Professional Documents
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Family Law-Gpr 305
Family Law-Gpr 305
FAMILY LAW
GPR 305
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DEFINITION
What is A Family?
In one social context a family may refer to a man and a woman who share a common household.
In another, it is defined as all persons who share blood relations.
In others, it is defined as all persons who share a household.
In others still it means all the members of a household, including parents and children with
perhaps other relations, lodgers and even servants.
The family is the basic component of a society organization.
Marriage and the founding of a family is a basic human right as per Article 16 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
Article 23 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights declares that the family is
the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and
the state.
It is also the basic economic unit of society in the sense that the most productive activities take
place within the family set up.
The family setup provides a framework for the parties to have satisfactory sexual expression.
It guarantees perpetuation of society through the receiving of offspring.
It provides a framework for companionship between the members of that family.
FAMILY LAW
Family law gives effect to the society’s values as regards the relationship between man and
woman.
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Family law seeks to define status between the parties in that family i.e. it defines what rights a
member of the family can claim over the other or over the other’s property.
Altering the status of parties in the family. A remedial role; that it serves to protect certain
weaker members of that family e.g. children.
On termination of a family relationship there are certain members who may need protection
especially economic protection.
The trend now is that not all family relationships are created by marriage ceremonies such as
cohabitation, single parents. The law has developed to recognize some of these relationships.
Some of the developments in law have been to deal with these issues, under common law and
equity there is recognition given to cohabiters. Children born out of marriage also acquire
recognition.
Family law is the law that governs agreements to marry and betrothals, formalities that bring
marriages into existence, maintenance, separation, custody, adoption, nullity, divorce property
acquired during the marriage by the spouse and devolution of property in the event of the death
of a spouse.
a) Introduction
The territory which is now known as Kenya originally had two family laws African customary law
and Islamic law.
Islamic law was introduced through the trans-Indian Ocean trade between the Arabian
peninsular and the east coast of Africa, otherwise African customary law was the original law.
The colonization of Kenya saw the establishment of statutory of marriage and divorce which
introduced principles of English family.
At about the same time the Hindu family law was introduced after the colonial government
brought in many people from India to work as laborers during the construction of the Uganda
Railway.
Before then however there was some presence of persons professing the Hindu faith along the
coast since the Indian sub-continent had been trading with the east coast of Africa for centuries.
The starting point for establishment of the modern family law systems in operation in Kenya
today is the 1897 East Africa Order in Council, which established a legal system for Kenya, and
in the process applied certain Indian and British Acts of Parliament to the East African
Protectorate.
It also applied the common law of England and principles of equity which were in force in
England at the time. It also provided for the application of African customary law and Islamic
law.
In a word it provided for the application of the four systems of family law that are in operation
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There however existed uncertainties about these laws. Before 1946, it was not clear to the
courts whether or not Hindu customary law governed the Hindu marriage. Similarly, before
1920 when the Mohammedan Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act was enacted, the High
Court, basing its decisions on Hyde vs. Hyde declined to entertain matrimonial causes arising
from Muslim marriages on the ground that no law said that it had such jurisdiction.
The East Africa Order in Council of 1897 was clear that the family law of the
i. Muslims was Islamic law
ii. For the African customary law applied
iii. For the African Christians it was the law applying to Christians in India,
iv. While for the Europeans it was the Indian Divorce Act of 1869, applied by the Order in
Council to Kenya, together with English statutes and the principles of the common law
and doctrines of equity in force in England as at 12th August 1897.
In 1902 the East Africa Marriage Ordinance was enacted to enable Europeans and westernized
non-Europeans to contract the English type of marriage in accordance with a law derived from
English law.
The statute applied the English law of succession to such Africans and their children.
The assumption inherent in this later provision was that by marrying in the English way the
African abandoned the African way of life and totally embraced the English culture and way of
life. See Cole vs Cole (1898) 1 NLR 15
Cole vs Cole(1898) 1 NLR 15
This Nigerian case was based on a similar law in colonial Nigeria and is illustrative of the then prevailing
colonial thinking that the English type of marriage was superior to the African marriage, and that the act
of an African of contracting an English style marriage indicated the African’s abandonment of his African
ways and his embrace of the English way of life.
A Nigerian couple got married according to Christian rites under the Nigerian Marriage Ordinance. They
had a son who was mentally incapacitated and after a while the husband died. The issue then arose as
to who was to succeed the man or who was entitled to the man’s property and the man’s brother
argued that under Customary Law he was the one entitled to inherit the man’s property. The wife
argued that since they had married under the Marriage Ordinance they had distanced themselves from
the African way of life therefore African customary law did not apply and instead the English Law of
Succession applied and that under that English Law of Succession she was the one entitled to inherit in
her own right and as guardian of her son. The court upheld her argument basically stating that since
they had married under the marriage ordinance the African customary law no longer applied to them.
The East African Marriage Ordinance of 1902 was amended in 1904, by the repeal of section
39 which had applied the English law of succession to African Christians.
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1904 also saw the promulgation of the Native Christian Marriage Ordinance which sought to
introduce to Africans a simplified procedure of contracting an English style marriage.
The formalities followed in English law were considered too complex for the African Christian.
The statute was replaced in 1931 with the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Ordinance,
(The Current Cap 151 Laws of Kenya) which dealt with aspects of marriage peculiar to Africans.
Africans married under this Ordinance had the same law governing their married life as that
which governed Europeans.
It is clearly discernible from the operations of all the four systems of family laws applicable in
Kenya that they were anglicized to a large extent.
On matters touching on custody of children, the colonial court initially applied the different
laws relating to custody instead of applying the English law on the matter to Africans, Muslims
and Hindus, but later the colonial began to subject the English law of child custody to all these
different groups without exception.
The device of conversion was another avenue, the law governing the celebration of English
style marriages provided for the conversion of marriage from African customary law or Islamic
law marriage to English law marriage. See Section 11 and 13 of the East African Marriage
Ordinance.
The African Christian Marriage and Divorce Ordinance provided for the conversion of the
potentially polygamous African customary law marriages into the monogamous English type.
See Section 9 of The African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act (Cap 151)
9. (1) Whenever any persons already married or professing to be married to each other by native law and custom
desire to convert that marriage into a marriage by which they are legally bound to each other-as man and wife so
long as both shall live, they may, subject, to the provisions of sections 7 and 8 of this Act, contract a marriage
before a licensed minister in a place of worship or before a registrar in his office, in either case in the presence of
two witnesses, with open doors, between the hours of 6 o'clock in the fore-noon and 6 o'clock in the afternoon
and in the following manner.
(2) The licensed minister or the registrar shall, either directly or through an interpreter, address the parties thus-
"Do I understand that you, A.B., and you, C.D., have been heretofore married to each other by native law or
custom, and that you come here for the purpose of binding yourselves legally to each other as man and wife so
long as both of you shall live?"
"Whereas you, A.B., and you, C.D.. profess that you have been heretofore married to each other by native law or
custom, and whereas that marriage does not bind you by law to each other as man and wife so long as both of you
shall live, and whereas you desire to bind yourselves legally each to the other as man and wife so long as both of
you shall live: know ye that by the public taking of each other as man and wife so long as both of you shall live, in
my presence and in the presence of the persons now here, and by the subsequent attestation thereof by signing
your names to that effect, you become legally bound to each other as man and wife so long as both of you shall
live although no other rite of a civil or religious nature shall now take place, and that hereafter your marriage
cannot be dissolved during your lifetime, except by a valid judgment of divorce; and if either of you before the
death of the other shall illegally contract another marriage while your marriage to each other remains un
dissolved, you will be thereby guilty of bigamy, and liable to punishment for that offence,"
"I call upon all persons here present to witness that I, A. B. , do take thee, C. D. , to be my lawful wife (or husband)
(5) A licensed minister (whether or not he has been appointed a registrar under section 11 of this Act) may in his
absolute discretion refuse to witness a contract of marriage under this section.
These provisions remain in these two statutes to date. At independence it was decided that all
these family law systems be put at par and remain in force until a common way of life emerged
when one family law would replace them. This was captured in Section 82 (4) (b) of the Old
Constitution the law that protects against discrimination (but exempts laws of personal nature
based on customs or religion).See also Article 45 (4) (a) and (b)
45. (1) The family is the natural and fundamental unit of society and the necessary basis of social order, and shall
enjoy the recognition and protection of the State.
(2) Every adult has the right to marry a person of the opposite sex, based on the free consent of the parties.
(3) Parties to a marriage are entitled to equal rights at the time of the marriage, during the marriage and at the
dissolution of the marriage.
(4) Parliament shall enact legislation that recognizes—
(a) marriages concluded under any tradition, or system of religious, personal or family law; and
(b) any system of personal and family law under any tradition, or adhered to by persons professing a particular
religion, to the extent that any such marriages or systems of law are consistent with this constitution
Insofar as the natives were concerned, the East Africa Order in Council of 1902 had limited
application.
It provided that cases against natives would be brought in native courts and a Commissioner
was given the power to establish and abolish those Native Courts and to regulate their
procedure as well as give directions as to the application of native law and custom.
As a result of this power, the Commissioner made the Native Court Regulations of 1897 and
what these regulations provided was that in matters affecting the personal status of natives,
then the law of their caste or tribe insofar as it could be ascertained and insofar as it was not
repugnant to national morality could be applied. The provisions were further modified by the
Native Courts Regulations.
The East Africa Order in Council of 1902 whose main purpose was to clarify further when
customary law applied. It was provided that in all cases whether civil or criminal in which
natives were parties, the courts would be guided by native law in so far as it was applicable and
not repugnant to justice and morality or inconsistent with any law made in the protectorate.
This introduced the repugnancy doctrine. In application the colonial judges and administrators,
being either British or trained in Britain, followed the principles of justice and morality obtaining
in Britain at the time,e.g see Marko Kajubi vs. Kulanima Kubali although in a number of cases
they upheld some local customs e.g. Rex vs. Obongo and modified others.
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This formulation of the Order in Council is the same formulation that we have in Section 3 of
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In areas of family law for those natives who still practice customary law are still governed by
African Customary Law.
3. (1) The jurisdiction of the High Court, the Court of Mode of Appeal and of all subordinate courts shall
be exercised in conformity with-
(a) the Constitution;
(b) subject thereto, all other written laws including the Acts of Parliament of the United Kingdom
cited in Part I of the Schedule to this Act* modified in accordance with Part II of that Schedule;
(c) subject thereto and so far as those written laws do not extend or apply, the substance of the
common law, the doctrines of equity and the statutes of general application in force in England
on the 12th August, 1897, and the procedure and practice observed in courts of justice in
England at that date;
but the common law, doctrines of equity and statutes of general application shall apply so far only as
the circumstances of Kenya and its inhabitants permit and subject to such qualifications as those
circumstances may render necessary.
(2) The High Court, the Court of Appeal and all subordinate courts shall be guided by African customary
law in civil cases in which one or more of the parties is subject to it or allocated by it, so far as it is
applicable and is not repugnant to justice and morality or inconsistent with any written law, and shall
decide all such cases according to substantial justice without undue regard to technicalities of procedure
and without undue delay.
This was basically the same approach that was taken by the Kenyan colonial court and you will
find this stated in many of the cases that were decided in that period R v. Amkeyo, R v.
Mwakio, Robin v. Rex
Most of these cases were actually dealing with issue of admissibility of evidence given by the
wives arguing that they are in a privileged position and therefore could not testify against their
husbands in Mwakio the Judge said that “it is unfortunate that the word wife and marriage have
been applied in this connection. If only the woman party had been described as a concubine or
something of the sort, the question could never have arisen.”
That illustrated the colonial courts attitude to women who were married according to
customary law.
They did not deserve to be termed wives as per the colonialists and the wife evidence was going
to be admissible because they were married under customary law.
The Native Christian Marriage Ordinance applied only to the marriage of Christian applicants.
It was supposed to supplement the Marriage Ordinance and was intended to relieve the
Africans of the need to comply with the formalities laid down in the marriage ordinance.
It only applied to Africans who professed Christianity and just like marriage ordinance marriage
under this Act was strictly monogamous.
This Act also provided some protection to widows in the sense that widows who had been
married under the ordinance were protected from being inherited as was the case in customary
law. That is they could refuse to subject themselves to the subject of widows inheritance.
The marriage had to be celebrated by a church minister and before the church minister did this
he had to satisfy himself that the parties were Christians.
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The Native Christian Marriage Ordinance was replaced in 1891 with the African Christian
Marriage and Divorce Act (Cap 151).
For those natives who were Muslims, Islamic law would apply to them and this was with regard
to matters affecting their personal status.
See Khamis Bin Ahmed vs. Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Abdurehman
CASE 3
Khamis Bin Ahmed vs. Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Abdurehman
Held that the law of Islam cannot be described as native law for the purpose of Article 7 of the Kenya
colony order in council 1921 merely because it is the law applicable to many, or even all, of the natives
in Kenya.
In 1906, the Mohammedan Marriage & Divorce Registration Ordinance was introduced to
provide for registration of Islamic Marriages and Divorces.
The ordinance only provides for registration of marriage or divorce. The Act is basically
procedural and not substantive.
There were also two other communities in Kenya at the time, the British Colonizers and the
Indians who had been brought in as labour and the issue here was whether for those groups
they applied Indian Act or British Laws and common law rules were applied.
The Indian Law was basically British law that had been passed in India and there was not much
difference between the two, they were obviously geared for application to the British Settler but
did they apply to the Hindu? The assumption was that in Kenya, they would apply.
As early as 1898 we have all these laws governing different peoples. Muslims still continue to be
governed by Muslim Law but with Hindus a number of developments occurred which made the
Hindus to adopt laws that were similar to those found in the statues.
In 1946 the Hindu Marriage, Divorce and Succession Ordinance was enacted.
This is where Hindus parted way with Hindu Customary Law. The Act provided that in future all
Hindu Marriages were to be monogamous and the Act extended to Hindus the reliefs that are
available under the Matrimonial Act and under the subordinate Courts separation and
maintenance Act.
