ri z ed by D e Tocquevill e as the tyranny
of the majority and which is represented to be ,
so great as to prevent the a vo wal of individual

Opinions .
It i s tr ue that it has a migh ty force though ,
not so great as represente d by D e Tocquevill e ,

“
against the atheist an d the i n fidel f a n d w hy '
shoul d it not ? I t operat es in suppressi ng their

Opinions as it woul d i n suppressing a v i ce an d
why should it not It is generally belie v e d that i
atheis m and in fideli ty sap t h e fo u n da t i on s of pri

vate morals of publi c prosperity and of political , ,
In A m e ri c a t h e ve ry f rm i d b l b r 1e rs t o
m a Jo r1t y ral s e s o a e ar
t h e h b r t y o f p 1m o n ; w t h 1n t h e b r i e r u t h o r m ay
'
e o 1/ es a r s an a
w ri te w h t ever h e p l e e
a b u t h e W111 r p n t 1f h e e v r te p
as s, e e e s
be y on d t h e m N o t t h t h i ex p o e d t o t h e t e r o s o f an u to
. a e s s f
r r a
de f é b u t h e 18 to rm e n t e d by t h e s li gh t s a n d p s e c u t 1on o f da
, er s 1
ly b lo q u y
o H s pol 1t i c a l c a re er 1 c l o e d f
. 1 ve s mc e he h a s 5 s ore r,
o ff n d e d t h e o n l y a u t h n t y w i
e
n h IS a b le t o p ro m ot e h i s u c
o c s
cess . T h e I q u1s 1t 1 h s n e v r b e e n b le t o p reve n t a

n 0n a e a
v t n u m b e r o f n t 1 r e1 g 0 u s b o ok s fr o m c 1 ulat 1 g m S p m
as a -
1 1 rc n a .
T h e e m p 1 e f t h m j r1t y u c
t o d m c h be t t e r 1n t h U m t ed
e a o s c ee s u e
S t at e s s m c i t c t u al l y re m ve s th e w i h t o p b l1 h t h e m
, e a Uh o s u s .
be lieve s a e t o b m e t w 1t h i n Am e n c b ut t o y t h e t uth
r r e a, , sa r ,
th ere IS n o pub h c org n o f 1n fide h t y A t t em p t s h av e b een m de

a . a
b y s om e gove n m n t t o p rotect t h e m orah t y of n a t 1 n s b y

r e s o ,
p roh b t n g l
1 1 1 n t ou s b k In t h e U m t d S tate s n o on ei s
lce i oo s . e
p h e d fo r t h i o rt o f w o k b t n o n e i 1n du c ed t o w r1t e
uni s s s r s, u o s
t h e m ; n o t b ec au e l l 1t ze n
-
1 e 1m m c u
s la t e 1u t h e 1r m n
a c i s a a a
ne r s, b u t b c a u se t h e m j r i t y o f t h e o m m u n i t y 13 d1 cre e t a n d
e a o c s
o r d e rlv — De T o c q u e 111e s D m o c ra c y i n A m e r1c a ri t eh x v

” ’
. v e , . . .
2 02 TY R A NN Y or T HE M A J OR ITY .
freedom ; tha t they are not only untrue i n

themselves but th at they corru pt our childre n
, ,
render them irreligious and profane idle disob e , ,
dient and v 10 1o u s ; that they lessen the moral

,
restraints of soci ety prevent our homes from b e

,
ing inviol ate m ake our domestic rel ations less

,
dear oaths and obligations less sacre d property

“
, ,
less v aluable m a nk ind less sympathetic and h u

,
man e N ow shall w e vis it with punishment

’ '
,
.
and disgrace those who c ommit crimes and not ,
v i s i L w i t h the moral reprobatio n of public senti
ment those who are c ontinually beating up for

recruits to the ranks of the crim i nal an d the o ut
la w 2 O r does the prevalence of a public senti «
ment that prevents men in some me asu re from

becoming atheists an d i n fidels an d prevents in ,
'
a y ery c o n s ider ab le de gr e e the dissemin ation of

their p rinciples demand the regrets of th e e n
,
.
lighten e d politician —or does the force of such a

sentiment pos sess a n y of the qualities of a tyran
n i c a l powe r ? I r eJ0 1c e in i t as showing that ,
the just and legitimate restraints of a state of

freedom are for wise and good purposes more
, ,
e ffic a c i ous e v e n th an h e tyranny of a despotical

‘ t
control It shows that d emocracies do not w ant
.
strength where strength cannot injure So far .
from being proof of little true independence of

mind and freedom of discuss io n it exhibits the
”
,
TY R A N N Y on T HE M A JO R i TY . 2 03
necessary result o i t h e m ost ab solute independ i .
ence of mind and the most unlimited freedom ‘
of discussio n .
Th at p ublic Opinion often signally errs in i t s,
decrees and that ; m such cases in proportion to

, ,
'
its force must b e its inj ustice 3 cannot be doubt ed -
—
so long ; ho wever as it does not lay hold of the ,
arm of the l aw in the regul ation of m atters n o t

‘
pro perly cognizable b y la w but is l eft freely in , ,
those matters to the natural oper a tion an d r egu

l ation of itself the b alance of t h e a ggre ga t e a o
,
c o un t o f good and evil i n fiu e n c e m u s t b e greatly

'
i n its fa v our and its 1 nJur1e s o n ly ac c ide n t a l lik e

, h ,
th ose of any other great and po werful a gen cy

We shoul d follow with p ublic odium the m a n
who would Openl y a di o c at e the adop ti o n of ' '
monarchical and aristocratical i nst it u t io n sfi Is “
A t t he p r e sen t t i m e , t h e m o s t abs o l u e m o n ar c
h 1n E u t s
N p a re u n ab le t o p r v n t c r t i
e ot 1 s w hl h
e e e o pp o s d t o
e a n n on c ar e
t h e i r au t h r1 t y f m o i c l t m g i n s e c e t t h ou gh o u t t h i r do
ro C r u a r r e
m i m o n an d v ni n t h e i r c ou t
s, e e S u c h 1s n o t t h e c 1 11 A m r r s . ase e
ica . I k n o w o f n o o n t ry m w h c h t h e i s o l 1t t le t ue
c u i re s r
i n d e p en d en c e o f m i n d n d f e e d o m o f di sc u s 1on a i n A m e c
a . r
,
s s n a.
In n y c o n t i n n t al s tate i n E u r o p e e ve ry s o r t o fi re l i g i o s n d
a e ,
-
u a
p oli ti c l t h e or y m ay b e a dvoc at d an d p ropag t d b ro d ; fo r

a e a e a a
th e re i n o c ou nt r y o f E op o bd e d b y a y m gl a t h or
s ur e s su u n s e u
it y t t o c on t i n c i t i n w h
as no a e r e d y t o p r ot c t t h
i e s m an o ar a e e !
wh ra i e s h i v i c e l n t h c a u s e o f t u t h fro m t h e c n s e q u e n
o “
s s o e r o o
c e o f hi
s h a d h d I f h e 15 u n fo rt t n ou g h t o li ve u n d r
s r i oo . u na e e e
a n ab l u t e govern m en t t h e p o p le 1 o n h i s l de 1 f h e 1n ha b i t
so ,
e s S
a fre e c o u n try h e m ay fin d a s h e l t e r b e h i n d t h
, u t h r i t y of me, e a o
2 04 T Y R A NN Y or TII E M AJ OR ITY .
this a persecution b y the majority ? If so i 1 is not ,
by the majority Constituted by a political party ; it

is the natural and necessary result from the ex
pressio n of an Opinion not worthy of many fol
l owers and worthy of no good ones But would
, .
it not b e better to let this opinion h ave a fair

chance and to give it a full and fair trial on equal
,
terms ? It h as a fair chance and it ca nnot gain ,
disciples If it has not it is not our fault nor

.
, ,
the fault of our political system ; it is the fault of

m an He is so made that his opinions as to the
.
p roper sch e m e of governmen t inter est his feelings
with a l He rej ects their Opposites n o t coolly but

.
, ,
w ith a feeling of m oral reprobation He feels .
th at cert ain bri n c ipl e s extensively entertained , ,
would affect him would inj ure him would deprive , ,
hi m of freedom The monarchist and aristocrat .
are repelled the refore a s if they were en deavour

, ,
ing whether unintentional ly or no t to i n flict a

w rong and injury—as if guilty of a kind of trea
,
son a gain st the so v ereignty of each free Ci tiz en ;

and it is not surprising that this repulsi v e feeling
should be as universal as is the Sovereign citi
tho r n e, i f he re q u i re o n e . T he a r i s t o c ra t ic pa rt o f s o m e t y s u p
po t r s h im i n s o m e c o un t r i e s , an d t h e d e m oc r ac y 111 o t he rs . B ut
in a n at ion w he re de m o c ra t 1c 1 n s t 1t u t i o n s g a n ze d li k e
ex i s t , or i
t h ose o f t h e Um t d S t te t h e re e a s, 15 b ut on e ol
s
_
ut ho i t
e a one r y ,
s i n g le el m n t o f t e n g t h
e e d of s r an s u cce s s , v \ 1t h n o t h i n g b e y ond
it .
”-
D m c y i A m i c p rt
e o ra c n er a, a i c h ap a v.
TY R A N N Y or T HE 111 11 1 0 11 e . 2 05
ze n sh i p . S uch m en rest u nder an o diu m which

they dese r ve and public Opinion in free coun ,
~
t ries always its own best corrective do es not in , ,
this instance degenerate into t h e t yr an n y of m a