Under orthodox Hindus, marriages can be polygamous. The first enactment on Hindu family law
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came in 1946, the Hindu Marriage, Divorce and Succession Ordinance, to address two
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i. In the first place, when Hindus sought matrimonial relief in the courts they came up
against the argument that a Hindu marriage was not a marriage within the meaning of
that term in any of the ordinances in force in Kenya. This is Because Hindu marriages
were potentially polygamous the colonial courts declined to assume jurisdiction to grant
matrimonial reliefs the way English courts did following Hyde vs. Hyde and Another
rule. See the decisions in Ganga Devi vs. Tulsi Dass and Kakar vs. Kumari .The 1946
Ordinance sought to define the Hindu marriage and it stated at section 3(1) that a Hindu
marriage would be deemed for all purposes to be a valid marriage.
ii. The second difficulty related to the ascertainment of the law applicable in a particular
case. On this the Ordinance laid down two principles.
a) The court was to apply the law and custom which would be applicable to the person
seeking relief if he were seeking relief in India. (See Section 5 of Cap 157)
(2) Where such rites and ceremonies include the Saptapadi (that is, the taking of seven steps by the
bridegroom and the bride jointly before the sacred fire), the marriage becomes complete and binding
when the seventh step has been taken.
(3) Where the marriage is solemnized in the form of Anand Kara] (that is, the going round the Granth
Sahib by the bride and bridegroom together), the marriage becomes complete and binding as soon as
the fourth round has been completed.
b) Secondly, the court could ascertain the Hindu law or any custom by any means
which it thinks fit, and in case of doubt or uncertainty decide the case as the
principles of peace, justice, equity and good conscience may dictate.(See Section 11
of Cap 157)
When law reforms were introduced in India in the 1950s, the Kenya law was amended to reflect
those changes in India.
The 1946 Ordinance was split into two statutes:
i. The Hindu Marriage and Divorce Ordinance of 1960 and
ii. The Hindu Succession Bill of 1960.
The Hindu Marriage and Divorce Ordinance of 1960 was a rehash of the Indian legislation.
The 1902 Order in Council gave the commissioner power to make laws which would apply in
the protectorate and one of the first law that was made in 1902 was the Marriage Ordinance.
This Ordinance was a law of general application in the sense that it was not limited by race or
religion and was meant to apply to all residents in the protectorate.
It provided for basically a Christian form of marriage which was strictly monogamous and made
it an offence for a person married under customary law to contract a marriage under the
ordinance or vice versa.
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It was also meant to provide an avenue for the converted natives to contract the Christian type
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What was important is that any African who married under the Marriage Ordinance was
supposed to have embraced the Christian way of life and therefore distanced herself from their
customary way of life.
Cole vs. Cole (Case 1 discussed above) the ruling in this case exemplified the situation of what
happened if one contracted a marriage outside the ordinance.
The Divorce Ordinance provided the procedure for matrimonial matters. This was based on the
Indian Divorce Act of 1869 which was one of the Acts applied by the 1897 Order in Council. It
provided or afforded relief only in respect to monogamous marriages. It was replaced by the
Matrimonial Causes Act in 1941. This remains the position to date.
In 1928 an additional relief was accorded by the Subordinate Courts (Separation and
Maintenance) Ordinance which was limited to monogamous marriages. The purpose was to
provide parties with judicial separation other than divorce and also to provide parties in a
monogamous marriage to seek maintenance while the marriage is still subsisting.
One of the arguments put forward very strongly by Dr. Gibson Kamau Kuria when he was
teaching family law was that the Marriage Bill of 1976 was unconstitutional and for that reason
could not be upheld.
The Bill sought to harmonise different family law systems by introducing one law.
He gave two reasons why the bill was unconstitutional. Historically it could not stand because it
assumed that sociologically and politically the Kenyan people were one entity which they were
not and his historical argument is the argument of the different law systems which was along
racial lines and Kenya was still a very racially divided society. The Kenyan constitution
guarantees a right to freedom of conscience and this includes freedom of religion and worship.
Part of that freedom and worship is found in our different family laws. He argues that the
statutory law is found on Christian norms and therefore it is the Christian’s choice to marry
under Christian law, Muslims choice to marry under the Muslim Law likewise Africans were free
to practice their customs under their customs and that to legislate under one uniform law for all
would be unconstitutional.
Under the new Constitution this argument is put forward under Article 45(4) the Constitution
provides that Parliament enacts legislation that will recognize marriages concluded under any
tradition or under any system of religious, personal or family law. This means that we are
looking at the continued multiplicity of family laws in Kenya and there is no sign of any possible
unification in the near future.
The Constitution of Kenya preserves the application of Islamic law to family matters where all
the parties concerned are Muslims. There is also the statutory basis for this application in the
Mohammedan, Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act (Cap 156 of Kenyan Laws) and the
Mohammedan Marriage and Divorce Registration Act (Cap 155 of Kenyan Laws).
There are large numbers of Muslims in Kenya representing different schools of Islamic law.
Majority of African Muslims are of the Shafi’i school of the Sunni sect, while the non-African
Muslim communities include members of most of the Shi’i communities.
The groups have differing rules on certain points of family law. It will be noted that among some
African Muslim communities conflict exists between traditional customs and the rules of Islam
and the rules used in practice tend to be a synthesis of the two.
Because Hindu (See Ganga Devi vs. Tulsi Dass) and Muslim (See Mohammed vs. Fatuma and
Athuman vs Baka ) marriages were potentially polygamous the colonial courts declined to
assume jurisdiction to grant matrimonial reliefs the way English courts did following Hyde vs.
Hyde and Another Rule.
The laws that are now in application in the area of family are:
1. Customary laws of the indigenous communities;
2. The common law which embodies the principles of English family and Christianity;
3. Islamic law for both Africans and Asiatic Mohammedans;
4. the Constitution of the Ismailis, the followers of the Aga Khan; and
5. Hindu law for Hindus.
The multiplicity of these laws has enabled the administration of law in conformity with the
cultural tenets of the communities to which they apply, but the same presents a challenge in the
proper administration of family law matters.
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Marriage is a union between one man and one woman who intend to live together as husband
and wife.
In a polygamous marriage the man contracts separate marriages with each woman so that for
each it is a union between one man and one woman.
Marriage therefore is basically a consensual and social contract between the parties involved.
The marriage contract is a species of a standard form contract since the parties to it do not
determine its content.
The state, in the case of statutory law, the religious leadership, in the case of Islamic law, and
the elders, in the case of customary law, play the role of the stronger party in a standard form
contract in terms of setting out the contents of the marriage contract.
Whether the union should be monogamous or polygamous, whether it should be dissoluble or
not, what obligations the spouses should undertake to each other are matters that society does
not leave to the individuals concerned.
The conventional marriage is that between a biological man and a biological woman.
In African societies however there is also the woman to woman marriage, where one woman is
notionally said to be marrying another.
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This type of marriage does not involve sexual relations between the women since it is essentially
a device to aid a childless woman, for this reason it does not run counter to the conventional
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marriage, and there is really no practical difference between it and the conventional marriage.
The institution of marriage world over seeks to meet basic common needs of men and women.
There are several basic needs of men and women which provide the philosophical basis of the
marriage institution.e.g
i. There is the need to meet sexual needs in the best way.
ii. It also provides security as it applies to sex and other needs that can be guaranteed by
marriage.
iii. There is the need by men and women to prevent themselves as individuals and as a
society from extinction since men and women are products of seeds of men and
women, hence the need to express one’s manhood or womanhood through
procreation.
iv. Human beings need a confidant with whom one shares their fears, hopes and anxieties.
v. Marriage also provides one with extra physical, material and emotional support, since
no one is capable of being self-reliant in a general way.
vi. Marriage also satisfies the need to give meaning to life through having children and
thereby expressing the latent humanity or living as God or society demands.
vii. There is also the need to obtain identity with reference to a person of the opposite sex
that is by being somebody’s man or woman.
These various laws differ on vital matters relating to age requirements, consents, registration,
grounds for divorce, which ultimately creates conflicts and administrative problems.
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Marriages contracted under the Marriage Act, the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act
and the Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act are monogamous, while the rest are potentially
polygamous.
The statutes providing for monogamous marriages in many ways resemble the English family
law.
In fact the Matrimonial Causes Act is a reproduction of certain provisions of the English
Judicature Act of 1925 and the English Matrimonial Causes Act of 1837 (See Carnie vs. Carnie).
The marriage systems in Kenya are grouped in a hierarchy with the monogamous systems (civil,
Christian and Hindu) occupying the higher echelons and the potentially polygamous (Islamic and
African customary law) types fill the subordinate positions.
Under Islamic law it is important to note that Shia Ismailia’s are monogamous since their
personal matters are governed by the Ismaili Constitution, 1962, as the same has been judicially
held to be applicable to them. See such cases as Sadrudin Saleh Mohammed vs. Firozhanu
Gulam Husein Bhimji and Malek Sultan vs. Sherali Jeraj
Although the law does recognize polygamous marriages, both African customary and Islamic,
they appear to have been treated as inferior to monogamous marriages. See Rex vs. Amkeyo.
Rex vs Amkeyo
Where it was held that communications between spouses of polygamous marriages were not privileged.
The court took the view that the customary marriage had all the elements of a wife purchase and that
such union cannot create the mutual trust and confidence which existed in civilized marriages, and it
could not be said that such a wife was within the purview of the general rule that a husband or wife of
the person charged is not a competent and compellable witness for the prosecution.
See also where Sir Robert Hamilton CJ said that he did ‘… not think that it can be said that the native
custom (on marriage) approximates in any way the legal idea of marriage.’
Other cases that depict this point are Rex vs. Mwakio; Abdulreheman bin Mohammed and
Another vs. R ; Robin vs. R ; R. vs. Toya s/o Mamure
In the final analysis, the African customary law marriages occupy the lowest degree of respect
under the positive law.
There is no legislation directly concerned with African customary marriages. The same is treated
in legislation as rather inferior to the rest, and this explains the existence of express provisions
in some pieces of legislation which permit the conversion or upgrading of these supposedly legal
African customary marriages to the status of either the Islamic or Christian religious forms.
There is no provision for the opposite process that is to convert from monogamous to
potentially polygamous marriage. One reasonable explanation for the absence of such provision
was to encourage monogamy, which was regarded as the superior form of marriage.
1. Customary Law
In traditional Africa, the society was communalistic in structure and organization, apparently
founded on the notion that it was the best way then for individuals to lead a good life, and the
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Marriage has its foundations in religion and it is tied up with the concept of personal
immortality of the parties.
The man-woman relationship is seen as the insurance to a secure future, and for that reason the
relationship has to be established openly, inbreeding is prohibited to ensure the survival of the
society and emotional security demands that certain unions by people related to one another
through blood and marriage be forbidden.
Amongst Africans procreation is treated as the principal object of marriage.
Marriage is an alliance not only of the man and the woman or one man and several women; it is
also an alliance of families of the wife or wives and the husband.
It expresses the communal life of Africans. All the incidents of a customary marriage are
evidence of this.
The concept of dowry or marriage payments and parental consent, for example, strengthen the
family.
Members of the man’s extended family participate in the payment of dowry by contributing to
it.
On the other hand members of the woman’s extended family are expected to share the same
once it is paid to them.
There is no legislation directly concerned with the African customary marriage, although
marriage according to the rules of customary law is still in general the most common form of
marriage.
The same is treated in legislation as rather inferior to the rest, and this explains the existence of
express provisions in some pieces of legislation which permit the conversion or upgrading of
these supposedly legal African customary marriages to the status of either the Islamic (Section 6
of Cap 156) or Christian (Section 9 of cap 151) religious forms.
Judicial opinion on the African customary law marriage has in the past also been unkind,
especially during the colonial period.
The most famous negative opinion being expressed in Rex vs. Amkeyo, where Sir Robert
Hamilton CJ said that he did ‘… not think that it can be said that the native custom (on
marriage) approximates in any way the legal idea of marriage.’
Later judicial opinion on African customary laws of marriage has been more favourable.
This could be explained on the basis of the attainment of independence as well as the
Africanisation of the bench. See the following cases
African traditional marriages are regulated by customary law whose legal bases for application
are to be found in several statutory provisions, including Article 45 (4) of the Constitution,
Section 3(2) of the Judicature Act and the Magistrates Courts Act.
The Constitution of Kenya theoretically embodies the highest legal norms and standards in the
state to which all laws must conform, provides general recognition of customary laws.
The provision also allows the promulgation of discriminatory laws on adoption, marriage,
divorce or other matters of personal law.
Differential laws are proper in certain areas in a plural society as obtaining in Kenya, but such a
provision may also permit prejudicial categorization of legal standards as those found in Kenyan
legislation that make African customary law of marriages subordinate to the other systems.
The legality of African customary law marriages is recognized by the Judicature Act (Cap 8 Laws
of Kenya) which provides, in Section 3(2), that the courts in Kenya determining disputes brought
before them are to be guided by African customary law in civil cases in which one or more of the
parties is subject to it so far as it is applicable and is not repugnant to justice and morality or
inconsistent with any written law.
This is a conditional recognition of African customary law and it is of a general nature, and
marriage, divorce and other personal matters are assumed to be covered within the provision.
There is another opinion that section 3 of the Judicature Act makes it mandatory, where the
parties are Africans, for the courts to apply African customary law provided the same is not
contrary to any written law, common law, doctrines of equity and is not repugnant to natural
justice.
The Magistrates’ Courts Act (Cap 10 Laws of Kenya) recognizes the legality of African customary
marriage laws in a more specific and relevant nature. Section 2 of the Magistrates’ Courts Act
provides that a ‘claim under customary law’ means a claim concerning, inter alia: marriage;
divorce; maintenance; dowry; seduction or pregnancy of an unmarried woman or girl; matters
affecting status, particularly of women, widows and children, including guardianship, custody,
adoption and legitimacy; and succession.
The Evidence Act (Cap 80 Laws of Kenya) in Section 130(2) provides that marriage is
recognizable whether or not monogamous, which is by law binding during the lifetime of both
parties unless dissolved according to law, and it includes a marriage under native or tribal
custom.(See also Section 59,60 and 127).
The Marriage Act recognizes the legality of African customary marriages under Section 37,
which prohibits any person married under the Marriage Act from contracting another marriage
under native law or custom during the subsistence of the civil marriage saving that nothing in
the Marriage Act affects the validity of any marriage contracted under any customary law.
Under section 49 of the Marriage Act it is an offence for any person married in accordance with
native or custom to contract a civil marriage under the Marriage Act to any person other than
the person with whom such person is married under such native law. But this recognition is
made superfluous by Section 11(d) and Section 35(1) which permit the conversion of marriages
contracted under Islamic law and customary law, respectively, to the monogamous Christian-
civil marriage which is presumably the better system.
It bears repeating that there is no legislation directly concerned with African customary
marriages, either on its content and substance or on its procedures. Tanzania enacted much of
the customary laws in that country in the Declarations of Local Customary Law, 1963 and 1964.
The customary laws of all the nationalities in Kenya have been documented in a Restatement of
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the law, the famous Restatement of African Law, Kenya, Volume 1: The Law of Marriage and
Divorce by Eugene Cotran.