,
j or it i e s .
But wh at then becom es of the dominion o f

reason if we must acknowledge such a s ub s e r
,
"
v i en c
y to popu l ar prej udices I I ans w er we are ,
m en and w e act like men

,
We are governed by .
something else besides t he force of a mere syllo

gism We are not creatures o f pure reasoning
.
~
,
and w e do not bring everything to t h e test of

logi c neither do we suffer our conviction s to rest
in our minds like a d emo nstrated problem o n a
black board We take an d we are obliged to
.
,
take a great m any of our Opinions on trust until

, ,
w e have ti m e and ability to look into their demon

st r a t i o n an d the c ommunity is a very respectable
,
so urce whence to de rive s u ch o pi n io n s : when we _
h ave those o pi m o n s we feel from the i n an d we

,
- ,
,
act on th em a n d t he public sentiment of a com

m unity is in m any cases a very proper medium i n
which to imbody and through which to enforce
,
them This is not the tyra n ny of m ajorities ; i t is

.
the n ature of man more p rominent only in r e

,
publics because govern ment has less force and

,
n ature more .
2 06 TH E R I GH T or I N ST RU C TI ON .
CHAP TE R I I .
Th e s o - ca l le d Ri gh t of I n s t r u c ti o n .
'
THE called right of ins truction is a false

so -
pretence U nder o u r de m o cr a t i c form of gov

.
‘
er n m e n t ,
what ever the peopl e really do wi ll
-
.
'
,
they have t h e power to carry into e ffect When .

,
th e refore w e are honoured with wh at ar e styled

,
instructio ns from the people to t heir represent

atives —instructions fr o m a source whence w e
” fl
have a right to expect com mands—we are cer

t a i n ly j ust i fie d in the s uspicion that t hes e do not
emanate from the peopl e but more prob ably , , ,
from bodies of men w ho haying neith er the right ,
to co mm and n o r th e right to instruct hop e to ,
conceal the in firmity of their titl e under the mod

e r a t i o n of their demands .
L et u s examine and see who they usually are

who thus presume to instruct the people s r epr e ’
s en t at iv e s an d whether they are really the

,
”
people or h ave any w arrant for it from t h e
,
people .
A nd first , let us understand what is m ean t

,
T H E R I GH T or 1
1 N S TR 1 C T 1 O N . 2 01
”
by the people We mean t he whol e p eop l e
.
,
a n d nothing short of the whole pe o ple o r a m a , -
h ol e a c t i n i
‘
o r it of the S i multaneously It
j y w
’
g s .
the government of the whole that alone con

~
s t it ut es self government — demo cracy No w this ‘
-
.
p aramount democratic soverei gnty is never call

e d directly into acti on except in forming and
settli ng a constitution the very obJe c t of which ,
act is to de fin e i n wh at mod e the will of the

peopl e shall e v e r a ft er b e authoritatively ex
pressed That done we h ave done also with
.
,
original or primary assemblie s t h at is assem , ,
blies wherein t h e pe ople act in their originalt
absolute an d sovereign capacity The people

, .
a gree by adopting a constitution th at they w ill

, ,
no longer act in an irregul ar disconnected man ,
ner in sep arate unorgani z ed assemblies and by

, , ,
individu al pl ans and wills but t ogether only a nd , ,
in the constituted mode Town an d ward an d .

, ,
mass meetings therefore are by n o means i n

, , ,
reality wh at they are ordinarily styl ed meetings

, ,
of the people l n their primary assemblies V ery .
respectable organs of public opinion they no

doub t are which are entitled to and will com
, ,
m an d the respectful deference of every wise poli

,
t i c i a n ; but not organs of the sovereign will which ,
e very representative woul d be peremptorily bound

2 08 T HE R I GH T or I NS T RU C TI ON .
to obey I f these indiscriminate assemblages

.
are really wh at they are so often called the sov

, , ,
e r ei n people i n their primary cap acit y they are

g ,
ce rtainly omnip otent ; they can m ake a n d u m

m ake l a w s magistrates constitutions ; and if
, ,
they are not they are as to political rights or

, ,
political powers nothing If they have not all,

.
the rights of the original s o ye r e ign p eople they , ,
have no right to instruct L et us procee d there

fore from these meetings —i h which we d o not
.
,
,
'
fin d the o n ly p e o pl e known to d emocracy as the

arbiter of political differences and which when , ,
they assume to instruct t he p ee ple s r epresenta ’
t i v es seem s 1 m ply o n the ground of h a y l n g no

, , ~
authori z ed place i n the body politic to arrogate ,
the p aramount authority—to other and c o n st it u

t i o n al assemblages .
This pretended right to instruct is claimed ,
and mos t frequently exercised by S tate Legisl a ,
tu res o v er representatives in C ongress .
But what right h ave S tate L egislatures to i n

struct ? It is their constitutional prerogative to
elect one branch of the n ational L egisla ture ;
when however thi s election has taken place
, , ,
th at function is discha rged 3 and they ha v e no lon

ger any duties in the premises until another v a
can cy occu rs When e lected the represe n tativ e
.
,
T H E R I GH T or I NS T RU C TI ON . 2 09
is not their a gent They are not h is pr incipals

.
or his constituents He is a representative of the

"
. .
people and so are they The peopl e h av e not

, .
authori z ed them to in s truct this representative ,
n o r placed it w ithi n the range of their duties
or their powers ; n ay a power to r ecall him ,
was proposed in the C onvention th at frame d the

,
C onstitution of the U nited S tates to be given '

,
t he m a n d the p r 0 p o si t i o n w a s distin ctly nega

‘
tiv ed Th e y h av e no more right to inst ruct h i m

‘
-
than he to instruct them I have sai d they are .
'
n ot his const ituen ts The w hole s t a t e do e s not

.
comprise his constituents H e is a member o i . .
the C ongress of t h e U n it e d S tates and s worn to

'
disch arge his duty as such Th e n a t i o n are his

'
constituents He is a representative h o t of part

.
, ,
but of the w hole If the paramo unt interests of

.
t h e n atio n at large clearly require the sa c ri fic e

of the particul ar intere sts of his singl e state h e ,
is even conscientiously bound to vote for that

s a c r ific e Becaus e the st ate or the S tate L egis
“
.
,
lat a re elect ed him they are not as a nece ssary

, ,
consequence to con t rol him The state names

, .
the representa t ive ; but the state alon e could

nev er h ave given him the power which he pos
s esses to a ffect the whole U nion 3 the origin of
this power dates far back from the state election ,
R
2 10 T HE R I GH T or I NS T RU C TI O N .
at the for m ation of the grand nati onal com p a c t ,
and the nation at l arge are alone entitled t o be

considered as his political creators .
It is a ba d divi sion of l abour as well as an ,
usur pation of power for men who were e lected

,
to attend to state a ff air s to ass ume the control ‘
of those of the natio n D i ff erent powers are t e

.
quired 5 a di ff erent grade of intelligence 5 di ff er

ent means a n d opportunities of information an d
ju dgment Is it not enough that so much time is
.
consumed by C ongress in deb ating the grounds

of the different na t ional p arties ; but must the
same subjects b e a gain debated and res ettl ed by
twenty six individual state assemblies t o the
- ‘
gr eat obstruction if not entire neglect of all do

, ,
me s t i c legislation ; to say noth i ng of the cost

-
,
wh ich would in the aggregate for m 11 0 slight

, , 1
”
addition to n ational ex penditure 1 N o a dvocate
for a strict construction of del egated p owers can
consistently maintain that when the people have
,
sent him t o the S tate C apitol to attend only to

those a ff airs t hat immediately concern the state ,
h e has a right to usurp the f unctions or sit i n t
judgmen t on the conduct of another agent of the

people desp atched to a different place ; on a dis
,
tinct erra nd an d made constitution ally account

,
able only to the common mast er of both .

T HE R I G H T or I NS T RU C TI ON . 211
'
But do el e ct i on s fu rn ish a n authoritative letter

‘
of instru ctions fro m the people to the representa

tive of which he is bound to take notice ; and
,
is he bound by democratic princi ples whe n a

, ,
successor of different p olitics has been elected ,
to vote i n con fo rmity with the 0 p1n 1o ns of his su e “
cessor el ect or to r esign ? E lectio n s it is true

, , ,
—
are authorities ema nat i ng from the sovereign peo
ple because they are exercised in pursuance of
,
the constitution established by the whole and are ,
therefore au thoritative So far as they go But .
what does such a result t o an election signify 7

The present incumbent m ay h ave be en elected on
personal as well as poli tical considerations and ,
at the l ast canvass not h ave been a candidate .
There fore it does not necessarily signify that his

,
political measur es are so o b noxious as to prevent

his bein g in spite of his political course after
, ,
all the preference of the p eople P e r ch aric e

,
.
the people his immediate constituents wish for

, ,
a ch ange but a chan ge af t er h is term shall have

,
expired and he have ha d an Opportunity to

,
'
bring his measures in some degree to a test by ,
carrying the m out fairl y to the cl ose of th at p e

'
r io d F or this only h e has any warrant that the

.
,
voice of the peopl e so far as it is the sovereign

voic e—
,
t h e v oi c e of democracy expressed in the

2 12 T 11 15
: R IGHT OF I NS T RU CTI ON .
constitutional mode — s i n i fies in such an ad v er se

g
election—what ! ( the election designates t h e
’
m an ,
the Consti t ution f or wh a t obj ect ) —th at
, ,
after he sh all h ave f ulfill e d his term carrying ,
out his measures to t h e end of i t then the o ffic er ,
elect shall s u cceed not n o w immediately sup er

,
s ede a n d s upp l an t him .
But were it otherwise the electors of the

, ,
representative a r e but a part an d that a very ,
small part of his real constituents ; an d if the

,
democratic principle bind hi m to observe the will

”
of the people it is the will of the whol e peo
,
ple 5 if the wil l o f his constituents the will of ,

”
the wh ol e of his constituents —the nation at larg e 5

and thus if the right of instruction by mean s o f
,
elections be effective at all it can only take e f ,
f ec t consistently wi th itself after the entire n a

, .
t i on al m aJ o r1t
y shall have been settled 5 w hen the
r esult must b e as b
y the magic of an ench an ter s
’
,
wand by an instantaneous compl ete and over

, , ,
whelming revolution t o e x p el utterly any such

,
.
thing as opposition and suffer the headlong ,
torrent of a successful party to bear uninterrupt

a dly away the en tire legislation of the country .
This brings u s to the fin al vi e wof this discus

sion th at as w e have seen we can get no au
, , ,
t h o ri t at iv e in structions from the real people to

T HE m ain or I NS T RU C TI ON . 213
the represen t ative so h either do the people choose

,
to govern in this way by i mparting to their rep

,
r e s en t a t i v es the momentary changes and impulses
of p opular Opinion : in taking w hich view it is
our purpose to show lik e wise that the right of ,
the m ajority to govern is not even according to ,
the most latitudinarian democratic theory by any ,
means absolute and u n q ualifie d ; an d that t he

whole people the sovereign people being made
, ,
up of a majority an d a minority so me provision ,
has been ma de for the Opinions of t hat minority .
The government it is true is merely the agent

, ,
of the people and appointed to be the mere ser

,
v ant of their will But we must dis tinguish the

.
case of a people from that of an indivi dual in ,
the appointment of an agent The p ublic voice .
is made up not of the expression of a single will

, ,
but of th at of a great multitude of i ndividual

wills on which our own can have but little i n
,
fl ue n c e . We ca nnot but think i t wise the r efore , ,
to secure a degree of permanency in the pu blic

administration ; and however much of wisdom
,
and rectitu de we may be conscious of in oursel v es ,
a n d however little restraint we m ay f e el d i s p ose d
to put upon Our own individual wills for th e f u

ture it is not extraordinary that we shoul d feel a
,
greater c on fide n c e in putting ourselves i n all

2 14 TH E RIG HT OF I NS T RU C TI ON .
cases within the power of the majority a greater ,
c on fiden c ein that multifarious director the public ,
will when pl aced under certain wholesome quali

,
fic at i ons to secure del ib er a t i o n a n d discussion ; so

i
as to make th at will and that majority the o ff

spring of the permanent settled wis dom of the
'
n ation r ather th an of the h asty e fl er v e sce n c e of

,
popular p assions The people do not any the

.
less go v ern by thus governing in a certain mode

,
whi ch they themselves prescribe and which they ,
reserve to themselves the liberty at any time to

alter .
In ancient cities wher e in the n ature of the

, ,
case it w as almost impossible to provid e such

,
.
securities the inconsistenci es of democratic legis

,
l ation commending to a S ocrates the hemlock

, .
o ne da an d erecting statues to his memory

y ,
the next have been its eternal stigma This evil

,
.
i s remedied t hr ough our repres entative system ,
one of the greatest political improvements of

mod ern times by securing to the representative
,
a de fin i t e term of oth ee independently of p c pu

‘
l ar fluct u ations and tempo rary e x citements A nd .

,
w ithout thi s perm a nenc y can we expect goo d ,
govern m ent ? C onsistency rises almost to the

dignity of the virtues although not ranked ,
a m ong them ; and it is even mor e necessary in

T HE R I G H T OF I NS T RU CTI ON . 2 15
t he administration of state s th a n in the conduct

of individuals Inconsistency 1n either is cer
.
t a in ly a great fault an d in affairs of govern ,
ment it is one of the greatest as it alone suffi ,
ces to m ake the best of l aws unjust and the best ,
of govern ments tyranni cal I n th e administra .
tion of the complicated a ffairs of governmen t ,
experience is the only sure guide ; and if sena ,
tors and magistrates ar e not permitted to form

their measures into consistent plans an d s ubject ,
the m to the test of continuous experiment lib er ,
t y may b e safe b ut un ski lfuln e ss must presid e at

'
the helm and disaster an d distress will be the

,
inevitable result We are a people pe culiarly

.
impatient in awaiting th e results of experiment ,
an d usually for m more concl usi v e determin a

'
tions and take a more prompt a n d dec ide d a c

, ‘
tion on the re sults of ten years th an other peo

“
’
, ,
i
ple on the e x p e r i en ce o f a century o r often of ,
many centuries He n ce a h asty crude and i m

.
l
‘
, ,
perfect legisl ation is one of the worst character

i st ics o f the working of our s yst e m u n t i l laws
‘
have become a standing p art of our news and ,
the columns of a weekly print are sometimes more

authoritative th an a two years old statute book '
’
-
,
printed by public authority These defects would .
be greatly aggravated by abridging through un i ,

2 16 TH E R I GH T OF I NS T RU CTI ON .
constitu tional thou gh indirect methods the tenur e ,
of public o ffice s Ind ee d people wish to be saved

.
,
the trouble and excitement of such frequent elec

ti ons as this pretended right of inst ruction must
give rise to and the abs urdity of the practice
,
cannot b e better illustrat ed t ha n by t he fact that

th ere h av e often been two changes of public
opini on counteracting one another w ithin so
, ,
b ri e f a space that a representati v e instructed

,
out of o ffic e through a fancied deference to the

,
voice of the people has often foun d his imme

,
di ate constituents a gain concurring with him b e

fore t h e close of the term for w hich he w as elect
ed and the public will thus foolishly cheated
,
by his successor of its Just expression M en .
might wish i n the particul ar case of their polit

2
ical opponents being suppla nted by their polit

ic al friends that the term of the former m ight
,
be abridge d for the advantage o f t h e ir own par

, ‘
l isans ; but they would be as much displeased ,
on the other h and at t h e r e c ip r o c al operation of

'
the s a fn e rule in the opposite contingency 5 and

‘
they m ust see that in any con sidera ble period of

,
time these changes must about balance an d com

,
pensate one another The ad v ant a ge ho w e v er

.
, ,
m ust be greatly in favour of a fix e d c o n s t it u ,
t ion al period of o ffic e and the vi gilant consci

, ,
T HE R I GH T or I N S TRU C T I O N . 2 17
e ntions an d u ninterru pted disch arge of its du

,
ties to an u ncert ain reliance u po n a capricious

,
n ot ion that cannot be practically enforce d an d

, ,
can never receive at best but a capricious u n

, , ,
certain an d unequal observance

,
.
The so c a lle d right of instruction so far from

v
being in conformity with the principl es of the

C ons titution seems to be directly a ainst them
, g
.
The C onstitution prescribes a de fin it e term of

o th e e ; the right of instruction would make it
u ncertain and i n de fin it e If it h ad be en in tended
.
by the people that an election should be t a ken as

a te st of the sovereign will not only to the extent ,
it distinctly imports but to the extent of chan

,
ging all immediate r epresentations of the same

electors w hy did t h ey not establish the pr a c
‘
tice of voting for all o ffic e rs at the same time

and at every election —
,
why m ake an y defin i t e

term of o th e e at all 7
O ur repub li c 1s compose d of w idely divided -
sections an d w as originally constituted by a

,
c ompromise of i nterests which were to some ex

tent hostile ; the permanency of our representa
tion forms a part o f the compact between these
c o n fl i ct i n interests B the m ore certain and
g y .
de fin i t e tenure of his o fii c e the representati ve is,
m ade m o re independent of l ocal considerati ons ,

2 18 T HE R I GH T or I NS T RU C TI ON .
interests an d feelings and liber a li z e d for t he

, ,
general good It is a violation of that compact

.
to require his conformi ty to instructions and '
present th e al ternative of his resignation .
M oreover the case may involve a question of

,
conscientiousn ess on the part of the representa

‘
tive who m ay have it in his p ower perchance

, , ,
to prevent what he deems a great evil by the ,
interposition of a vote which he h as the power

to give but is instructed to wit hhold H is oath
,
.
of o ffic e his conscience m ust determ i ne him 5 and