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The Restatement does not have the force of law, but it has been cited frequently in Kenyan
courts and has been relied upon in several cases involving different aspects of customary law.
E.g in Otieno vs Ougo where the Restatements were applied.
The courts also take judicial notice of known customary law rules, e.g. in Kimani vs. Gikanga
and follow judicial precedent in respect of customary law issues that have been handled by the
superior courts.
Otherwise where the existence of a particular native law, rule or custom cannot be established
by any of the ways mentioned here before, the same must be proved by oral evidence or expert
opinion adduced by the parties.(Kimani vs. Gikanga)
2. English Law
The Kenyan law equates the English type of marriage to a Christian marriage.
This is so because the English law of marriage has its foundation in Christianity.
The English society derives its morality from Christianity, although since the start of the 19th
century there has been a movement towards secularism.
The English institution of marriage therefore bears both Christian and secular characteristics.
These characteristics were defined in Hyde vs. Hyde and Woodmanse
Hyde vs Hyde
Where Lord Penzance said ‘I conceive that marriage as understood in Christendom may…be defined as
the voluntary union for life of one man and one woman to the exclusion of all others.’
The court declared that it had no jurisdiction to grant matrimonial relief in a potentially polygamous
marriage contracted in the United States of America. In the matter the petitioner was a Mormon, whose
faith recognized polygamy, his marriage to the respondent was therefore polygamous.
This definition has been adopted in Section 2 of the Matrimonial Causes Act (Cap 152 Laws of
Kenya) to govern the marriages contracted under the Marriage Act and the African Christian
Marriage and Divorce Act.
This would mean that divorce and other matrimonial remedies based on English law, but
provided under Kenyan are not available except for spouses married under statute or for
persons who marry abroad under a system of monogamous marriage.
It is noteworthy that Section 2 of the Matrimonial Causes Act applies the definition in Hyde vs.
Hyde and Woodmanse to the Matrimonial Causes Act only.
The English type of marriage is a voluntary union based on consent. It is essentially
monogamous.
Before secularism developed the dominant theology was that the Christian marriage is
monogamous. The modern explanation for monogamy is that it is in keeping with human nature
that expresses itself through today’s equality of the sexes.
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It is at also meant to be for life, which means that it can only be dissolved by death. This notion
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Since the introduction of secularism into personal law matters the expression for life means that
the parties must have intended marriage to be a permanent as opposed to a temporary union.
See Nachimson vs. Nachimson
The English common law is not clear on the main purposes of the English law marriage.
The English courts have given differing reasons and explanations for this type of marriage.
See the following two cases offering different opinions:
The differences reflected in these approaches are indicative of the possibly antagonistic secular,
Christian and humanistic attitudes towards marriage.
The English law is hostile to polygamy, which is common among societies in Asia and Africa. For
example if you see the remarks of Sir Robert Hamilton CJ in Rex vs. Amkeyo.
Indeed, there has been considerable debate, especially amongst English legal scholars, on the
issue of whether or not a polygamous marriage is really a marriage. According to John Austin, a
custom does not have the character of law and therefore an institution founded on it, like a
polygamous marriage, cannot be seen as a legal institution.
This hostility is displayed openly in the decisions emanating from the English courts where
polygamous marriages came up for consideration. See the following cases for illustration
Hyde vs Hyde
The court declared that it had no jurisdiction to grant matrimonial relief in a potentially polygamous
marriage contracted in the United States of America. In the matter the petitioner was a Mormon, whose
faith recognized polygamy, his marriage to the respondent was therefore polygamous.
NB: (The rule in Hyde vs. Hyde and Woodmanse was reiterated in England in the case of a Ghanaian
customary law marriage in Sowa vs. Sowa .)
Re Bethel
The court declined to treat as a marriage for the purpose of succession a marriage union contracted by
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an Englishman and an African woman in accordance with African customary law since under that law
polygamy is allowed.
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(See also Srinivasan vs. Srinivasan; Mehta vs. Mehta ; The Sinha Peerage Case ).
The latter decision and others made around that time postulate the recognition of polygamous
marriages by English law for a few limited purposes. These latter cases represent the modern
position where such marriages are recognized for certain purposes but not for others.
This hostility to polygamy was founded on the Christian belief that God had ordained only the
monogamous marriage and that polygamy really was a practice that encouraged adultery. It was
also founded on racism, where the cultures of the people of Asia and Africa were generally
treated as inferior to the European culture.
There really is no law which can be said to be truly Christian, or applying exclusively to
Christians, whether African, European or Asian. The law for those Kenyan residents who
consider themselves to be Christians is English law.
The Kenyan law can be said to be Christian in only two senses.
i. It permits Christians to marry in accordance with their beliefs under the Marriage Act or
ii. Under the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act.
Once the marriage is contracted Christianity is not allowed under the legislation to dictate the
content of the marriage.
The legislation, especially the Marriage Act has sanctions that force Africans to retain the
monogamous nature of the marriage celebrated. The issue really is whether marrying under
statute Christianizes the marriage or it merely anglicizes it by bringing oneself under the realm
of the English family law.
3. Islamic Law
Statutory law gives express recognition to Islamic marriages.
Marriages contracted in accordance with Mohammedan law are recognized in Kenya by the
Mohammedan Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act Cap 156 Laws of Kenya.(See Section 3).
Mohammedan Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act Cap 156 Laws of Kenya
Section 3
In all such matrimonial causes or suits as are mentioned in subsection (1) of this section, the Supreme
Court shall exercise its jurisdiction and act and give relief upon the principles of Mohammedan law
applicable to the same respectively or otherwise.
Under Section 49 of the Marriage Act (Cap 150) it is an offence for any person married in
accordance with Mohammedan law to contract a civil marriage under the Marriage Act to any
person other than the person with whom such Mohammedan marriage is contracted.
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49. Whoever contracts a marriage under this Act, being at the time married in accordance with native
law or custom or in accordance with Mohammedan law to any person other than the person with whom
such marriage is contracted, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not
exceeding five years.
Although it is regarded in the superior courts of Kenya that in cases affecting personal status
between Muslims the law to be applied is Islamic law as interpreted by judicial decision, there is
doubt as to whether this position rests on a secure statutory basis. See Fatima Binti bin Salim
Bakhshuwen vs. Mohamed bin Salim Bakhshuwen
Fatima Binti bin Salim Bakhshuwen vs. Mohamed bin Salim Bakhshuwen
The issue touched on the validity of a wakf in Kenya. The dispute was litigated up to the Privy Council,
where the wakf was upheld on the basis that Islamic law in East Africa is the same as in India where the
institution of wakf is recognized. The Kenyan law was at the time silent on its legality in Kenya and there
was also insufficient authority on how to apply Muslim law to it.
There is also doubt that there is any meaningful judicial guidance available to a court
confronted with a problem of whether and on what grounds to apply Muslim law to an issue
before it.
The exact statutory basis for and the extent of the application of Muslim law in Kenya is the
problem, as there is no statute in Kenya setting out generally when Muslim law is applicable,
which leaves the court with a fairly wide discretion.
According to the Kadhi’s Court Act Cap 11 (Section 5 and 6) in the Kadhi’s courts the applicable
law is and has always been in practice Muslim law, but the law to be applied by the superior
courts is not well settled.
Evidence.
6. The law and rules of evidence to be applied in a Kadhi's court shall be those applicable under Muslim
law: Provided that -
i. all witnesses called shall be heard without discrimination on grounds of religion, sex or
otherwise;
ii. each issue of fact shall be decided upon an assessment of the credibility of all the evidence
before the court and not upon the number of witnesses who have given evidence:
iii. no finding, decree or order of the court shall be reversed or altered on appeal or revision on
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account of the application of the law or rules of evidence applicable in the High Court, unless
such application has in fact occasioned a failure of justice.
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The difficulty faced by Kenyan courts in that respect manifests itself in the following two case
Fatima Binti bin Salim Bakhshuwen vs. Mohamed bin Salim Bakhshuwen
The issue touched on the validity of a wakf in Kenya. The dispute was litigated up to the Privy Council,
where the wakf was upheld on the basis that Islamic law in East Africa is the same as in India where the
institution of wakf is recognized. The Kenyan law was at the time silent on its legality in Kenya and there
was also insufficient authority on how to apply Muslim law to it.
(See also Anarali Museraza vs. Mohammedali Naserali Jiwa and Mussa Ayoob vs. Maleksultan Ayoob )
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Marriage is often preceded by a promise to marry and the first step taken in any marriage
relationship includes an agreement to marry. See Case vs Ruguru
Case vs Ruguru
It was held that matters appertaining to promises and preparation of marriages are cognizable by the
courts depending on the circumstances and also an action for breach of contract of a marriage may lie.
The promises may be made orally or in writing. See the Ugandan case of R. Larok vs. P. Obwoya
The promises may be express or implied from the circumstances. The promises may be binding
even if conditional.
They may be conditional on getting a employment, reaching retirement, finishing education,
obtaining parental consent, the death of a parent, improving financial prospects and acquiring a
home, converting to another religion, settling a relative’s estate, among others.
The conditions however must not be contrary to public policy, and the courts have declined to
enforce promises to marry conditional on the death of the promisor’s spouse, on the grant of
divorce, or on the grant of a decree of nullity.
The courts have also declined to enforce promises to marry given in exchange for sexual
intercourse. Such promises were considered as promoting infidelity, sexual immorality and
crime. See Wilson vs. Carnley and Fender vs. St. John Mildmay
brought an action against his estate for breach of promise to marry her when he had capacity to do so in
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1950, and also for breach of warranty that the man committed between 1937 and 1950 by representing
to her that he had legal capacity to marry her. She was awarded damages equivalent to what she could
have obtained from the estate had she been in fact married to the man for two years
It would appear that the woman in Case vs. Ruguru would have succeeded in her case against
the man if she had anchored her claim on a breach of warranty committed by the man when he
misrepresented to her that he had the capacity to marry her. However she would have only
succeeded if she convinced the court that by their conduct they intended to contract a
monogamous marriage.
The party who refuses to marry the other party without lawful justification becomes liable in
damages.
Refusal to marry may be expressed orally or in writing and may also be implied from the
circumstances.
Failure to marry at the agreed time or within reasonable time may constitute a breach of
promise to marry.
Where a date for the marriage ceremony has not been set the court will infer that it is to take
place within a reasonable time.
A breach does not automatically arise with the expiration of the time for completion. A refusal
can be inferred from conduct, such as where a party pretends to have married the other.
Breach may occur even if the condition upon which a promise is based has not been met or the
date intended for celebration of the marriage has not passed.
Where there is a clear repudiation of the contract before the time set for completion, the
wronged party does not have to wait until the expiration of the completion date to sue.
Repudiation would occur where one party marries another person and thereby renders oneself
incapable of fulfilling the contract at a later date.
The repudiation of promise must be communicated to the promise, who must accept the
repudiation for there to be a breach of promise.
The death of the promisor does not bar the action.
The promisor may rely on any of the defences common to actions in contract, but there are in
addition certain defences peculiar to the action for breach of the contract to marry.
i. The promisor may raise the defence that they discovered that the female promised was
not chaste. It would appear that this defence is available where the woman is of a loose,
immodest and unchaste character, and it would not apply to a single act of sexual
intercourse repented of since.
ii. Mental or physical disability is also a defence, which disability comes to the knowledge
of the party after the promise.
iii. Impotence of a party and the development of abscess on the breast of another party
have been held to be valid defences.
iv. Insanity of either party occurring after the promise is a good defence, but insanity
occurring before the promise is not a valid defence.
Defences raising incompatibility have generally been viewed un favorably by the courts. The
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party’s bad temper or use of obscene language or slight differences of opinion, frailties of
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Generally, it is immaterial that the parties are better off not married to each other.
Incompatibility, though, may reduce the innocent party’s damages.
d) Measure of Damages
i. Pecuniary Damages
The pecuniary heading awards damages to compensate the party for financial loss incurred in
reliance on the promise and also for loss of what they would have gained financially if the
marriage had taken place.
The injured party may have incurred expense in reliance on the promise being cried out.
They may moved or given up jobs or business or changed their position in some way.
Wedding plans may have been cancelled with resulting expense.
Where the party has been seduced under the promise of marriage the expenses of pregnancy
and childbirth would not be allowable as they do not flow directly from the breach and they
were also not reasonably within the contemplation of the parties at the time the promise was
made.
The court may award damages where the injured party’s prospects of marriage have been
impaired because of the broken engagement.
The party may have illegitimate children as a result of the relationship or may have spent several
years with the promisor and in the process age has reduced their marketability.
Non-pecuniary loss includes those items of damage to the injured party which cannot be readily
calculated in monetary terms, such as injury to their feelings.
This heading also includes punitive or exemplary damages, where the conduct of the guilty party
is particularly grave.
Compensation would be for wounded pride and injury to the innocent party’s feelings and
affect.
Damages will not be available for embarrassment, emotional hurt, humiliation, and injury to
reputation and health.
The party’s inability to face their family is factor considered in assessing damages, feelings of
family and friends is not compensable.
The conduct of the parties is relevant in assessing damages. Breaking off an engagement
suddenly and without warning is an aggravating circumstance, and so is an attempt to injure the
innocent party’s reputation.
Aggravated or exemplary damages are available where the promisor seduces the other party
under promise of marriage, infects them with a sexually transmitted disease or is guilty of
duplicity or deceit.
When the engagement breaks the ordinary rules governing property and gifts apply.
Gifts given during an engagement may be absolute or conditional depending on whether they
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Absolute gifts, such as Christmas presents, are given irrespective of the contemplation and they
are not returnable.
Conditional presents, such as the engagement ring, are returnable as they are given conditional
upon the marriage taking place.
However, whether they are to be returned or not depends on who is at fault. If the engagement
is terminated by mutual agreement, the conditional gifts must be returned.
The party responsible for the breach is not entitled to a return of the conditional gifts made to
them.
The innocent party should not convert the property of the party at fault which is in their
possession but which were not gifts.
Fault will be irrelevant with respect to gifts from third parties conditional on the marriage taking
place, such as wedding gifts, these must be returned.
Property purchased for the intended use of both parties during the marriage should be returned
to the purchaser regardless of fault.