, ,
he w h o u n der such circ umstances relinquishes

,
~
h is o th e e Or does violenc e to his conscience is a ,
d es e r ter fro m the post of duty .
Fi n al ly 1et u s consider for a moment w h o this

5
majority are that assume to dictate so pe r e m pt o ri

‘
ly ? It is n o t a bo dy unchange ably constituted of
the same m aterials bu t one of Whi ch every m an
,
sometimes and in some cases does and in others

‘
does not for m a part Th e supreme power a o

,
.
,
cording to democracy resides in the whol e But , .
w e are ne v er u nanim o us and a s has al re ady

'
, ,
been remarked to act at all the majority m ust

, ,
govern Le t i t not be forgotte n ho w eve r; that

.
,
this government of the maj ority is only an a p

proxim ation to democracy th ough it is the near ,
‘
e st o ss i b l e approximation ; a n d W ith the actual
p ,
constitution of mankin d w e m u s t n e e s a rily ,

c s
THE R I GHT O F I h S l R U C TI ON . 2 19
'
'
v
t ake up with an approxim ation P ure de m o c .
racy the unanimo us gov ernm ent of the whole

, ,
w e cannot h ave S till t h é m i n o r i ty are not to be

’
~
.
en t irely d isregarde d a s if they were a mere ci ,
pher They h ave s o in e right in the ad m inistra

.
tion of a ffai rs They have a right t o qualify the

.
Opinions of the m ajority smee the m aj or it y do

'
not govern by an absolute and u n q u a lifie d right ,
but only as a m atter of necessary c ompromise ,
which ought to prevail no farther than the n e c es

sit of the case imperiously an d i n e v i t a b l de ‘
y y
m ands We o ught to get as nearly as practic a
.
,
ble the Opinion of t h e wh ol e N ow in the c on

,
.
,
s t i t u t i o n of the state the c on tingent m i nority n o t

, ,
yet developed b u t o f whom you or I or any

,
‘
, ,
other member of society may perchance be one ,
b y establish i ng a fix e d a n d in depend ent tenure

of o the e m akes some provision for itself ; a n i m
perfect one it is tr ue b ut still t h e b es t that the
'
, ,
“
n a t ur e o f the cas e a dmits It thus secures wh at

'
is its r i ght i n being enabl ed t o impress a just and

,
proper bias u pon the admini stration of a ffairs .
This com p act with the minority is violated when

~
the m aJo r it y not cont ent with exercising that

,
l awful predominance which the C on stitution for

the most pa rt gives them assume to dic t ate to the ,
C onstitution its elf as i f t h ey held not merely the

,
r
reponder a nce of p ower but a mon o pol y of i t

p , .
2 20 A R I S T O C R A CY IN AM ERI CA .
C HA PT ER III.
A ri s t oc r a t ic S o m e t y in A m er i c a .
I U SE the expression A ristocrati c S ociety i n

A merica becau s e I hn d it in u se while I e n
”
,
”
t i r e ly disapprove of the term aristocrati c as
a pplied to any circle in this country .
We have an upper class properly designated ,
a s the upper or fashionable circle ; no t ho wever , ,
an aristocracy In the Ol d World those who are

.
,
really the aristocracy the fe w w h o govern are

, ,
also the select a n d fashionable i n private life ;

”
but the term aristocratic is properly a political
designation an d should not be ap propri ated t o
“
a private circl e except where political power

-
a n d social r a nk go hand in h and .
Y et people of the O ld Worl d talk of our aris

t o c r a cy. A r istocracy is the government of the
fe w There are no few here who govern
. O ur .
firs t class are S i mply t h e leaders of t h e t on they

rule in the empire of taste and fashion only .
We m ay follow them in the pattern of a carriage

or the cut of a coat we may determine in a
‘
great degree by their patronage to wh at public

“
,
A R I S T O C R A CY _ IN A ME R I CA . 221
garden or concert t 0 wh a t theatre or ball we

,
'
will resort ; we may seek their halls for the most

brilliant entertainments and the best company 5
but do al l the preroga tiv es they thus exercise
create an a r i st ocr a cy
S uch prerogatives constitute a distinction no ,
doubt but a distinction that the purest democratic

,
feeling is far from repudiating S uch a distin o .
tion as it is therefore w e are very ready to reco g

-
, ,
nise ; for democratic principles are by no means

incompatibl e with a Just discriminatio n of ranks
i n society so long as that discri m ination is v o l un
,
t a r ily m a de by individ uals and h a s no political ,
ai m. D emocracy h as al w ays h o m e the obloquy

of cherishing a levelling spirit an d aiming at
agrari an measures ; a rep roach that it is much
farther from deserving than every other species o f
government There has been widely dissemina
.
ted as we have already taken frequent occasion

,
to remark and can not too often repeat a mista

, ,
ken notion as to t he kind of equality that a de

m o cr a cy dem ands which is not an equality in
,
the circumstances but an equality in the rights

,
of mankind In ut t erly repudiating all distin o

.
tion in political rights it admits freely of every

,
other distinction to the most absolute and un q u al

,
i fie d extent It destroys arbitrary an d fict it idus

.
,
2 22 A R I S T O C R A CY I N AM E RI C A .
to make roo m for real rank It annihilat es t h e .
distinction of righ ts only to build up the gre atest

distinctions of men A ll men are not really equal
.
‘
t
a all respects ; they are not equal in integrity ,
o t equal in ta lent not equal in practical skill , ,
, o t equal in diligen ce not equal in success ; nay , ,
0 two m e n are equal In re publics individual

‘
1 .
cs left freely t o cope in these respects with i n , ,
divid ual an d t o e s t ab l ish these di fferences in

,
~
their fullest possible latitude Thus the charge .
so ofte n all eged against republics; of bringing

down men to one level is highly calumnious an d
‘
-
,
unjust What shall we say of other systems

.
,
which really do substitute for the ab surdity of a ,
single average standard and the reducing all to ,
a mediu m equality ( falsely alleged against r e

publics ) t h e absurdity of divers arbitrary meas
,
ures th at worse than the bed of Procrustes are

, ,
used to stretch the sm all to the dimensions of the

gre at an d to cut down the great to the pigmy
,
'
sta t ure that naturally an d rationally belongs only

to the small
_
H appily republicans are alike guiltless of both

,
these a bsurdities T hey embrace the division of

.
the social circle as part of the n atural an d n e

,
c ess a ry results of any system which le aves men
fre e and do not look with envy on the fashi on

,
A RI STO C RA CY 1 N AME RI CA . 223
able cl ass so l ong as al l are left to contend on

,
equal terms for what is a fter all a rather trivial , , ,
and at the best a purely social distinction

, ,
F oreigners according to their particular and

,
individual humours either carp at an organi z a

,
tion of soci e ty which they say leaves u s without , ,
an aristocracy o r a dm i t in g ti s to possess one

, , ,
sneer at its composition The first if when they

‘
.
, ,
spe a k of our being without an aristocracy they ,
us e t h at word i n i t s misappropriation to a n u p
per or fashionable circle distinctly recognised ,
among us as such are clearly wrong in point of

,
fact ; if they mean the abse nce of a p olitical

‘
aristocracy using the wb r d i n its proper sense

, ,
we admit their allegation and are as far fro m ,
regretting the fact as we are from l amenting our

depri vation of any other species of degradation i
and injustice Th e l ast who only grant u s the

’
.
,
possession of an aristocracy to overwhel m it

with their sneers contend th at we have one
,
founded on money a n d that an aristocracy of ,
wealth is the me anest an d m ost sordid of all

aristocracies They forget that our firs t class
.
does hot constitute an aristocracy ; and that what

doubtless is very u n fit to b e a n ingredient i n the
national sovereignty 5 may be a very essential
e lement a n d support of an order which professes
2 24 A R I S T O C R AC Y IN A MER I C A .
simply to direct taste a n d fashion an d aspire s ,
only to the eleganc e re finement and i n dep en d

, ,
en ce of private life .
O ur a ristocracy of fashion ( if it may be mome n

t ar i ly so called ) is pr 1n c 1p a lly founded on we alth ,
it is t rue ; a n d on what othe r foundation could it

be b uilt ? H ow other wise coul d i t command
, ,
'
leisure ease an d eleg a nce which will always

, , ,
b e essential to a superior rank so l ong as we ,
have a ph ys ic al n a t ur e to sustain a n d fiv e corpo ,
real s en ses w i t h al l their r e fine d tastes to gratify

,
’
_
Befo re too severely criticising our s o called -
aristocracy as based on wealth E uropeans woul d

, ,
do well to analyze th e composition of their own ,
and see how much of its consequence it borrows

e x cl u s w e l
y from that sour ce A bstracted from
.
its possessions and proper t y it would about as ,
nearly resemble an aristocracy as a human body

Without breath resembles a living m an ; the
order would sink in t o uni v ersal contempt an d ,
u tterly cease to exist if with the blood an d ti

,
tles its members did n o t also inherit the estates

,
of their ancestors .
L et the m n ot sneer a t the deference shown to

wealth in this country B y m aking it the meas
.
ure of pbl it i c a l ri ghts and giv m g i t a preponder

,
an ce in the m anagement of the s tate they them ,

A R I S TO C RAC Y IN A M 1311 1 0 11 . 225
selves yi eld t o it a much greater deference whil e ,
they commi t a fl a gra n t injus tice : w e c e1 t ai n ly , ,
may be pardoned i t s b e co m in g among u s the b a

s i s of a purely social and private distinction It .
has w o n its o w n w ay to the rank it enj oys here ,
and hence it must be held to have arri v e d on ly

at the consi deration to which it is justly entitled .
When we speak of wealth as the essential ,
we d o n o t b y any m eans intend to designate it

‘
, ,
as t h e exclusive basis of our high es t circle O h .
the contrary it is to be preferred before any

,
other ba5 1s for the very reason th at it admits of

,
the r eadiest a nd most extensive amalgam ation

with every other most legitim ate an d most valu
abl e i ngredient Talent and education as well
.
,
as political distinction will al wa ys m i n gl e more

,
largely in the higher class of a democratic than

in that of an aristocratic country will al w ays -
more easily command wea lth than they c a n com

—
man d family pride o f cou rs e much more easily
,
than they can comma n d the pride of wealth and

the pride of fa mily united I ndeed the acquisi
.
,
tion of wealth of itself presupposes the exercise

, ,
of some intelligence and m any of the virtues ; as

the practice of almost any vice requires an ex pe n ‘
s ive and prodigal nourishmen t incompatibl e with

b usiness s uccess O n the other hand wealth per
.
,
S
226 m A ME R I CA
'
ARI S I o c a A C Y
'
.
e t u at e d
in aristocr a tic f amilies by aristocrati c
p
l aws tends to nourish the b ad pa ssio ns and de
, _
prave the heart I n the one case industry is r e

.
,
quired for the success of the indi v idual ; in the

other , i dleness is imp osed by th e prejudices of so ~
cie ty .A m an who has spent his youth in the fox

hunt or the horse race at home and in the hells
-
,
and stews of the domestic or the more p ro m is cu ,
ous but less restricted dissipations of a foreign

capital m ay be a more polished ge ntleman but
, ,
he cannot be a wiser or b etter man or a more suit ,
able head of society than he who has from early

,
youth been disciplined to patient h abits of indus

'
try a n d m i n gle d with men in the various but sober

,
walks of b usiness The di fference may b e on a

; ,
comparison of the u ppe r cl asses o f so ci ety much ‘
in favour of E urope in externals 5 but give me , ,
notwith standing the internals and essentials of

,
the u pper cl ass of A merican society G ive m e the .
Ionic c apital of A merica n society rather than the

highly wrought C orinthian of E uropean It is to
-
.
our advantage to h ave an upper class that h as

the dross of democracy about i t ; that is justly
subject to much criticism and cannot assume ,
too arrogant pretensions It would be u n c on .
g en i al if not dangerous ; it would be the source

,
o f m uch u nhappiness; if n o t of p o itical dis as t e r

l ,
A R I S T O C R A CY I N A ME R I C A . 227
c ould w e trans fe r to our highest ran k as a m ere ,
social class the cl a1 ms to respect an d veneration

,
put forth by E uropean aristocracy I delight .
i n a want of cultivation and r e fin e m e nt that has

the odour of freedom and would not dispense
,
with one j ot o r tittle of a rusticity which con

t in u a l ly re m inds me t h at I e m a fr e e citizen of a
fr é e country The constitution of our s o c1e t y

.
,
therefore seems to me in itself the best inde

, ,
pe ndently of the price w e shoul d be compelled

to p ay for any other .
Th e distinction of W ealth so l ong as it con fers

,
no political privileges so long as it elevates one

,
i n the circles of private society only is a p e c u

_ ,
li a r ly democratic distinction ; si n ce w ealth may

be said to be almost w ithin every ma n s reach ; ’
at least every man is fre e to strive in an equal

,
competition to obta i n i t N o criterion by which

.
to besto w t h e firs t r ank i n society could possibly

be devised m ere appropriate to the c ir c u m s t an
ces of a democratic people It is right that in a .
republican country the highest cl ass sh ould not

be too widely sep arate d from the m asses The .
t w o extremes of society ought to communicate

by i mperceptible degrees The highest station .
ought not to be too high and ought not to be too

s ecure . The lowest citi z en ought n o t to be pre
228 A R I S T O C R A CY I N A MER I C A .
e luded fro m h ope nor the highest f rom fear .
Thus society will be properly amalgamated by

the f orce of reciprocal sympathies It would be .
m uch to be regretted if we h a d an upper class

with too lofty pretensions and too inaccessible a
rank A first circle to a great extent formed o f
.
,
t hose wh o are rewarded by their accession to it
for the successful pursuit of wealth a n d are de ,
pendant in a great degree for their continuance

in it u pon the caprices of fortune accomplishes ,
for u s a very desirabl e result .
H ow coul d a higher cl ass of society m aintain

it self without wealth Without leisure society ,
is a tax ; an d without w ealth leisure is i m pos ,
sible Wealth pl a c es w it h in a man s reach t h e

.
’
means of entertaining society He is thus pre .
p are d to make his friends c omfortable a t his

h ouse F as hion abl e society necessarily implies
.
a degree of luxury The w ealthy man can a f

.
ford it He can furnish his b alls with the nicest

.
Specimens of the mechanic arts to subserve per

sonal comfort ; with the hu est specimens in every
depart ment of the hu e arts for the gr at ific a t ion
,
-
of a fastidious taste ; h e can educate his family

in those accomplishments of intellect and person
which are in the best repute : thus h is house nat
ur al ly beco m es the resort of the best company .
To determine the c on si de r at i c n that wealth i s

A R I S T O C R A CY I N A ME R I CA . 2 29
entitled to in s ociety let us see for a moment

g ,
‘
, ,
what i n fl u en c e it really com man ds in these mod ,
ern tim es ; i n the a ff a i rs of the w orld .
A nd at the first blush of the subject we are

, ,
struck with the fact that in m odern republica n

,
s ociety at least it seems to be the princi p al ob

, ,
j cet o f desire an d pursuit Wherefore does t h e.
student t ri m h is midnight l amp th e artisan a n ,
t i c i pa t e the m o rn i n g s da w n and the tradesma n

’
,
so often forego the dear dome stic delights of h t e

side and wife and home to assume an intensity
, , ,
of care that eats deeply into health and life

Wh at secret spring sets a ll the energies o f soci
‘
ety into such wonderful activity 2 Wh at so

much as the universal p a ssm n for the acquisition
of wealth ? It seems to be the power of wealth
that has wrought a great majority of the most
‘
i m por t an t p o lit i c al m e li o r at 1o n s of modern times .
What originally created the chartered

first germe of moder nfreedom but the wealth that ,
purch ase d their franchises of the needy c r usa q
ders ? Wh at h as introduced the most important

improvements into the British C onstitution and ,
m ade it as liberal as it is but the p ower assume d

,
by the British Parliament ove i the money of the

n ation ? What peopled this continent fo r the ,
m ost p art ( the colon iz ation of the E astern S tat es

-
2 30 A R I S T O C R AC Y I N A MER I C A .
m ust be excepted ) but t h e pursuit o f w e al t h ?

, .
Wh at revolutionized it but our J ealousy of the

control of our money ? What prompts to the dis
c ov er
y of n e w countries so much as the pursuit of
wealth ? What so much facilitates the inter

course of old countries or t ends so po werfully to
,
preserve peaceful relations among them ? What

is the great means of modern society mean s of ,
comfort me ans of i n flu en c e m eans of power

, , ,
means of goo d ? What is the gre at instrument of

benevolence and charity—the p owerful age ncy
employed to civili z e enlighten reform and C hris
, , ,
t i a n i ze m ankind ? To be able to subsidize the

most sublime powers of genius t o lay under con ,
t r i b u t i o n e very department of human art a nd i n

dus t ry a n d con trol to an almost unlimited extent
, , ,
the direction of t he li v es and energies of m anki nd;

s eem certainl y to be among the prerogatives of
wealth E ven great states are compell ed to b o w

.
'
to i t s o m n ipo t en c e Q uestions of fin a n c e seem

.
to m o n opolize the politics of the country H ow

‘
b usiness shall b e fostered commerce promot ed , ,
taxes levied a n d c u rrency regulated are t he

, ,
great dividing questions of public policy in mod

e r h times G reat pri nces n o w no longer dr aw
.
their support from their o wn pri v ate domains or

from conquere d provinces War is no l onger .
A R I S T O C R AC Y ME R I C A 231
‘ ‘
IN A .
s ustain ed by the voluntary aid of imperial citi zens ,
the personal ser v ices of vass als or the plunder ,
of conquered cities and the sale o f cap t ive pris

o ners ; government i n us t be conducted and w ar
sustained by means of the wealth of t h e st a t e
‘
Without money or the means of c ommanding i t

, ,
a government is wholly without resources 5 it h as

'
no power to conduct th e Operations either of

p eace or w a r and the arm of the national so v er
,
ei nt is utterly p aralyzed
g y .
M oney is thus the great engine of modern

f
t i m e s and they who p ossess large shares of it
,
must be prominent in m odern society That .
we alth bein g th e object of such universal desir e