Where both parties contributed to the purchase of an item, the same will be regarded as being
held on trust in the proportions in which each of them contributed.
f) Alternative Remedies
Various alternative remedies are available to a person who has incurred damages as a result of a
broken engagement. For example
i. They can assert rights to property pursuant to a constructive trust in cases where the parties
have lived together for a while and acquired some property jointly.
ii. Compensation for services rendered or goods transferred may also be had in actions for
quantum valebator quantum meruit.
iii. The tort of deceit lies where the innocent party is misled for financial gain or monetary
advantage.
iv. If unknown to the innocent party, the other party is already married, an action for breach of
warranty of capacity to marry may be brought against the guilty party or his estate.
v. An action for assault and battery lies where the deceit by the guilty party leads the innocent
party to engage in sexual intercourse with him.
vi. A contract to pay expenses may exist independently of the promise to marry, so that the
innocent party is entitled to recover expenses incurred in reliance on the promise to marry.
Being essentially a contractual relationship, all the usual contractual requirements must apply,
that is as to capacity, consent, and intention to create legal relations, among others. All these
must be met before one can allege that there has been a breach of that contract.
Other than general damages, when there is a breach of agreement to marry under common law
normally gifts given in contemplation of that marriage will also be required to be returned by
the guilty party. See Cohen vs. Seller
engagement ring but if it was the woman who had refused to fulfill the conditions of the agreement
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then she was required to fulfill the conditions of the ring. It was found that it was the man who had
refused to carry out his promise and the woman was awarded general damages and was allowed to
g) Penal Sanctions
The Penal Code reinforces the common law. Section 170 of the Penal Code makes it an offence
for any person to wilfully and by fraud cause a woman who is not lawfully married to him to
believe that she is lawfully married to him and to cohabit and have sexual intercourse with him
in that belief. It attracts the penalty of imprisonment for ten years. See James Ochieng Ndekere
vs. Republic
It was stated that the action for breach of agreement to marry was recognized at common law, but it
will not lie in customary law as there was no action for breach of promise to marry under customary
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law. In the matter it emerged that the woman had been seduced and impregnated by the man, and the
court said that she or her parents ought to have availed themselves of the remedies set out in the
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Magistrates Courts Act, which include actions for damages for seduction and pregnancy compensation.
However, it is presumed that persons whose personal law is customary can chose to regulate
their affairs in accordance with the general law, and can exchange promises to marry under
statute and generally conduct their affairs in a way suggesting that they intend to have a
monogamous union.
Where they conduct their affairs in such manner, chances are that the court will infer from the
promise and conduct that their promises were not betrothals but contracts to marry under
statute.
There is a thin line here, where the courts are usually called upon to make a choice of law
between customary law and the common law. The courts would usually use the mode of life
test when deciding whether parties have by their conduct removed themselves from the
operation of their customary law and brought themselves under the common law. See In the
Ugandan case of Larok vs. Obwoya
In the event of a termination of a betrothal or failure of the intended marriage to take place, the
gifts given to the woman’s family must be returned.
The explanation for this rule is based purely on contractual terms. Where the marriage
transaction falls through there would be failure of consideration.
The parties’ expectations would not be met, and consequently the parties have to be returned
to the position they occupied before the betrothal or before they entered into the contract.
It is a case of being restored to the status quo ante by having the gifts returned.
This could be on account of one party renouncing the other, or dying before the completion of
the marriage contract, or the woman getting pregnant by another man, or the woman being
found to be incapable of having sexual relations, among others. See the following two cases;
It was held that it is the head of the woman’s family who should be sued in a suit for refund of dowry.
The court held that though dowry is voluntarily given it was in respect of anticipation of a marriage
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which did not materialize and the same is refundable. One must however prove the amount given out
and the person who received it.
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The girl’s father entered into a betrothal agreement without her consent and she later refused to marry
the prospective suitor. The prospective suitor brought an action where he claimed damages for breach
of agreement to marry and in the alternative he also sought an injunction to restrain her from marrying
any other man until he had recovered all his damages and the gifts he had given. It was held that a
betrothal to which one of the persons whose marriage was contemplated was not a party would not be
enforced, and parents have no authority to contract for the marriage of their children whether they
profess the Mohammedan religion or not. Further held that the plaintiff was entitled to sue for the
presents he had given and money spent in contemplation of marriage but he cannot recover anything
for moral and intellectual damages.
Farhana d/o Zafarulla Khan and Another vs. Mohammed Shafiq Quresh(1997) eKLR,
It was held that under Muslim law the marriage gifts a man gives to his prospective wife belong to her as
well as the gifts acquired by the wife before or after the marriage. Further held that a marriage is s
special contract but not an economic transaction and to claim reimbursement of the expenses incurred
in the staging of a marriage which eventually fails is to attach an economic element to the contract of
marriage and is contrary to public policy. To allow such a claim is tantamount to giving parents of the
spouse the right of monetary investment in the marriage of their children.
5. The Future
The trend in other jurisdictions has been to go the customary and Islamic laws way, where no
actions lie for breach of a promise to marry.
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There are several possible approaches of the reform of the law of breach of promise to marry.
Page
The alternatives are: revising the common law action by prohibiting recovery on one or more of
the heads of damage, abolishing the action for breach of promise to marry, and abolishing the
action and prohibiting the use of alternative remedies for the same purpose.
This action has been revised or abolished in England, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and
Ireland.
The English Law Reform (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act of 1970 provides that an agreement
between two persons to marry one another does not have effect as a contract giving rise to
legal rights and no action lies in England and Wales for breach of such agreement. This
legislation also abolished the action for breach of warranty that the defendant was able to
marry, which is a valuable remedy where the claimant is an innocent party in a void marriage.
The New Zealand law is the Domestic Actions Act of 1975 which stipulates that an agreement
between two persons to marry each other does not amount to a contract and that the action for
breach of promise of marriage has been abolished.
The Kenyan law should similarly be amended to abolish the action.
The main reason for abolition of the action of breach of promise is that an engagement is not
viewed as a contract in the strict sense of the word.
In a majority of cases the parties do not enter into any form of formal agreement whether orally
or in writing.
In some instances they may enter into formal agreements to marry, some in writing, which are
meant to be binding.
Often parties are forced to change their respective positions to marry.
They may move to another country or region within the same country, give up careers, leave
friends, or take some other substantial step in reliance on an unenforceable promise.
Either way it is considered undesirable to make exceptions, but to generally outlaw the action.
The other consideration is social change, the present day social conditions are vastly different
from what they were in England during the nineteenth century.
The position and circumstances of the modern woman are also totally different from those of
the woman of the past century, in terms of what she stands to lose when she loses a
prospective husband. (See the Australian Case of Willis vs Harris)
There is the point that the action provides an excellent opportunity for blackmail.
It also inhibits persons from withdrawing from unsuitable engagements, and thereby forcing a
party who has foreseen future unhappiness to choose between the unhappy marriage and a suit
for damages.
It is also doubted whether the law of damages, which was developed in a commercial context,
should be applied to such an intimate social relationship as marriage.
Regarding determination of property rights of the parties after the abolition of the action,
various jurisdictions have adopted different approaches.
This is with respect to dealing with property acquired or exchanged after the making of the
promise, as well as expenses incurred on account of the promise.
The English approach, embodied in the Law Reform (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act of 1970, is to
provide that the law governing determination of questions relating to the property of engaged
couples is the same as the rules governing division of property as between married couples.
The law eliminates consideration of fault in determining who is entitled to gifts conditional on
marriage. It makes the engagement ring an absolute gift.
The New Zealand Domestic Actions Act of 1975, has the general principle that the parties should
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be returned to their pre-engagement positions, and, like English law, fault is not to be taken into
account.
Page
In Ireland, the Family Law Act of 1981 provides that gifts between the parties are presumed to
be conditional, and therefore returnable upon the termination of the engagement.
Other property acquired during the period would be subject to the rules applying to married
couples.
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LECTURE 4-6: 7TH -21ST OCTOBER 2013- 5.30-7.30PM (LECTURE HALL B5)
Introduction
The Statutes on Marriages in Kenya
The general law of marriage is embodied in several statutes.
These include the following 5 pieces of legislation:
i. The Marriage Act Cap 150
ii. The African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act CAP 151
iii. The Matrimonial Causes Act, Cap 152
iv. The Subordinate Courts (Separation and Maintenance) Act Cap 153
v. The Maintenance Orders Enforcement Act Cap 154
These pieces of legislation contemplate the English style of marriage and they therefore embody
the English law of marriage.
They cater for both the Christian and civil marriages, where the Christian marriage would be
celebrated in a church ceremony presided over by a minister of religion who is authorized in law
to do so, while the civil marriage would be conducted at the registry of civil marriages by a duly
qualified marriage registrar.
Fannuel vs Lemama
It was held that a Muslim woman and a Christian can validly marry under the Act.
Section 11 (1) (d) of the Marriage Act provides that neither of the parties to a marriage should
Page
be married under African Customary Law or in accordance with Mohammedan law to any other
person other than with whom such marriage is proposed to be contracted.
Under Section 49 whoever contracts a marriage under the Act, being at the time married in
accordance with native law or custom or in accordance with Mohammedan law to any person
other than the person with whom a marriage is contracted, is guilty of an offence and liable to
imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years.If a person having contracted marriage under
the Marriage Act, contracts a marriage in accordance with native law or custom during the
continuance of such marriage that person is guilty of an offence and liable to imprisonment for a
term not exceeding five years.
These Sections make polygamy illegal. Such act would constitute the offence of bigamy under
Section 171 of Penal Code which defines the offence of bigamy as going through a ceremony of
marriage when having another husband or wife living and the first marriage has not been
rendered void by a court of law.
Section 35 (1) of the Marriage Act provides that no marriage in Kenya shall be valid where
either of the parties at the time of the celebration of such marriage is married by native law or
custom to any person other than the person with whom such marriage is had.
These provisions are designed to support the monogamous system of family law. See In the
Matter of the Marriage Act and Alfred Nderi
Both English and Kenyan cases reiterate that statutory marriages are required to be
monogamous.
The parties must be single meaning they can either be single, divorced or widowed.
In English law a marriage is the voluntary union for life of one man and one woman to the
exclusion of all others. This requirement is traceable to Christianity which once strongly
influenced the English values.
In Hyde vs. Hyde and Woodmanse a marriage will be void if at the time of marriage either party
is already lawfully married to another person.
LK vs. CK, K v K, Marriage Act Section.42.Whoever, being unmarried, goes through the
ceremony of marriage with a person whom he or she knows to be married to another person
shall be liable to imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years.
Section 3 of the Marriage Act and the other Sections that outlaw bigamy.
Hyde v. Hyde The case provides the classic definition of marriage “Marriage under Christendom
is the voluntary union for life of one man and one woman to the exclusion of all others.” See the
Kenyan Case of K vs K
K vs K
In 1970 the petitioner went through a form or ceremony of marriage with the respondent, at the District
Commissioner’s office, Nairobi. At the time, the respondent was married to one Grace Waiyaki Kang’ara
in accordance with Kikuyu customary law. That marriage had never been dissolved or annulled but was
still subsisting. Counsel for the petitioner argued that under the Matrimonial Causes Act, under which
the petition had been brought, a monogamous marriage is the union of one man and one woman to the
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exclusion of all others and as such if there existed another marriage contracted under customary law,
this one was null and void. The court held that only a monogamous marriage could be created by a
ceremony under the Marriage Act and as the husband was already married, the ceremony was valid and
created no marriage status. Therefore the respondent had committed adultery with the co-respondent.
And decree nisi was granted.
There were rulings that where a person is already married they cannot contract a statutory
marriage. In both cases the men had married under Kenyan Customary Law and it was held that
they had no capacity to contract a marriage under statutory law. See the following cases
Matheka vs.Matheka
It was held that where a statutory marriage subsists, a party to it cannot enter into another contract of
marriage (even customary) because he lacks capacity. A judicial separation cannot flow from such a
union.
Re Ogola’s Estate
It was held that if a man married under the marriage act purports to marry another wife under
customary law it is not a valid marriage under customary law or otherwise. The court stated that an
African man is not obliged to marry under the Marriage Act or the African Christian Marriage And
Divorce Act but, if he chooses to do so, he is choosing the Christian way of life which recognizes one wife
only. Under Luo custom, an illegitimate child is entitled to inherit a share of his/her father’s property.
It was also held that the provisions of the Marriage Act apply (except as otherwise provided to all
marriages celebrated under the African Christian marriage and divorce. That a person is incapable under
the Marriage Act Section 37 to contract any valid marriage (whether customary or otherwise) so long as
his original marriage subsisted.
It was also held that if a man married under the Marriage Act purports to marry another wife under
customary law the marriage under customary law would not be a valid marriage. The court stated that
an African man is not obliged to marry under the Marriage Act or the African Christian Marriage and
Divorce Act, but if he chooses to do so, he is choosing the Christian way of life which recognizes one wife
only
(See also Re Ruenji’s Estate)
had no capacity to solemnize a monogamous marriage during the subsistence of a lawful polygamous
marriage. Further held that a petition for divorce based on such a marriage is incompetent.
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However, by virtue of the Marriage Act and the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act, a
person who had previously contracted a statutory marriage cannot, during the subsistence of
the said marriage, contract marriage under customary law with another person.
This position has been stated in a number of cases. See Re Ogola’s Estate; Re Ruenji Estate;
Glady’s Njeri vs. Beth Wanjeri .
See also Pauline Ndete Kinyota Maingi vs. Rael Kinyota Maingi
See also In Biata Mganga vs. Lennox Mgangaziro.
Compare with Case vs Ruguru
Case vs Ruguru
The court appeared not to consider seriously the fact that the man, who was married under statute and
that marriage was still subsisting, had no capacity to contract marriage under customary law. The court
was more preoccupied with establishing whether or not the purported customary law marriage
complied with the requirements of customary law or not. It held that since the ngurario ceremony was
not performed there was no valid customary marriage, instead of simply finding that the man had no
capacity to marry the woman at customary law.
The effect of this requirement is however diluted by section 3(5) of the Law of Succession Act
(Cap 160 Laws of Kenya), which provides that a woman who is married under a system a law
which allows polygamy, such as customary law, to a man who had previously contracted a
marriage under statute and therefore did not have capacity to marry another wife under either
customary or Islamic law, was nevertheless a wife for the purposes of succession. The children
of such a relationship are also children for the purposes of inheritance.
35
This provisions reverses the decisions in Re Ruenji’s Estate , Re Ogola’s Estate and Gladys Njeri
vs. Beth Wanjeri ;where the High Court had held that the deceased person having contracted a
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statutory marriage which was subsisting at the time he purported to take other wives under
customary law lacked capacity to marry such customary law wives, and therefore no customary
law marriages existed and that the women so married were not wives and they and their
children were not heirs and could therefore not inherit from the deceased man’s estate.
This means that a marriage that un-recognized during the man’s life will be given recognition
under the Law of Succession Act after his demise.