,
an d the means of so commanding an in fluence ,
should at tract m uch of the regard of m ankind ,
an d the first pl ace in society b e generally an d

v olunt a rily acc orded to i t is certainly not u n
-
reason able or surprisin g Wealth i n t h is age is

‘
.
, ,
power and p ower commands respect I f w e do

,
.
not respec t the possessor for his intrinsic Quali

ties we resp ect him for his position in the same
, ,
manner that we m ay respect a n o fficer for the

s tatio n he holds though we may despise the m e n
,
.
T h ose rom antic an d v 1s 1o n a ry people who have

exerted themselves so often to decry the dis t i n c .
t ion that wealth confers woul d hav e exhibit ed

,
2 32 A R I S T O C R A CY I N A MER I C A .
m uch more wisdom and lived to m uch bette r

,
purpose h a d they exerted their wits in the a cqui

,
aitio n of i t I r e sp ect a sentiment so universal

.
a mong mankind as their great regard for wealth .
There must be some found ation fo r i t S pite of .
all the hu e things which ha ve been said in ht s o i ,
philosophical romancing ab o u t i n diffe r en c e to i t

,
a n d the meanness of its creatures w e still s ee i n

, ,
point of fact a degree of resp ectful deference

,
and sedulous attention paid to the rich by the ,
philosopher and the boor alike ( o r perhaps of , ,
the t w o th e philosopher is the most obsequious

, ,
a s he i s u sually the most needy ) which i n t r i n s w

,
merit u nad orned by imposing external circum

,
stances is Ver y rarely able to comma nd O ur

, .
present ex i stence is but partly and th at the small

,
e s t part of i t i n tellectual
,
as it depends much
,
more u pon ph ysical than u pon intellectual co rn

forts 5 and within the more present an d immediate
sphere which our m aterial nature prescribes to us ,
wealth seems t o domineer almost with out control .
A good deal of our poetical prejudice against

i t as a means of conferring rank i n society
, ,
comes down to u s f rom th e exploded systems of

former times A ll the social and intellectual r e
.
fin e m e n t of ancient times was collected in cities

n o t like o u r ci t ies di ffering only from the coun
,
A R I S TO C R A CY A ME R I C A
'
1N . 2 33
try i n pr esenting a larger aggregate of popu l a

tion and the prb v is1on s whi ch such a p o pul ation
,
n aturally makes for itself without any peculiar ,
prerogatives—but cities in the midst of conquered

an d subordinate provinces like kings in the midst ,
of subjects E states were acquired by spoils

.
,
and tribute and p atronage To l abour was the

,
.
business of sl aves To work for pr o fit and ma n

.
,
i fe s t a de s1re to gain b y t h r i ft and econo m y a n d

'
, ,
industry w as a mean an d sordid occupation for

,
t h e free citi z en of an imperial city The army .
and the foru m f urn ish e d the only fit places for a

~
freeman 5 of course military and civic honours

, ,
i n conjunction with hereditary rank with which ,
they were comm only connected furnished t he ,
“
on ly suitable groun ds for dis t in c t i o n fi
D uring the barbarous ages of society which
succeede d w ar was still t h e most honourable
,
occupation The same broad distinctions of sov

.
e r e i n and subject were still observed only the

g ,
sovereignty was transferred from the imperial

city to the fe udal lord Wealth w as to the feu
.
d al lord a thing of course The arts of peace .

,
the patient industry of com m erce an d its reward ,
of we alth were still despised 5 they still c onfer

,
r e d n o rank Wealt h had but limited objects

.
G ran d e ur e t D ec a d e n c e de s R oin a m s , c h ap . x .
2 34 ' ‘
A RI S i O C n AC Y I N A ME R I CA .
of g r at i fic a t i on ,
was of littl
an e d
use to its pos i
s esso r i n lawless times The distinction o f lord
.
-
an d vassal swallowed u p every other and the ,

,
l abour of the country was divided between vil

leins an d plebeians Their occupations were e s
.
teeme d mean their rank w as fix e d and they

, ,
could not be ennobl ed by the su ccessful achieve

ment of wealth .
T h e aristocracy of E urop e is a relic of this

system The E uropean nobleman is still in pos
.
session of the demesnes of his ancestors 5 still

prides himself on his descent 5 still retains politi
cal p o wer ; still takes precedence of the com
moner 5 still a ffects to look dow n upon th e ple
’
beian trader an d shopkeeper 5 th ough t his drea d

of contamination it must h e confessed i s o ft e n
, ,
‘
greatly m o difie d by the want of money which the

exigences o f modern society have superinduced
‘
.
But this a ffected and idle contempt of the rank

w hich is conferred through wealth on business
success springing from a system founded on the
,
u njust domination of one m an over another an d ,
the unj ust plunder of one man by another and ,
sustained o n ly by custom and prejudice cannot

_ ,
p ass the b a rrier of the A tl antic We have u n .
de rgo n e a revolution w hich foreign a ristocra cies

must sooner or later experience L abour is no ;
lon g er despised a nd wealth is honourable

,
.
A R I STO C R A C Y IN A ME R I C A . 2 35
We th erefore maintain that we alt h

v
justly is
e ntitled to the distinction which in this country
it actually en joys of being the basis o f and t h e

, ,
most essential q u alific at i o n for th e first or fash

,
1o n a bl e class of modern society .
’
N ot th at a man s admissio n into the best circle
should follo w of course upo n his arrival a t
wealth and by no means d o I mean th at his ex
,
e lusion should follow of course from the absence
o f th at q u al i fic a t i o n ; but that the firs t circle or ,
fashion able society must be m ainly sustained by

,
wealth and that the man of wealth has though

, ,
n o t an irresistible yet a v e ry powerful cl aim an d

,
i
one which it must require some very considerable

dis q u alific a t i o n to resist It is certainly a grat
.
i fic a t i o n to democratic feeling—t h e m a n n e r in
'
'
which the distribution of social distinctions by

wealth in this country sports with the idle pr ej
u dic e s imported from aristocratic countries a n d ,
shocks a n d overturns the fastidious caprices of

those who affect to pride themselves on their
family and station as if th ey were u n appr o a c h
,
able by others I n every industrial calling the

.
road is open to wealth ; a n d to wealth if not to ,
that of the acquirer himself yet invariably if its

, ,
advantages b e p r O pe rly improved to wealth in

'
the h ands of his children the doors of fashi on a

,
2 36 A n rs r o a
'
cr I N A ME R I C A .
bl e society must Op en whether he be shoemaker,
or blacksmith tinker or tailor The m an him

, .
self if constantly co n fin ed to the details of his

,
trade the immediate handiwork of his craft m ay

, ,
be uncle a nly in his person rude in his manners , ,
and uninformed by ed ucation ; if s o he will nat ,
u r a ll be excluded but if time and good for

y ;
tune have en abled h i m to get the better of these
unpropitious circumstances and his fa m ily h ave ,
improved t h e adv antages of wealth by acquiring ,
polished manners a n d cultivating their minds ,
you i nay boggl e a t but you must a ccept them

, .
Perhaps in no s m gl e r espect do indivi duals of

our upper circle appear at so gre at a dis adv a n
t age as in entertaining prej u dices and freely 5 ,
and al most ostent atiously m aking an avowal of ,
sentiments that w oul d put to shame one part o f

,
their own career and if u n 1 v ers ally indulged

, , ,
utterly disgrace probably the greater part of

'
their fa m ily i n the a scending descending a n d

, , ,
all its collateral branches The just reasons for .
exclusion from any p articul ar grade of society

ought to be as powerful with the excluded as
the excl usionis t 5 and in judging of this q ues ,
tion t rade occupation family o rigin should be

, , , , ,
considered as what the lawy ers call only p ri m a

f a ci e evidence furnishing no more than a mer e
, 15
A R I S T O C R A C Y I N A MER I C A . 2 37
r e s u m pt io n 5 be varied
to according to the cir
’
p
c u m s t a n c e s of eac h p articul a r case O n e m ay .
be so situated that hi s assoc iates cannot be agree

able ; h e may be excluded because he would ,
bring the taint of his set with him If h e be .
a g reeabl e as to mind and heart he may be rude ,
an d uncouth in m anner He m ay not b e famil .
iar with good society an d thus alike embarrassed

,
and embarrassing H is means or his occup a

.
tion m ay not admit of a suitable exterior 5 an d ,
m l arge communities where every man c annot,
be known appearances are not to be disregard

,
cd. These and other like circumstances are not

cap ri cious arbitr a ry and fanciful but furnish just
, , ,
and solid grou n ds of discrimination S till let .
every m an be treated respectfully ; let not his

feelings or even his prejudices be wounded nor
, , ,
l et his pretensions b e too slightly regarded 5 he is

a free citizen of a free commonw ealth 5 and as ,
such a ca ndidate for the highest p olitical hon

,
ours as well as the highest priv ate station

, .
O ur first class is well enough as it is and the ,
criticisms of a foreign aristo cracy only attach us

’
the more strongly to i t What they allege as its.
very faults an d blemishes are in our view its , , ,
most un exceptionabl e features It is the better .
liked in proportion as it is the more depen dant

2 38 A R I S T O C R A CY I N A M E R I C A .
I t is not so hi gh and inaccessibl e as to b e b e

yond the reach of our sympathies I ts parent .
D emocracy l o v e S i t the better for its being an

‘
i n fir m
child It can only become ridiculous by
.
putting forth ridiculous pretensions 5 by aff ecting

to interpose between itself an d the multitude
from which it originates and by which its ranks
,
-
must be continu ally fe d an impassable barrier

, .
We cannot l augh at the coach which conveys i t ;

but we m ay be pardoned a smile at the livery o n
the box or the coat of arms on the pan el
, .
I M M I G R A TI O N . 2 39
CHAP TE R IV .
Im m 1gr a t i on .
WHEN we look at the condition of the worl d

a n d its inh abitants and see how greatly over
,
stocke d som e part s of it are with population and ,
what immense resources of n ature in other p arts , ,
are exha usting their productive energies u po n

the wildern e ss we m ay well as k by what right
, ,
can th e bounties of Providence be withh eld from

the support of human life ? When G od has
given m an dominion over the earth to cultivate
and subdue i t shall a portion of our race league
,
with the wild beast to resist that ordinance ?

C ertainly not We have an undoubted right to
.
regul ate the pric es of o ur vast and U ncultivated

forests ; we have ah undoubted right to pres cribe
-
all q u al ific at i o ns nec essary for the preservation o f

our liberties and our property ; but to devise an y
set of regulatio n s the direct aim of which is u t
,
t er ly to excl u de the surplus population of the

O ld Worl d fro m our so il I doubt whether we
,
h ave a right .
Whet her we h ave t h e right or n ot , c e rt ain ly

2 40
'
I M M I G R A TI O N .
nothing could be more impolitic than practically

to assume i t We have an immense and unoc
.
c upi e d territory We want popul ation L and is

. .
cheap ; labour is clear We have enterprise e n .

,
e rgy i ntelligence and practical skill 5 we want

, ,
not minds but hands Immigrants are the m a

,
.
t e r i a l ex actly suited to our circumstances g reat

physical power in want of capital d irection and
, , ,
applicatio n Th ey c o m po u n d our wealth in a

.
e o m e t i i c a l ratio by adding not only to its sum

g , ,
bu t still more to its means B y every immigrant .
that comes to this country every man already in ,
it is m ade somewhat the richer ; the circle of his

cu stomers is widened ; the demand for h is abili
ties his goods and his estate is increased a n d
, , ,
with it their price It is a great error to sup

.
pose that real estate has been so rapidly a dv a n

L ing town and country so rapidly settling
, busi ,
ne ss so fl o u r ishi ng and wealth so rapidly accu

,
m u l a t i n g by the mere force of the internal r e

,
s ources of t h e countr ; they are but the natural

y
results of a rapi dly increasing population to -
,
wh i ch foreign immigr ation has i n n o insensible

degree contributed .
Is there dange t that t h e sam e causes which

have alone peopled this country and brought us ,
to our present height of prosperity m a y by a , ,

I MM I G R A TI O N . 24 1
more active Operation precipitat e us into a de ,
clin e ? S hall we adopt a syste m of policy that

woul d have excluded our fathers fro m these
shores ? that would have p ick ed out and exiled
so m e of the best soldiers of the R evolution ? th at
w oul d have condemned this country forever to ‘
the dominio n of savages an d perpetual sterility

The b e n e fit s of immigration are too m anifest
to bear extensive comment let u s examine some
o f i ts alleged evils .
Perchance the foreigne r is a pauper If so .

,
he is at least an able bodied one ; the l aws -
pr ovide a s uffic i en t security for that by requiring

‘
,
a pl e dge fr o m th e man who brings him here Of .
his present ability to m aintain himsel f G ranted .
that he is an a ble bodied p auper ; he is even

-
,
thus worth m uch to this country Is no t an

,
.
able bodied slave who brings with hi m nothing

-
,
b ut his sinews yet worth much to his m aster ?

,
F ar mor e is an able bodied though destitute i m

-
,
migrant as a free citi z en worth to this free coun

, ,
try : by all the di fference b etween the cost a n d

r o fit of t h e s l av e ; by all the superadded di ff er
p t
ence b et w e e n fr e e and sl ave labour ; by all the

‘
overwhelming di fference bet w e en the b lessings

of freedom and the inappreci able curse of sla
v ery . I shoul d p e rhaps beg pardon for usin g
T
2 42 I MM I G R A T I O N .
the compa rison ; I only do it the more forcibly

,
to sho w that the immi grant who brings nothing

but a s o und body patient of fatigue and cap able
o f l abour—the foreig n pauper if you pleas e
,
( h
.
is no longer a pauper when he arrives here ) ,
s t ill b r i n s to this country a great accession of

'
g
value capab l e even to a c ertain extent of a
, , ,
s e ci fic pecuniary esti m ation

p .
The difficu lt y which prevents our thus c o n s id

ering the subject is in part that we only v iew the
, ,
foreigner l anded and lodged in poverty at our

great cities on the seaboar d w here he arrives , ,
and where under s uch circu m stances his pres

, ,
ence often 11n fo r t un a t ely z9 an ev il These cities

°
.
, ,
are like an old country overstocked with p opu l a

tion where there are alrea dy more hands than can
,
find em ployment H ere therefore the presence

.
, ,
of the i m migrant is much f elt withal i n an i n ,
creased extent of public pauperism and an i n

creased amount of taxation : a burden b y the ,
-
bye which owing as it is to accidental p osition

, , ,
and sustained for the common b e n e fit o ugh t to b e , ,
distri b ut ed an d borne by t h e state at l arge by

'
,
.
which means it would be made light instead o f ,
operating as n o w Oppressively This evil is

, , .
ho wever a temporary one and ev e n light in , ,
comparison with the immense perm anent a nd , ,

I MM I G R A TI O N . 24 3
un i v e s a l i b e n efit s
which accru e fro m the sam e
source M uch enlarged upon b y o ur pr i ncipal
.
newspapers whi ch it so h appens are pub lished

, , ,
in pl aces w h ere its weight is most oppressively .
felt it has m et with a far more indulgent an d

,
s m a t h e t i c c o n si de ra t i o n in prejudicing the pub

“
y p
lic min d against the cause of immigration geh er
ally than from i t s real comparative magnitude it
,
is justly entitled to Take the pauperism account .
on the one side and a single ite m which m ay be

,
mentioned on the other—th at is to say the great ,
e r feasibility and diminished cost of o ur extensive
p ublic works —and I d o ub t not that this c om p ari e
son alon e would show an immense b al an c e i n fa

‘
vour of immigration .
There remain t w o other obj ections to the 1 m

m i gr a t i o n o f forei ners which have been urged
g
~
with m u ch appare nt plausibility and large ly i n ,
ducted i nto public favour : the pretended appr e

h e n s i o n of d anger to our liberties and of the ,
x
s re a d of a n erroneous religious faith

p .
It is one of t he curses of bad government that

‘
it makes the e v ils it occasions an apology for the

power it us urps and the tyranny it exercises
‘
It fir st by its general and indirect o pe r a t i o n r e

, ,‘
d uces the masses of i ts people to ignorance de ,
prives them of t he proprie t orship of the soil a nd

2 44 I M M I GR ATI ON .
a l arge share of their rights an d then displ ays

,
the phenome na which a p eople under such cir

c u m s t a n c es exhibit as proof of their incapacity
,
for go v ernment G ive men their rights; make

.
e d uc ation accessi ble a nd property attaina ble ,
and you make a di fferent people of them They .
bec ome orderly and friendly to government b e ,
cause they a r e a part of t h e sovereignty ; they

respect the right of property because they are ,
proprietors the m selves ; and t o be q u alifie d for

,
the exercise of the prerogatives which property

and self sovereignty confer they z ealously apply
-
,
themselves to the lights of education a n d make ,
e
very exert i on to secm e its b en e fit s to their fami
lies They become respectable men because
.
,
they are free citizens So much a re w e the crea

.
'
t ures o f circ u mstances that the sa m e rule o f c o n

,
duct presents very di ff erent motives to a m an a s a

freeholder a n d the s ame man with the same mor
, ,
a l characteristic s in t h e character and condition

,
of an ou t l a w . it h as been
found that in proport ion as Irelan d wh ence the
, ,
largest nu mber of i mm i grants come has been e n ,
franch i sed to the same extent h as it been redu

,
c e d to order and good government We have n o .
reason to fear the i n fl ux of foreigners ; the very ‘
Operation of ou r government transm utes them into

i m m x dn a rwN
'
. 245
good citi zens H ave we forgotten th at even r ob;

.
bers a n d outlaws origin ally founded and peopl ed

R ome republican R ome itself where yet j ust i c e
, , ,
and frugality an d all the severe virtues once fl our