Re D (An Infant)
The court was asked to allow sterilization of a girl who the mother and doctor feared might bear
children with abnormalities. It refused to allow this holding that a woman’s right to reproduce is a
fundamental right which can only be taken away with her consent. These cases demonstrate how the
English law as introduced in Kenya prevents the subversion of the marriage institution by rejecting
attempts to redefine marriage as it is universally known as union of male and female.
Right now there is a lot of controversy on the issue of definition of marriage with some states
allowing gay marriages.
Our draft bill to amend the constitution has also gotten into trouble with this issue because it
implies that there can be same sex marriages and they have decided to amend it to read
marriage as a union between man and woman. See Biatamganga vs. Lennox Mgangaziro
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(c) Age
The common law allowed parties to marry upon reaching puberty, which meant fourteen for
men and twelve for women.
Section 19 of the Marriage Act -If either party to an intended marriage, not being a widower or
widow, is under eighteen years of age, no license shall be granted or certificate issued unless
there is produced, annexed to the affidavit referred to in section 11 of this Act, a written
consent to the intended marriage signed by the person having the lawful custody of any such
party.
The Age of Majority Act Cap 33 Laws of Kenya is relevant here. Section 2 of the legislation
provides that a person is of full age and ceases to be under disability by reason of age upon
attaining eighteen.
However, the provision does not affect the provisions of the Marriage Act with regard to age at
which persons may marry.
The result is that an eighteen year old may enter into contracts and make a will, but cannot
marry without parental consent.
The explanation for the anomaly is that the Age of Majority Act was intended to come into
force at the same time with the failed Law of Matrimony Act.
especially during moments of marital strife, and they are also founded on the ever changing
concept of decency.
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The law relating to prohibited degrees is adopted directly from English law.
Section 35 (1) of the Marriage Act provides that no marriage in Kenya shall be valid which, if
celebrated in England, would be null and void on the ground of kindred or affinity.
The act therefore refers us to English Law as related to the prohibited decrees.
This English Law is found in the first schedule of the UK Marriage Act of 1945.
This schedule gives a list of what are the prohibited relationships and in that list a man may not
marry his mother, including step mother and mother in laws or adopted mothers, his daughter,
including step daughters, daughters in law and adopted daughters.
He cannot marry his sisters including step sisters, grandmother including step grandmother, he
cannot marry his granddaughter including step granddaughters, and he cannot marry his aunts
or his nieces.
The woman likewise may not marry her father, step father, father in-law and adopted father,
son, step son, son in law, grandfather, grandson, uncles and nephews all these include step and
adopted.
Under English law the list does not prohibit marriage between cousins.
Incest is it a crime in Kenya? See section 166(1) of the penal code. 166. (1) Any male person
who has carnal knowledge of a female person who is to his knowledge his granddaughter,
daughter, sister or mother is guilty of a felony and is liable to imprisonment for five years even f
there was consent.
Section 167 of Penal Code. Any female above the age of sixteen years who permits her
grandfather, father, brother or son to have carnal knowledge of her (knowing him to be her
grandfather, father, brother or son, as the case may be) is guilty of a felony and is liable to
imprisonment for five years.
Requirements as To Formalities
The formalities of marriage under the Marriage Act are similar to those under English law.
(a) Notice
Prior publicity is required. Parties who seek to get married under statutory law must give notice
of their intention to get married to a government official, designated the registrar of marriages,
in the marriage district within which he resides.
The notice is given by one of the parties to the intended marriage and must be in prescribed
form.
When giving notice the parties must attach an affidavit stating the following;
i. That at least one of the parties has been resident within that district for at least 15 days;
ii. That the parties have attained the age of 21 years but if the parties range between 16 and
21 years they must attach a consent in writing from their parents or guardians;
iii. That they are not related in any way i.e. by blood or marriage; and
iv. That they are not married to any other person under any law at the time of issuing such
notice.
He is also required to publish that notice by affixing a copy of the notice outside his office until
the marriage certificate is issued to the parties or until three months have elapsed.
This requirement mainly arises from the fact that in evolution of marriage under common law it
was demanded that a marriage be a public act and should not be celebrated in private but in a
public place.
In special circumstances the minister responsible for marriages may issue a license for a
marriage ceremony to be conducted without notice.
Any person who may have any just cause why the marriage should not take place may enter a
caveat against the issue of the registrar's certificate, by writing the word "forbidden", opposite
to the entry of the notice in the marriage notice book, and append his name and place of abode,
and the grounds upon or by reason of which he claims to forbid the issue of the certificate.
If such a caveat is entered the registrar shall not issue his certificate until such caveat is
removed.
The person who places the caveat then appears before a judge or a magistrate whereby he is
required to show why the marriage should not take place and the decision of the court in this
regard is final.
See the following cases
If the registrar is satisfied of certain matters; including the absence of any impediment of
kindred or affinity, that neither party is married to some other person under customary or
Islamic law and is satisfied that no caveat has been registered, he may issue a certificate of
compliance and in that certificate indicate that a marriage should take place within three
months of the notice being given.
If the marriage does not take place within the 3 months, then the notice and all proceedings
consequent to that notice shall be void and if the parties still intend to get married, fresh notice
must be given.
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The role of the registrar is sometimes performed by church ministers whereby rather than give
notice at the registrar’s office the church minister announces in the church which the parties
attend that the parties intend to get married better known as bans of marriage and this is a
recognize and valid way of publishing the notice to get married.
(a) one of the parties has been resident within his district for at least fifteen days preceding the issue of
the certificate; and
(b) each of the parties to the intended marriage (not being a widower or a widow) is twenty- one years
old, or that, if either party is under that age, the consent hereinafter made requisite has been obtained
in writing and is annexed to such affidavit; and
(c) there is no impediment of kindred or affinity or any other lawful hindrance to the marriage; and
(d) neither of the parties to the intended marriage is married by african customary law or custom or in
accordance with Mohammedan law to any person other than the person with whom such marriage is
proposed to be contracted, issue his certificate in the prescribed form.
(2) The affidavit required by subsection (1) of this section may be sworn either before the registrar or
before a magistrate.
(3) The registrar or magistrate taking such affidavit shall explain to the person making the same what are
the prohibited degrees of kindred and affinity and the penalties which may be incurred under this Act.
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[Section 6 (1) Cap 151] The Minister may license any minister to celebrate marriages under that
Act, and may at any time cancel such license.
Notice of the granting or cancellation of such licenses must be published in the Gazette.
Any minister celebrating a marriage under [cap 151 must be licenced.
(b) Consent
Marriage is consensual, a right which is recognized by international instruments such as the
International Covenant on Civil an Political Rights (See Article 23) which states that no
marriage is to be entered into without the free and full consent of the intending spouses.
The requirement logically flows from the recognition of the dignity of the individual.
If parties are below 21 years of age consent in writing from parents or guardian is required.
One can however apply to the high court to grant consent where a person required to give
consent to marry under age has refused to give consent and the court may consent to the
marriage.
[Section 22 Marriage Act.] [Under section 8 (1) cap 151] In case there is no parent or guardian
in any particular case capable of consenting, a minister celebrating the marriage upon being
satisfied after due inquiry that the marriage is a proper one may consent in writing to such
marriage.
In such cases the minister is deemed to be a registrar of marriages for the purpose of such
consent.
If any person whose consent is required refuses his consent, a magistrate of a subordinate court
of the first class may upon application consent to the marriage, and the consent of the
magistrate so given shall have the same effect as if it had been given by the person whose
consent is so refused. [Under section 8 (2) cap 151]
and, if there be no parent or guardian in any particular case capable of consenting, such minister upon
being satisfied after due inquiry that the marriage is a proper one may consent in writing to such
marriage.
(2) If any person whose consent is required refuses his consent, a Provincial Commissioner may, on
application being made, consent to the marriage, and the consent of the Provincial Commissioner so
given shall have the same effect as if it had been given by the person whose consent is so refused.
See Re Bennet
CASE 46
Re Bennet
A 16 year old girl sought an order to dispense with her parental consent to her intended marriage and
the court refused to give that order insisting that consent must be given for the marriage to proceed.
Unlike under customary law where the authority and role of parents in the arrangements for
marriage of their children is central, under the general law this has been shaken by the foreign
idea that of contract, where marriage is seen as a contract, being a legal relationship between
two parties only.
This means that parents cannot enter into marriage negotiations as they do under customary
law.
See In Fazaldin Satardin vs. Din Mohammed and Hajira Begum
Principles of law have therefore put parents out of contracts of marriage, and have ruled out
compulsion into marriage, although what happens in practice may differ vastly from the theory.
The requirements about celebrations are found in Sections 23 – 25 of the Marriage Act.
CELEBRATION OF MARRIAGE
usages of marriage observed in such church, denomination or body, or with the consent of a recognized
minister of the church, denomination or body to which such place of worship belongs by any recognized
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minister of any other church, denomination or body according to the rites and usages of marriage
observed in the church, denomination or body to which such last mentioned recognized minister
belongs, provided that the marriage is celebrated with open doors between the hours of 8 o'clock in the
forenoon and 6 o'clock in the afternoon, and in the presence of two or more witnesses besides the
officiating minister.
Marriage not to be celebrated if impediment, nor without licence,
24. A minister shall not celebrate any marriage if he knows of any just impediment to such marriage, nor
until the parties deliver to him the registrar's certificate or the Minister's licence.
Where minister may celebrate marriage
25. A minister shall not celebrate any marriage except in a building which has been duly licensed by the
Minister, or in such place as the Minister's licence may direct.
The Marriage must be celebrated by a licensed person either a registrar of marriages or a church
minister.
The marriage should also be celebrated in a licensed place, that is either at the office of the
registrar of marriages or a licensed place of worship.
Under cap 151 a marriage may be celebrated under that in any place of public worship, whether
or not such place of worship is licensed under section 7 of the Marriage Act.
[See section 5 cap 151] Again this is the registrar’s office or in a church though there are certain
exceptions.
The marriage should take place between 8 am and 6 pm in public and in the presence of two
witnesses.
However if the marriage is being celebrated in the registrar’s office it should take place between
8 am and 4 p.m.
Section 24 provides that if the person celebrating that marriage knows of an impediment in
respect to that marriage then he shall not celebrate the marriage.
Under Section 31 of the Marriage Act, the Minister in charge of marriages may authorize a
marriage to be celebrated in a different place upon request and he may also authorize a licensed
person to celebrate that marriage.
(d) Registration
After compliance with all the requirements the parties and the marriage has been contracted
the parties are issued with a marriage certificate.
43
They are required to sign the marriage certificate in duplicate and their signatures must be
witnessed by two or more witnesses.
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The minister, having also signed his name to the counterfoil, is required to deliver one certificate
to the parties and transmit the other to the registrar of marriages for the district in which the
marriage takes place within seven days for the entry of the marriage into the relevant marriage
register.
What may be referred to as the African Christian marriage may be contracted under either the
African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act or the Marriage.
It also referred to the marriage that is contracted traditionally, that is under customary law, but
is subsequently converted to a Christian marriage under section 9 of the African Christian
Marriage and Divorce Act or under section 11 to 35 of the Marriage Act, after the parties to
that marriage have converted to Christianity.
Some commentators have questioned the convertibility of customary or Islamic marriages as
contemplated by sections 11 to 35 of the Marriage Act.
It is still unclear who a Christian is for the purposes of the law applying to African Christians after
contracting marriage in church either under the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act or
the Marriage Act.
The Kenyan courts have not yet been called upon to decide on that point. Although many
Kenyan Africans, particularly the middleclass, are marriages in church under the African
Christian Marriage and Divorce Act or the Marriage Act, and many more, after contracting
customary law marriages, are converting them into statutory marriages by going through a
marriage ceremony in church, these are really not Christian marriages since there is little
evidence that the persons going through such ceremonies desire to lead a truly Christian as
opposed to a truly African way of life.
See Esther Karimi vs. Fabian Murugu
The issue that faced the court was whether the woman was still legally the wife of the first man, and if
she was whether the man was entitled to custody of the children she had with the second man. The
court avoided the issue touching on the validity of the statutory marriage and the status of the man and
the woman vis a vis that union and held that it was the woman who was entitled to the custody of the
children.
However, by virtue of the Marriage Act and the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act, a
person who had previously contracted a statutory marriage cannot, during the subsistence of
45
the said marriage, contract marriage under customary law with another person. This position
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In Re Ogola’s Estate it was held that if a man married under the Marriage Act purports to marry
another wife under customary law the marriage under customary law would not be a valid
marriage. The court stated that an African man is not obliged to marry under the Marriage Act
or the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act, but if he chooses to do so, he is choosing the
Christian way of life which recognizes one wife only.
In Pauline Ndete Kinyota Maingi vs. Rael Kinyota Maingi it was held that a person married
under Kamba customary law could only lawfully contract another marriage according to Kamba
customary law which allows polygamy, but could not contract another marriage under statutory
law.
In Biata Mganga vs. Lennox Mganga Ziro the husband was married under customary law then
contracted a civil marriage with another person and the court held that he had no capacity to
solemnize a monogamous marriage during the subsistence of a lawful potentially polygamous
marriage.
46
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Introduction
The notion of marriage in customary law is different from that recognized by the general law.
It is regarded as a matter for the families concerned rather than the state.
It is created by family agreement and it is terminable in the same way.
Customary law generally recognizes a much wider range of prohibited degrees of relationship,
and marriage payments are usually an essential feature of customary law marriage. Customary
law generally permits a husband to marry an unlimited number of wives.
It is rather difficult to ascertain the customary laws relating to marriage and divorce within
Kenya but such laws do exist and they are effective and enduring.
Their vitality is exhibited by the degree to which they continue to be followed even by those
who also choose to contract marriage in the Christian form.
There is no general statutory control or regulation of marriage and divorce according to
customary law nor is there any nationwide system of registration of such marriages or divorces.
The conventional African customary law marriage comes into existence between a man and a
woman both of who have capacity to marry and complied with the formalities laid down by their
customary law.
Customary law varies from community to community, but research has shown that there are
certain basic principles which are common to nearly all the customary law systems in operation
in Kenya.
The merits of some of these common features of the customary marriage are under severe
attack.
The parties need not be of a specific age, but a person is normally required to have reached the
age of puberty before he or she can enter into marriage.
This requirement that each of the parties must have reached puberty is based on the view that
when people have the biological ability to be parents they should enjoy human autonomy and
be free to marry.
Although biologically persons who have reached puberty may be capable of living together as
husband and wife they really are too young to shoulder the obligations that come with
marriage.