,
ish e d in ancient times in their greatest lus t r e

, ,
To l i ttl e pu rpose do w e cl aim the essential c a

aci t of man under all circumstances for self
p y , ,
.
government ; if w e still view the i n fl ux of a foreig n

p opulation as d angerous to ou r li b e rt i es g as if
those liberties m ust n ot become t h ei r li b erties also .
A nd it is singul a r that w e who h ave been built ,
up from the fo und ation by this very means shoul d ,
quake at th e accession of foreigne rs when we a r e ,
ourselves fo reigners of but one or two generations

old as if we were the or iginal population of t h e
soil and what t h e ancient A thenian s arrogantly
, ,
claimed to b e a u t och thon es that is sp rung from

, , ,
the earth we inhabit .
But a l arge proportion o f t h es e immigrants are

C atholics a n d Ca t h o li cis rn h as from of old been
,
ass a iled as unfriendly to freedom .
Bigotry an d persecution have never been

without plausibl e argume n t ; a nd the m ai n dif
ference between Protestantis m and C atholicism ,
in these respects has b een not that o n e has been

, ,
guilty of proscribing by l a w whol e cl asses of

m en o n account of religious opinions and t h e ,
X 2
246 I MM I G RATI O N .
o ther n ot but that the deg r ee of punishment has

,
been different and the p r et ex t di fferent The

, .
prin ciple of p ersecution is a com mon property

whi c h hist ory has assigned to bot h
~
.
It is not for me to recapitul ate the p r os an d

con s on the question of r eligious toleration espe
.
c i al l i n a country where a state settled by C ath

y
o lic s under C atholic auspices set the first noble
, ,
exampl e of absolute and universal immunity

from all punishment or disq u a lific at io n what ever
for religious Opinions Th e pr in c iple may b e .
‘
supp os ed to have been long since s uffici e n t ly set

t le d th at so long as a citizen is practically a
,
good citizen h e should not su ffer on acc ount of

,
any in ference which we may deduce but h e does ,
n ot from his specul ative op i nions I sp eak of the

,
.
s e t t l e rn e n t of the question of religiou s to l eration

’
because th at embraces the other question whether '

,
w e h ave anything to drea d p oli t i c al ly fr om the

‘
i n flu x of C atholics If they are really hostile to

.
our liberties they may justly be p roscri bed a s

,
enemies and if we have reason to d read them

as such we ought not to tolerate them I refer
, .
,
therefore those who are so spas modicall yp atri otic

,
and fearful on this p articular questi on to those old ,
discussions o f the right of religious toler ation

’
,
‘
with which their Op in ion s m n this s ubj ect show ‘

I M M I G R ATI ON . 2 47
them t o be not familiar They wil l there fin d

-
.
urged among oth er things w hat history proves to

, ,
be true that C atholics are as goo d citi z ens as any

,
n is t s ; that toleration and

o t h e r r el i
.
gio
political
freedom o f conscience are not the gift of a p ar
\
t i c u l a r religion so mu ch as of mode m tim es ;
th at on the other h and bigotry and persecution

, ,
are not the qualities of a n y particular faith b ut ,
the n atural r es ul t o f an exclusive or too great

preponderance o f a singl e sect If Protes t
'
autis m has been more liberal than C atholicism ,
it has been owing to its circumstances ; it has

been because it had a l ater birth It happened .
to be th e last ; another religion had t h e exclusiv e

possession it had to turn assailant H ence its
“
character as being favourable to freed om ; one

.
to which it has great but not by any means ex

,
e lusive cl aims ; a character however often “
, ,
brought forwar d in these times to a ss ail the very

, ,
cause in whose service it was acquired .
To urge the i n fl ux of C atholi cs as a n evil in ‘
a religious point of view is a fl a gr a n t error , .
The P rotesta nt C hristian as such ought to kno w

, ,
no p articular country : The soul across t he A t

l antic ought to be as de ar to him as t hat of a n a
t ive born A merican
-
He ought therefore to r e
.
joice at an event whi ch pl ace s t he Cat hol ic with ~

2 48 I M M I G R ATI ON .
in his reach within his means of in fl uence and

,
conversion— a t a change to a pl ace w here th at

( i n his vie w
) erroneous f a i th is more a ccessi '
ble and truth is r e enforced by the strong auxil

“
,
-
i a ry powe r of m ajorities The religious Protest

.
ant ought to regard with great satisfaction an

event which brings C atholics to his o wn door
-
,
to ha v e their b elief recti fi ed if it be n o t ortho

dc x and thus converts e v ery Protestant neigh
,
bo ur into a Protestan t missionary He ough f .
not to fear for t h e c au s e of truth in an equal

'
'
comp etition with error but rather to invite such

,
Eo m pe t ition The rivalry among r eligious sects

.
has already redounded much to our secul ar a d

vantage } and has actually I bel i eve mad e u s a , ,
m ore enl ightened people It may well be doubt .
e d whether had the population rapidly settling

,
at the West been all Protestant ; the same s t r en u

o us e fforts would h a v c been put forth there i n
the cause of education or so z ealously sustained

, .
We have therefore everything to hope an d to

~
, ,
gain from the immigration of for eigners while ,
there is n othing to be endangered or lost by i t .
The question stands in the same relation to us that

it bore to our revolution ary fathers who m ade it ,
one of the causes of com pl aint against the king o f

G re at Britam that he had endeavoured to pre
,
I MM I G R ATI O N . 2 49
vent the popul ation o f these states for that pu r ,
pose obstructing the l aws for the n aturalization

of fo r e 1gn e rs and refusing to pass others to e n
,
f ”
courage their migration hither .
We ought the refore to ai m at regulation n ot

, , ,
restriction Immigrants come here to seek a

.
refuge in the bountiful bosom of N ature fro th the

desolating dominion of m an They co me on the.
same m 1ss 1o n that our forefathers came and to ,
b e in common with us progenitors of a great

, ,
nation They are sent by Pro v idence to equal

.
i z e the burden of the e arth and impro v e the ,
condition of the human family L et u s not be .
appalled at their numbers They do not com e

.
too rapidly to amal gamate with u s We shoul d .
interpose no capricious barriers to their a malga

mation The greater their numbers the more
.
,
sensibly do they add to our individual and n a

t i o n a l prosperity.

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D E M O C R A C Y

THE publ i shers of the Fe mily L i b ra ry c ffe r t he

e r n m en t b y the P eopl e S uch a treat i se m a y t hey

th i nk not i mproperly lay claim to novelty no

wo r k to the i r kno wle dge h a vi n g ever yet bee n

publi she d the e x press desi gn of wh i ch i s to e luc i

date the democrati c t heory That some such wo rk

ought to b e i n the han ds of every A meri can c i ti

pol i t i c a l self government w i thout be i n g a ble to tell

why to decla i m a bo ut li b erty wi thout be i ng a ble

to de ﬁn e what that l i b erty i s—

country no one should b e gui lty of and yet h o w

fe w am on g a s really understand t he fundamenta l

ly part i c i pate and the pract i c al operation of whi ch

A w or k on the t heory of democrat i c go v ernment

Ho w far the present v o l u m e wi ll s uppl y the de

The D emocracy treated of i n the fo ll owin g

party b ut of a ll part i es H a d a nyth i n g like a par

ti zan character ap peared i n i t the volume w ou ld

ne v er ha v e found a place i n the Fami ly L i b rary ;

he haT s to our v i e w successfully avo i ded a tenden

w ou ld ha v e ser i ously i mpa i red the gener al useful

it u pon themselves to assert th at all hi s doctri nes

s i ble to th i nk wi thout be i ng i ndependent ; or to

They ha v e thus thou ght themsel v es bound fai r ly to

the reader s h all di scover hi msel f to be at v ari ance

di ﬁe i e n c e s bet ween i ndi v i dual and i n di vi dual and

not compr i sed i n any of those poli ti c al di sputes i n

whe r e has allus i on been made to such di sputes as , ,

i t i s bel i eve d the subj ect i tself steers above them

The obj ect whi ch the author h a s proposed to

It will accordi n gly be foun d that i n pursui t of i t , ,

the m i nor di fferences of domesti c parti es h a ve be en

that g rand nati onal party com posed of a ll repub ,

l i can A mer i ca a gai nst the a s pers i ons of fore i gn

commentators and t h e enm i ty of E uropean m on

C o m rnon O bj ec t i on s to D e m o c r a c y c n s x de ne di—Th e C h a rac t e r

THERE is this remarkable di fference bet wee n

e r n m e n t on the o n e h a n d an d the demo cratic

system on the other th at while the for m er a re

based upon p r es cr ip t i on t h e latter is base d upon

t h e r i g ht of the people t o govern themselves .

The f ormer are fo u n de d o n c ust om an d t h e a c

tual prevalent order of thing s ; the l atter on the

ing di ff erences i n the polit i cal theories b y W hich

these two descriptions of government are sus

fro m m onar chical and aristocratical wr i ters an

of them as i m bodying great practical ski ll and

wisdom however little of speculative accuracy

and on the other we may w e l l look to demo

c r a t i c w r i t e rs for a full development of the righ t

of m an to self government and from them r e

quire at least a portraiture of the abstract p er

fe ct ion of the democratic system .

In a democratic country w h e i e sel f govern

ment has been successfully exercised by the peo

n aturally hav e been expected that such demo -

cratic writers w ould not h ave been rare and that ,