Early marriage is often a hindrance to progress and cause of instability in marriage.
Traditionally however such very young couple remains under the care of their parents.
Betrothal of children, particularly girls, was common in the past and it occurs occasionally to
date.
Under Customary law what matters is not the age of the parties but whether they have gone
through an initiation ceremony.
These initiation ceremonies differ from community to community. In most cases it would
47
The ceremony marks passage into adulthood. The initiation requirement has however
diminished in its significance in modern society, particularly as communities these days frown
upon the circumcision of girls.
Where it is recognized it is practiced more as a theoretical requirement rather than legal one.
In traditional society marital life is state that is taken seriously and for that reason the initiation
of boys and girls serves the purpose of anatomically preparing them for marriage.
In the initiation ceremonies education on aspects of education are given to the initiates by
elders.
On the physical aspect of initiation the boys are circumcised while the girls undergo
clitoridectomy.
A party who has not undergone these rites would have difficulties getting a marriage partner,
and where they do succeed in marrying the said marriage would in the strict legal sense be a
voidable marriage.
However although the intiation rites for the men have not been affected by legislation, indeed
there has been no opposition to it compared with the case for girls, it would be appear to be
unlawful to compel a man to undergo the rite without their consent.
Under customary law sons have a right to family resources to assist in marrying and in such
cases where the sons are dependent on family resources they would be entitled to marry in
order of their seniority.
The basis for this is that marriage payments are usually made from a limited fund of family
wealth which requires replenishment from time to time and usually after daughters have been
married.
The effect of this is that younger sons have to wait until their seniors have married.
In polygamous settings, seniority would not necessarily be by age, in some communities where
seniority of wives is recognized the oldest son of the senior most wife will be entitled to marry
before any of his half-brothers by his stepmothers, even if they were older.
The man may be single or married since customary law allows polygamy.
However, women are required to be single and for most African communities, single here
means unmarried, since those who had married previously but have been widowed are not
considered as single.
At customary law marriage is coincided with the marriage of the woman so that once one
married they are considered forever married whether they are subsequently divorced or
widowed or not.
This rule that the woman should not be married to another man at the time of the customary
marriage comes to being is meant to prevent polyandry which is largely alien to African custom
and tradition.
This rule however does not appear to have had envisaged the situation that arose in the case of
See Omwoyo Mairura vs. Bosire Anginda above.
See also Omondi vs. Chuma Nyafula and Another.
woman, being his wife, and of the children. He had eloped with the woman and stared living with her as
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man and wife, and thereafter paid part of the dowry payable under customary law. The woman later left
him and began to cohabit with her cousin, who also paid part of dowry to her father. They were blessed
with a child and appeared to be happily married. The first man still insisted that he was lawful husband
of the woman hence the suit. The court declined to find for the first man on the ground that he had
failed to pay dowry in full. In the opinion of the court the woman’s father had consented to his
daughter’s marriage to the first man on condition that the main paid the entire dowry. The court here
clearly upheld the functioning marriage and failed to consider that dowry is never paid in full at once
and whether the union with the second man did not result in polyandry which was not recognized in
customary law.
However, by virtue of the Marriage Act and the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act, a
person who had previously contracted a statutory marriage cannot, during the subsistence of
the said marriage, contract marriage under customary law with another person. This position
has been stated in a number of cases.
See Re Ogola’s Estate ; Pauline Ndete Kinyota Maingi vs. Rael Kinyota Maingi and Biata
Mganga vs. Lennox Mganga Ziro discussed above
(c) Consent
Traditionally, African marriages are regarded as a private matter for the families concerned, not
a public matter for the state or central authorities.
The emphasis is on consent and agreement, consent is required from both the woman and the
man and their families.
Although child betrothal is still practiced in parts of Kenya, Such as among the Kisii, Kuria,
MijiKenda, Taveta, Nandi, Kipsigis, Keiyo, Marakwet, Tugen, Pokot, Teso and Luo the consent of
both partners is necessary in the formation of the marriage.
See In the case of Mwagiru vs. Mumbi
The consent of the parent or guardian was in the recent past a mandatory requirement for a
valid marriage.
Presently, although parental consent is still important, it is hardly ever regarded as an essential
to the validity of the marriage.
Socio-economic factors made parental consent much more important than that of the parties
themselves.
49
However, it is still sought as a matter of necessity where the man is dependent on his father for
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marriage payment.
For the woman, although parental consent has considerably diminished in its importance, it is
still considered, by the woman, as a vital requirement given that the woman goes back to her
parents in the event of the marriage failing and it is important that she remains on excellent
terms with her family.
The object of the customary law marriage is a harmonious and fruitful relationship, which is
allowed to grow over a period of time.
If a dispute arises between a married couple the adjudicating authorities would usually be more
concerned to reconcile the parties that to apply the precise rules to their problems.
Customary law is elastic and this is why it has survived so strongly to the present day.
This harmonious relationship makes the consent of the both families and the parties an
important requirement.
Where the man is marrying more wives, who are in addition to the first wife, the first wife’s
consent is not required.
See In the Matter of the Estate of Alfred Imujaro Para
Insofar as capacity is concerned the parties should not marry within the confined degrees of
consanguinity and affinity but the degrees differ from community to community.
Each community recognizes groups of relatives between whom marriage is prohibited, but
between whom it does occur on occasion if the individuals concerned have only a distant
relationship or are willing and able to defy traditional ideas of exogamy.
Some communities will allow marriage between blood relatives while others will not.
For example among the Luhya and Luo a man may marry his wife’s sister even when the wife is
still alive, a Teso may take over his late father’s wife in a polygamous household while in other
communities this is a taboo.
There are small groups of relations between whom marriage is effectively prohibited.
Generally, the range of prohibited degrees is peculiar to each African community, is ill-defined
and is in a state of flux.
The degrees of prohibition however are much wider than the range of prohibitions applicable to
statutory marriages.
This latter position means that there is a possibility of conflict where couples who would not
qualify to marry each other under customary law would opt out for a statutory marriage which
may in any event not be recognized by their community. This requirement as regards prohibited
degrees has identical objectives to the general law.
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The formalities of customary law marriages in Kenya are still almost entirely those derived from
the traditional unwritten law.
As observed elsewhere customary law is extremely flexible and dynamic, and it keeps changing
all the time.
This means that the precise formalities of the customary law marriage change from time to time
and they differ from one Kenyan community to the next.
It is however characterized by certain stages. The various stages of the marriage formation are
characterized by negotiations between the families of the parties, initially through family
intermediaries who test the ground before the parents from both sides participate.
The importance of negotiations is agreement on the marriage payments to be made by the
bridegroom.
The general pattern is that the suitor’s proposal is made either directly or indirectly to the
woman, a report is then made to the parents, parental talks follow, a portion of the marriage
gifts is made, followed by a betrothal ceremony, which is then followed by the marriage
ceremony which brings about the existence of a conjugal home.
There is considerable festivity and ceremonial acts, some of which signify the start of the actual
marriage.
The ceremonies serve the same purpose they do under the general law.
Among the Kikuyu it is the performance of the ngurario. See the following cases
Gituanja vs.Gituanja
It was held that the existence of a marriage is evidenced by the performance of the ngurario.
This decision is bad law. There was evidence that the man was married under the Marriage Act and that
marriage was subsisiting. That being the case he had no capacity by virtue of section 37 of the Marriage
Act to contract another marriage under customary law. The court should have resolved this dispute on
the basis that any purported marriage under customary law would have be null and void for lack of
capacity. The foray into nature and consequences of Embu customary law was unnecessary.
Muigai vs.Muigai
It was held that there was a customary marriage since dowry had been paid and customary ceremonies
(ngurario) had been performed. These decisions contrast with Wanjui vs. Wanjui where the parties had
cohabited for seven years and within that period got four children, the man paid of the dowry payable
under customary law, but the ngurario ceremony was not performed. The court found that the ngurario
ceremony was not necessary for a valid Kikuyu marriage.
children of married people are named under Kikuyu customary law. There was evidence that the man
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met relatives of the woman, arranged to pay dowry and in fact paid part of it. The woman sought an
order that she was no longer bound to cohabit with him, for custody of the children and for
maintenance. The man alleged that she was not married to him as he had not paid dowry and ngurario
had not been performed, but he admitted the cohabitation and that he paid school fees for the children.
The court held that a customary law marriage existed since the same comes into existence with the
payment of symbolic dowry, a goat and a sheep. The decision is not sound there was no valid customary
law marriage due to lack of the ngurario ceremony. The court should have presumed marriage from
prolonged cohabitation. It would appear that this case tends towards the thinking that presumption of
marriage is not altogether alien to customary law.
Among the Luo, it is the presentation of the gonjoroya heifer to the bride by the parents of the
groom, and to the Nandi it is the tying of the segutiet grass on each other’s wrists of the
spouses.
To the Kamba it is the kuthea ceremony. See the following cases
It was held that in Kamba marriage ceremonies, the goats of ntheo precede ngasya (bride price), then a
muthoko (a big feast) in the home of the woman to be married. In this case the three occasions were
present and court held that there was a valid marriage.
The court stated that according to Teso customary law, marriage takes place after man notifies the
father of the woman that he has chosen through his close friends, girl’s father invites the boy’s father to
his home and agreement is reached boy’s father sends cows to the girls father then discussions are
made on the amount of marriage consideration and the method of payment, the girl is then escorted to
the husband’s home after the last meeting.
Essentially a customary law marriage commences or comes into existence when cohabitation
starts, and therefore this reflects the concept of time in existence.
52
Marriage Payments
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The making of marriage payments is the most general element in the formation of marriage.
They are customarily preliminary to marriage, but they should be distinguished from other
preliminary, betrothal or consolation gifts which are not essential to the validity of the
customary marriage.
The marriage gifts or payments are variously referred to as dowry, bride price, bride-wealth,
marriage gifts or marriage consideration.
These English terms do not accurately define the practice for what it meant it traditional society
since most of them have the connotation of a sale, yet that is not what they represented.
Dowry is particularly off the mark as it refers to the property that the wife brings with her to the
marriage. A variety of definitions exist of this concept.
One definition is that it is a customary gift made by a husband to or in respect of a woman at or
before marriage.
The other refers to any gift or present in any kind of property whatsoever to a parent or
guardian of a female person on account of the marriage of that person which is intended or has
taken place.
It is also the cattle or other property handed over by a prospective bridegroom to the father or
other male relative of a girl whom he intends to marry.
Or simply the amount fixed in the marriage contract for payment by the man to the girl’s family
before the marriage can take place.
The gifts take various forms according to each society.
In modern times it takes the form of cattle, crops and material things in general, including cash.
It is considered the most vital element in the marriage transaction, in fact the very life of the
marriage itself as well as its termination in the event of dissolution.
It is regarded as the stabilizing factor in marriage. Indeed, it is the very foundation for a valid
marriage.
The delivery of the gifts is a condition sine qua non before a customary marriage can be
considered as valid.
The acceptance of the marriage gifts usually serves as conclusive evidence that the family of the
woman has consented to the marriage, so that they would be estopped later from denying it.
That was the case in Case vs. Ruguru where the issue for determination was whether there
was a valid customary marriage between the plaintiff and the defendant. The defendant called
her father to testify that he had received gifts from the plaintiff, in her effort to establish the
existence of the customary marriage.
The gifts also serve as the registration of the customary marriage. The act of giving the gifts is
overt and notorious, involving too many people and therefore an impossibility to deny the same
later.
The gifts are symbols, comparable to the wedding rings in the case of statutory marriages. They
also serve to cement the bond bringing the two families together. See the following cases
CASE
Joyce Atemo vs. Mary IpaliI Mujaro
It was held that it is a notorious fact, which the High Court and the Court of Appeal are entitled to and
can take judicial notice of, that no valid marriage can be contracted without the payment of marriage
consideration.
53
It was held that since no bride price was paid, no customary Kikuyu marriage was celebrated between
the parties
Mary Wanjiku Gachigi vs. Ruth Muthoni Kamau
Where it was held that the existence of customary marriage had not been proved since the people who
allegedly received the dowry for the marriage were alive and none of them had been called as witnesses
nor did the objector call any other person except her mother in law yet she claimed to have been
married for 21 years.
The court further held that since no bride price was paid, no customary Kikuyu marriage was celebrated
between the parties. It also held that there was presumption of marriage between the parties since they
had cohabited for three years. It was further held upholding the decision in Njoroge vs. Njoroge&
Another that under Kikuyu customary law responsibility for the burial of a man falls in the first place on
his eldest son or his brothers but the wife can participate and attend the burial.
A father sought damages from a man who had seduced his daughter and made her pregnant. The man’s
defence was that he was married to the woman in accordance with Acholi customary law. It transpired
however that he had not delivered gifts to her family in full. It was held that under the relevant
customary law the girl is not validly married until full bride-price is paid. Damages were awarded to the
father.
The marriage payments follow the betrothal ceremony. The quantum of the payments due
differs from from community to community. In some communities the amount is fixed.
Among the Taveta it is a fixed amount of one cow, three female goats, two bulls and a house for
the bride’s father.
In other communities the payments are in general fixed, but what is paid is subject to
negotiation and agreement.
To the Kisii it depends on how educated the woman is and this determines the rate paid. It is
also dependent on the social status of the families involved, so that there is likelihood of paying
a higher amount where one marries from prominent families.
The exact form and amount of dowry often depends on the specific attributes of the woman.
The beauty or physical appearance of the woman is irrelevant when computing the amount of
gifts to be delivered. What is normally be considered include the experience of the woman at
housework, her level of education, her general behavior, whether she had been married
previously, whether she’s had a pre-marital pregnancy by the man marrying her or by another
man, the social, economic and educational standing of both families, among others.
There is no specific time within which the payments are to be paid. The practice is that the
marriage payments are never made at one go in a single installment, rather the total is
liquidated in payments over a flexible and usually a long period of time. For most communities,
the marriage transaction is spread over a period of years. See Philip Ratemo Buge vs. Marcella
Mamboleo and 6 others
law marriage. Non payment of dowry does not invalidate an already existing marriage under Kisii
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customary law. Where a girl dies before the dowry is paid the practice is that arrangements are made
for the payment of the dowry or part payment to regularize the marriage. Further dowry can be paid
after the marriage has been in existence, payment can be made initially and the balance can be paid any
time thereafter, there is no specific time when dowry should be paid.
Bride price is paid as a token of mutual appreciation for the bride. It is a way of thanking the
parents of the girl for not only bringing up the girl but also for allowing the boy’s family to take
her away and it is also compensation in the sense that the woman’s family are being
compensated for the progeny that would go to the man’s family with the daughter as well as for
the loss of the woman as a member of her family.
The notion today that these gifts amount to buying a wife is recent in origin. The making of
marriage payments or giving of property is not really necessary for the marriage to be legally
binding.
The gifts serve the purpose of showing that the parents of the woman have consented to the
marriage and therefore the union is legally binding.
They thus are the evidence of the fact of the legality of the marriage, a symbol to seal the
marriage contract.
It is also seen as the security for the maintenance of the marriage by both families and for the
good treatment of the wife. It forms the general part of the transaction in which emphasis is on
the formation of an alliance between the families.
Children are closely tied with the bride price and the return of bride price is determined by who
will have custody of the children.
The giving of marriage gifts has the function of the legitimization and filiations of the children of
the marriage.
By this process the man or his family become entitled to the legal custody of the children, which
he fathered either within or without wedlock, and those that he has no fathered with his wife,
whether within or without wedlock.
Upon divorce, among the Kikuyu the children go to the father unless he demands the return of
the marriage gifts in which case they go to the mother provided the gifts are returned in full. See
the following cases
law.
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In most African societies where this custom is common church ministers presiding over Christian
marriages will usually not proceed unless and until satisfied that all the customary rites,
including exchange of marriage gifts, have been satisfied. This of course raises pertinent legal
issues as the practice appears to mix two usually exclusive legal regimes.
In marriages celebrated under statute the presiding officer would not at the exchange of vows
mention the gifts as forming an essential part of the marriage contract.
The result is that the parties end up with two marriage contracts, upon under the statutory law
and the other under customary law.
Under which one will the legal incidents of marriage be determined? Would both contracts be
enforceable before a court of law? In the event of a decree of divorce would the gifts be
returnable?
The institution of bride price has been criticized and as it is also recognized that it may be
subject to abuse.
The introduction of a cash economy into African societies especially has exposed the practice to
abuse.
There is the perception that the father of the bride makes inflated demands of money of its
equivalent. Often marriages are postponed on this account.
The bride’s father may also choose to give his daughter to the man who gives him the best
terms.
This often does not coincide with the interests if the daughter and it may lead to unpleasant
results such as suicide.
In some jurisdictions in Africa there has been intervention by the state by way of legislative
regulation of the practice. See Mairura vs. Anginda
The other issue regarding marriage gifts is whether they are in consonance with current
international instruments concerning the status and rights of women.
There is a sense in which they are seen as compromising the dignity of the African woman. It
would appear it discriminates against women, and is contrary to the United Nations Declaration
on the Elimination of Discrimination of Women.
The existence of the custom demands the subservience of the woman, and operates in a system
which gives third parties (her parents or relatives) a near decisive role in her marriage. It
appears to perpetuate the traditional African attitude that women are inferior to women and
therefore objects of male domination.
Polygamy
The other important feature of the African customary law marriage is that it is potentially
polygamous.
The statutory recognition of marriages contracted under native law and custom has the direct
effect of recognizing polygamous marriages.
The man has capacity to marry as many wives as he wishes.
There is no requirement that the first wife be notified of the proposed marriage before or after
it takes place. Neither does she have a right to protest the intended marriage.
The husband is under no obligation to declare the new marriage to the other wife or wives, and
he may never tell her or them about it.
A wife married under customary law has no control whatsoever over the man’s right to convert
an otherwise monogamous marriage into a polygamous one, neither can she control the
number of wives the husband marries. Conversely, the customary laws of all the African
communities in Kenya, a woman can only marry one man during the subsistence of a valid
marriage.
There are various reasons for the practice of polygamy.
1. It could be a wealthy person’s (whether male or female) display of their riches, their
ability to pay bride price for several wives and being able to support a large family of
many wives and children. In a word polygamy is used by some people as a display of
wealth. Sometimes the wealthy person seeks trusted persons to protect and secure
their vast wealth, and therefore marrying many wives is seen as a way of getting
persons who acquire a vested interest in the rich person’s property and thereby
preserve and protect the same from strangers.
2. It is also resorted to where a couple does not have children and does not want to adopt
any, or where the wife has daughters only and the husband desires to get children of
the male gender or where the wife is unable to bear the number of children which the
husband desires and he therefore decides to have more children by marrying another
wife.
3. It is also an alternative to divorce, so that instead of dissolving the marriage for
irreconcilable differences or for any of the recognized reasons in African customary law,
polygamy is used. Rather than sending away the wife with whom the man has
disagreed, he takes another wife and lets the first wife be and thereafter he maintains
the children of that first wife.
4. Generally polygamy tends to result in large families, which is a necessary social
insurance system, a stabilizing tool in traditional society.
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6. In some communities, traditionally, it was taboo to cohabit with a woman who had
reached menopause, and therefore the man had no alternative once his wife reached
this stage in her life.
7. There exist important socio-economic considerations that called polygamy into
existence. Kenyatta, J., Facing Mount Kenya, Heinemann, Schools ed., Nairobi, 1971, 94,
says that among the Kikuyu the qualification to hold high office was traditionally based
on family and not on property. A man with a large family was seen as the one with
capacity to look after the interests of the larger community.
The Kenyan law allows Africans to contract polygamous or potentially polygamous marriages
according to customary law so long as they are not already married under the Marriage Act or
the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act.
Section 3(5) of the Law of Succession Act, however weakens the effect of this requirement.
Section 3(5) provides that a woman who is married under a system a law which allows
polygamy, such as customary law, to a man who had previously contracted a marriage under
statute and therefore did not have capacity to marry another wife under either customary or
Islamic law, was nevertheless a wife for the purposes of succession. This provision enables the
practice of de facto polygamy, where the additional wives do not acquire the legal status of wife
during the lifetime of the man, but upon his death.
There is also the practice by men who are married under statute cohabiting with other women
without going through any ceremony of marriage or going a ceremony which does not have the
effect of creating a valid marriage.
In some instances such liaisons are recognized by the courts as valid marriage by way of
presumption of marriage out of a prolonged cohabitation of the parties.
It would also appear that non-Africans can contract polygamous or potentially polygamous
marriages, so long as they conform to the requirements for a valid customary law marriage.
However, where the non-African has contracted a monogamous marriage and he seeks to
contract a customary marriage thereafter during the subsistence of the monogamous marriage
he would certainly be caught up by section 37 of the Marriage Act, and the decisions in Re
Ogola’s Estate ;Re Ruenji’s Estate and Gladys Njeri vs. Beth Wanjeri Nyeri would apply to the
marriage (See Case vs Ruguru).
It is expected that Kenyan courts would follow the English decision in Cheni vs. Cheni
concerning the recognition of foreign marriages. It would appear that any person who has
contracted a monogamous marriage anywhere in the world will not be able to contract a valid
customary law marriage.
The prevalence rate of polygamy in Kenya is unknown since there is no legal requirement for
registration of customary law marriages in general and polygamous marriages in particular.
The government Women’s Bureau in 1991 estimated that 30% of marriages were polygamous.
It would be erroneous to assume that most customary law marriages are polygamous. In fact
many customary law marriages are monogamous. They are however treated as potentially
polygamous as there is no bar to the husband marrying another wife or other wives as additions
to the first wife.
The practice of polygamy is seen as wrong. Its recognition exposes women to treatment as
second rate citizens who enjoy fewer rights than men.
Consideration apparently is not given to the effect of polygamy, especially to the first wife, in
58
terms of tangible deprivation of material and sexual satisfaction, and also intangible values such
as diminution in self esteem.
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Polygamy appears to allow one spouse to fundamentally change the quality and the nature of
the couple’s family life together, depriving the other spouse of the same right.
It often leads to a situation where the wives have to compete for scarce resources, and in fact it
is blamed for the high rate of illiteracy in many parts of Africa and the numerous battles
following the event of the man’s death for the control of his estate.
The institution of polygamy is often defended on the ground that it is natural to Africa.
Suggesting its abolition is therefore viewed as senseless, since the same is so essentially part of
the African way of life that it cannot be wiped out so easily, so entrenched it is that it is
practically impossible to discard.
This argument is however not tenable given that in many jurisdictions polygamy has been
successfully banned (US, Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Iraq, Pakistan, India etc).
Needless to say that a majority of African marriages, those contracted under customary law are
monogamous. One interesting justification for polygamy is that it reduces the incidence of
prostitution in society, by ensuring that the excess women in the population secure husbands.
This is founded on the statistics which appear to suggest that at any given time in society there
are more women than men in the population.
There are other practices under customary laws which are akin to and which are in fact
recognized by some commentators as types of marriage.
Most of these are practical arrangements that are made following the death of a spouse with a
view to accommodating the needs of the surviving spouse or in the event of childlessness.
The rationale behind these arrangements is that when a spouse dies the surviving spouse is left
with the normal human desires common with all human being, which must be met or satisfied.
In some of these arrangements the persons involved would mainly be seeking personal
immortality through having children carry forth their names.
The institutions of wife inheritance, levirate unions, sororate unions, woman to woman
marriages and forcible marriages should be seen in this context.
i. Wife inheritance, otherwise called widow inheritance, is where a widow is inherited by a
brother of the deceased or any other relative, with the objective of giving protection and
maintenance to the widows and to protect family property within the family since the heir steps
into the shoes of the deceased husband. The heir acts as the representative of the deceased
husband and he therefore takes the widow as his wife.
ii. The Levirate Union is where the wife has a relative of the deceased husband acting as her
husband for all purposes. This practice is common among the Kikuyu, Kamba, Meru, Tharaka,
Kisii, Kuria, Taita, Nandi, Kipsigis, Keiyo, Marakwet, Tugen, Maasai and Luo.
iii. The Sororate Union is where a sister of the deceased wife replaces her dead sister as a wife.
This is especially the case where the dead woman has children; she can be effectively replaced
by her sister who is already well known to the widower and her late sister’s children. This sort of
arrangement is common among the Luhya, Kisii, Teso and Luo.
iv. The Forcible Marriage, which really is a misnomer, practiced mainly by the Nandi and Kipsigis,
involves parents preventing their only daughter or one of their daughters from marrying in cases
where the couple does not have male children, and hopes to have a male heir through their
daughter.
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v. The Woman to Woman marriage occurs where a husband dies leaving a childless widow, who is
past childbearing age, the widow may marry a wife. It can also occur when the husband is alive
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but the wife is childless or has daughters only; instead of the couple adopting children or the
husband taking a second wife the wife herself may marry another woman in the woman to
woman marriage arrangement in the hope of getting children through the woman. It is also a
common practice among childless single women or single women who beget daughters only
who subsequently get married leaving their mother all alone. The wife pays bride price to the
family of the woman selected and generally satisfies all the customary law marriage
requirements; and may arrange for a man from her husband’s age set to have intercourse with
her. Children born of this woman are regarded as the children of the wife’s deceased husband
or of the wife where the husband is still alive or where the woman is single. It is practiced mainly
by the Kikuyu, Kamba, Kisii, Kuria, Taita, Taveta, Kipsigis and Nandi. See the following case
There is manifest overlap between African customary law and the general law, especially in
cases where Africans go through a statutory ceremony of marriage. In a majority of cases the
marriage under statute is preceded or followed by customary law rites.
This indicates that the parties have under gone marriage under two different systems of law.
The effect of this appears to be that where it would appear that the statutory requirements
have not been met and therefore the English marriage is not valid, looked at from the
customary law perspective it may very well be said that the same would still be a valid marriage
albeit a customary law one for having complied with all the rites prescribed under customary
law.
There would also be the issue where parties contract a statutory marriage and certain aspects of
their lives remain governed by customary law. For example, in most cases parties seeking to
marry under statute are not obliged to obtain consent unless they are under disability, however
under customary law consent is almost always required.
Most African seeking to marry under statute would still obtain the relevant consents in
compliance with customary law. In most cases parties marrying under statute still pay dowry in
accordance with customary law.
There is a tendency to view the statutory marriage as a special type of marriage that either
exists alone or no marriage exists at all, yet the reality is that most Africans comply with the
requirements both English and customary law.
For statutory marriages Africans still conduct marriage negotiations and pay dowry as though it
is a customary marriage being contracted. See Riogi Omari vs. Mochama Akama
It was observed that payment of dowry is necessary for a valid Christian marriage contracted under
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English law. The court did not dispute the proposition that dowry was payable under the circumstances.
Since in a majority of cases Africans who marry under statute comply with both customary law and
English law, and coupled with the fact that African marriage is an alliance of families of the man and the
woman and therefore a stabilizing factor, there exists no good reason why payment of dowry and
parental consent should not be essential for a valid statutory marriage.
The English marriage as known in England does not as a matter of social fact exist in Kenya.
Intertribal Marriages
A man marrying a woman from a different tribe or community must comply with the marriage
requirements of the customary law of the woman’s community, but upon attaining the status of
a wife the woman ceases to be subject to the customary law of her tribe and comes under the
customary law of the man’s tribe or community.
Her life, after she legally becomes a wife, is regulated by the customary law of her husband’s
tribe.
The courts, during the colonial and post-colonial era have often treated as marriages unions in
which most of the essentials for a customary marriage were missing.
The issue of validity arose in cases where a married man who was not been living with his wife
seeking to disturb a stable union that she had established with another man through an action
for the return of the wife and the children that she had with the second man. See the following
cases
man and wife, and thereafter paid part of the dowry payable under customary law. The woman later left
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him and began to cohabit with her cousin, who also paid part of dowry to her father. They were blessed
with a child and appeared to be happily married. The first man still insisted that he was lawful husband
of the woman hence the suit. The court declined to find for the first man on the ground that he had
failed to pay dowry in full. In the opinion of the court the woman’s father had consented to his
daughter’s marriage to the first man on condition that the main paid the entire dowry. The court here
clearly upheld the functioning marriage and failed to consider that dowry is never paid in full at once
and whether the union with the second man did not result in polyandry which was not recognized in
customary law.
Case law appears to suggest that a customary law marriage will be declared by the court to have
come into existence notwithstanding lack of consent by parents before the parties commence
cohabitation, lack of a formal customary law ceremony, non-payment of dowry and the woman
having married someone else even when married in customary law to the husband.
It is not clear whether non-Africans whose personal law is not African customary law can
contract valid customary law marriages in Kenya.
The practice is that where an African man is taking a wife under customary law from another
tribe he is required to comply with the customary laws of the tribe from which the woman
comes.
By extension a non-African marrying an African woman under customary law, and even under
statute, will be required to satisfy the woman’s customary law conditions before it can be taken
that he has validly married her.
The wording of section 3(2) of the Judicature Act which provides for the application of
customary law seems to imply that non-Africans can contract valid customary law marriages. It
would appear that section 3(2) applies customary law to non-Africans to a certain extent.
According to the provision customary law applies to persons who are subject to it, such as
Africans, and to those who are affected by it, such as those non-Africans who choose to take
African wives in accordance with those African women’s customary law.
There is nothing in customary law which suggests that only those people from a particular tribe
can contract valid marriages in accordance with it.
This means therefore that non-Africans who have legal capacity to marry can contract valid
customary marriages. In Case vs. Ruguru the court had no doubt whatsoever that non-Africans
could contract valid customary law marriages.
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Kenya has a large Muslim population, among both Africans and Asians, and Islamic law is applied
in personal matters.
The operation of Islamic law is governed by statutory provisions; and the Mohammedan
Marriage and Divorce Registration Act Cap 155 Laws of Kenya and the Mohammedan
Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act Cap 156 Laws of Kenya govern marriages under Islamic
law.
The former Act relates to the registration of Mohammedan marriages and divorces only while
the latter relates to divorce and matrimonial causes in the cases of Mohammedan marriages.
Mohammedan marriages in Kenya are contracted in accordance with Mohammedan law (See
Section 5 of Cap 156).
The legislation on Mohammedan marriages does not contain any substantive provisions on the
rights of the parties to contract marriages.
These rights are governed by the Koran and the legal rules applicable to the particular sect to
which the parties belong.
There are three aspects to a marriage under Muslim law: That is the legal, social and religious
aspects
1. Legally, a Muslim marriage is a contract which provides for certain requirements as
regards consent and the consequences of its breach. A Muslim marriage can be
enforced judicially.
2. Socially, a Muslim marriage gives women a higher status in society. There are also
restrictions on polygamy.
3. Religiously,Marriage in Muslim law is considered to be a sacred covenant and it is said
that the Prophet Mohammed encouraged it.
There are three forms of marriages under Muslim Law, with the classification being based on
the legality of the marriages.
1. The Sahih marriage is basically a marriage which has conformed to all the laid down
requirements.
2. The Batil marriage is in fact a void marriage either by reason of some blood relationship
between the parties or some other incapacity to contract the marriages. The children
born out of this marriage are considered illegitimate and no mutual rights or obligations
arise as between the parties who are so married.
3. The Fasid marriage is an irregular marriage either because there were no witnesses to
the marriage or the woman was undergoing the period of iddat at the time of the
marriage ceremony or the marriage is with a person from a different religion or man
purports to marry a fifth wife. The effect of an irregular marriage is that as between the
parties it does not confer any rights; however children born out of this union are
considered legitimate.
Under Muslim Law marriages arising out of cohabitation are not permitted. One has to comply
63
The parties to a Muslim marriage must be biologically a man and a woman; and must have
reached the age of puberty.
The man is qualified to marry whether he is single or married so long as he marries up to four
wives only.
Even then, he may not marry two wives at the same time, since the rules allow him to marry
only one wife at a time and if he marries two wives at the same time, the marriage would be
considered irregular.
In the case of the woman, she has to be single, and single in this context includes the condition
of having been widowed or divorced.
Where she has been widowed or divorced, she has to wait for a period of about four months
before she can contract another marriage. This waiting period is known as the iddat period and
its purpose is to determine whether she is expectant, since she cannot contract a marriage in
that state.
Consent
In Islamic law marriage is essentially a contractual relationship based upon the consent of the
parties. In some instances consent of legal guardians may also be required. See Ali Omer Ockba
vs. Aziza Bint Ali Omer Ockba
precedent which arose from a deliberate misrepresentation on the part of the husband.
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A Muslim marriage is meant to give women a higher status in society, therefore a husband
should strive to maintain the wife at the station in life that she was accustomed to before the
marriage.
This suggests that the man should marry the woman of his station in life or of a lower social
status. See the following cases
There are requirements as to the parties’ religion. Under some Muslim sects a Muslim man may
marry a non-Muslim woman as long as the woman belongs to a religion which has a divine or
holy book.
The position is that a Mohammedan male may contract a valid marriage not only with a
Mohammedan woman but also with a kitabia that is a Jewess or a Christian but not with an
idolatress or a fire worshipper. See the following cases
Re Salum
It was held that Mohammedan law recognizes certain marriages between Mohammedan males and
non-Mohammedan females, so long as the females are kitabia, which means that they should be either
Christians or Jewesses.
However, among all Muslim sects a Muslim woman cannot get married to a non-Muslim man. In
Ali Omer Ockba vs. Aziza Bint Ali Omer Ockba a Muslim woman sought to marry an Ethiopian
who was a Christian. It was held that the proposed marriage would be invalid for the reason of
the religion of the proposed bridegroom because a Muslim woman cannot validly marry a non-
Muslim man.
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The marriage consideration in Islamic law differs from that given in customary law.
In Muslim societies the mahir is paid by the man to the woman. The amount is usually agreed
before the marriage, is reached, and where no agreement, the same is fixed later as a
reasonable amount.
The mahir being the property of the wife forms part of the wife’s estate. The amount payable is
not fixed and dependent on the different Muslim sects and it is normally fixed according to the
social status of the wife’s family. See the following case
Mahir is essential for a valid Muslim marriage except for an adult woman of the Shi’i
communities.
However, among some African Muslim communities in Kenya confusion has arisen with
customary law practices and often mahari in fact approximates more to the traditional African
bride-price than the Islamic concept, especially since the same is paid to the bride’s father
rather than to the bride herself.
In Saliha Binti Baraka vs. Tiabit Bin Salim this case deals with recovery of dowry and the other
one as to maintenance.
Polygamy
The right of Muslim men in Kenya of having four wives concurrently is well established and is in
fact a fairly common practice.
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However, in most of the Muslim communities in Kenya monogamy is in fact practiced, but the
more conservative elements in the community still practice polygamy. See Mussa Ayoob vs.
Malek Sultan Ayoob
Women do not enjoy a similar right, and therefore they cannot during the subsistence of a valid
marriage marry another man.
There is no legal requirement for the man to notify his wife or wives about an intended marriage
or even notify them of it after the celebration of the marriage.
There is no requirement or provision which enables a wife to protest or object to the proposed
marriage.
Section 6 of the Mohammedan Marriage Divorce and Succession bars a man who is married
under customary law from marrying a second wife under Islamic law.
Under section 3(6) of the Mohammedan Marriage Divorce and Succession Act a man who
purports after marrying one wife under customary law or other system of marriage to marry a
second wife under Islamic law, would still be bound by the legal incidents of the first marriage.,
and he would be bound to honour the obligations under the first marriage regardless of the
legal regime under which they arise.
Muslims oppose reforms relating to polygamous marriages on the basis that polygamy is
mandated by their faith and any changes will fundamentally alter the practice of the faith.
Sura 4 verses 3 of the Koran provides that a Muslim may marry women of their choice, two,
three or four, but if they cannot deal justly with them then they should confine themselves to
just one. This appears to make polygamy permissible rather than mandatory.
In fact the above verse appears to be a measure designed to limit rather than encourage
polygamy.
The Koranic law does not just recognize polygamy and leave its incidents to be determined by
social duties and obligations, it proceeds to state very rigid conditions under which a man may
take more than one wife.
He may not marry in the first place if he has no means of supporting or maintaining the wife. He
is also obligated to provide equal consortium to each of the wives.
He should not favour any of the wives as regards rendering conjugal rights.
Indeed it would seem that polygamy preceded the advent of Islam and was not introduced by
Islam, and therefore it really is not firmly grounded in Islam.
In some Islamic countries in Africa and other parts of the world legal reforms have been
introduced which prohibit or regulate the ability of husbands to take on other wives.
In the United States of America, the Supreme Court in Reynolds vs. US refused to recognize the
defence of freedom of religion to a criminal prosecution for the practice of polygamy.
In Egypt reform has taken the form of allowing the wife a right to seek divorce in court where
the husband takes a second wife. She will be granted divorce upon a second marriage if she
shows that she has suffered as a result a material or moral injury that would render continued
marital life between her and her husband difficult.
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In Syria, Iraq, Somalia, Indonesia and Pakistan the practice is to require the husband to justify his
need for a second wife, either in court or before a quasi-judicial body.
Registration
The Mohammedan Marriage and Divorce Registration Act requires registration of all Muslim
marriages within seven days, at the office of the registrar of Islamic marriages.
The registrar must be satisfied before registering the marriage as to the identity of the parties,
the capacity of the parties and that the marriage did actually take place.
Once the marriage has been registered the parties and two witnesses who witnessed the
marriage are required to sign the register.
However Section 24 of the same Act says that the fact that parties omit to register their
marriage does not invalidate that marriage and where marriage is invalid, registration of a
marriage will not validate it.
The effect of this legislation is restricted by the saving section which preserves the validity of any
marriages not so registered. In any event the legislation does not apply to all Muslims in Kenya
but only to those to whom it has been extended by Ministerial notice: currently it has been
applied to all Muslims, except those of the three Shiah Communities: the Khoja Shia Ith’nasheri,
the Khoja Shia Ismailia Council and the Bohra Community.
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Hindu law is important taking into account the large number of persons of Asian citizens and
residents who are followers of the Hindu faith.
Marriages of parties who profess the Hindu faith are governed by the Hindu Marriage and
Divorce Act.
The Act regulates marriage between Hindus, who are defined to include Indian Buddhists, Sikhs
and Jains.
Hindu Marriage under the Act is strictly monogamous, Kenya having adopted the reforms
effected in India by the Hindu Marriages Act of India of 1955, to which the Kenyan Act closely
corresponds although not exactly.
Until 1960 Hindu Marriages were potentially polygamous but upon enactment of the Hindu
Marriages and Divorce Act, it was expressly provided that after enactment of the Act Hindu
marriages were to be monogamous.
Section 7 (2) of the Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act provides that a marriage solemnized under
the Act shall be a marriage within the meaning of the Matrimonial Causes Act which means that
they must be strictly monogamous marriages.
It conforms to a large extent to the general law regarding monogamous marriages. See
Umedigir Motiger Gosai vs. Umedigir Kusumben Gosai
Section 5 of the Act provides that Hindu marriages shall be solemnized according to the
customary rules and ceremonies of the parties and that Section thereby imports Hindu
Customary Law into the celebration of Hindu Marriages.
Section 7 (3) also provides that a marriage solemnized after the commencement of the Act shall
be void if the former husband or wife of either party was living at the time of the marriage and
the marriage with such former husband or wife was then in force; and the provisions of Section
171 of the Penal Code shall apply in such a case.
Secondly the parties should be of sound mind at the time of contracting the marriage.
Thirdly the man must have attained the age of eighteen (18) years and the woman should have
attained the age of sixteen (16) years of age.
Where the bride has not attained the age of eighteen years, the consent of her guardian in
marriage, should be been obtained for the marriage;
Fourthly the parties should not be within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity, unless the
custom governing each of them permits a marriage between them.
Section 3(2) of the Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act lists the persons who are within prohibited
degrees of consanguinity.
Fifthly consent where required must be given and Section 4 (1) of the Act lists down the
guardians who may give consent in order of priority where it is required.
If there is no such person as are listed in Section 4(1), the consent of a guardian in marriage shall
not be necessary.
The Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act provides for two ceremonies which may be performed
when a Hindu marriage is being celebrated.
Section 5(2), (3)-The Saptapadi ceremony: this ceremony involves the taking of seven steps by
the bridegroom and the bride jointly before the sacred fire and the marriage becomes complete
and binding when the seventh step has been taken.
See Section 3 (1) (c) and (d), Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act Cap 175 laws of Kenya
The Anand Karaj ceremony: Here parties go round their holy book known as the Granth Sahib
four times and the marriage becomes complete and binding as soon as the fourth round has
been completed.
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(b) Registration
Registration of Hindu marriages may be required by ministerial regulations. Section 6 of the Act
also provides for registration of Hindu Marriages and the issuance of a marriage certificate.
However, non-registration of a marriage will not invalidate a marriage neither will registration of
a marriage validate an invalid marriage.
The Section also provides that Separate or different rules may be made with respect to the
marriages of Hindus belonging to different castes or communities
Castes
Hindus irrespective of their caste can marry under the Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act.
Marriages are by and large within the caste; sub-castes are frequently ignored; sometimes even
caste is ignored.
This however has nothing to do with the law so long as the parties are Hindus.
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LECTURE 7-9: 28TH -11TH NOVEMBER 2013- 5.30-7.30PM (LECTURE HALL B5)
The two cases established that the current position is that though spouses have the right to the
others consortium, they cannot use extra judicial means to enforce them.
In one of the cases the husband locked the wife in the house and refused anyone to see her the
cause was being difficult to live with. See Nanda vs. Nanda
rejected them. In other words while the law recognizes there is consortium, they cannot enforce it and
neither can one use extra judicial means to employ it.
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The Matrimonial Causes Act provides for restitution of conjugal rights but if the other party is
not willing, no court can force an order for restitution of conjugal rights.
Where consortium is lost, a husband cannot insist on conjugal rights. One cannot force an order
for restitution of conjugal rights if the other party is not willing. One has an option to go to
court for divorce.
R vs. Kadhi ex parte Nasreen This case is important for the position that whatever system of
family law is applied, they must be constitutional or they are declared null and void.
In Kenya the husband does not acquire the wife’s citizenship although in other areas he does.
See John Patrick Machira vs Patrick Kaniary Muturi
Marriage imposes on the spouses a mutual duty to cohabit together in their matrimonial home,
however the decision as to where that matrimonial home will be cannot be specifically made by
a specific spouse and it has to be a joint decision and this was the ruling in Dunn vs. Dunn.
The same was held in Uganda vs. Akua & Another where it was held that there is no power to
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AB vs. CD
The court held that the wife had the right to refuse to submit to unreasonable demands for sexual
intercourse. It amounts to cruelty and can be a ground for divorce.
On the issue of marital rape, it has been held that a man cannot be guilty of raping his wife
unless they are separated or divorced. This is judicial separation.
If a man insists on sexual intercourse when they are judicially separated, he will be guilty of rape
as was the case in R vs. Clarke also R vs. Miller.
Is the use of contraceptives against the wishes of the other spouse a contravention of marriage?
It has been held that it does not affect the right to sexual intercourse but it can however give
rise to divorce if it is shown to have injured the other party whether emotionally or physically it
can be cruelty.
The exercise of the right to sexual intercourse often leads to birth of offspring, which assists in
the realisation of manhood and womanhood, and ultimately gives the spouses the identity that
they seek in marriage.
The companionship created by marriage requires that spouses be each other’s confidants.
They should be able to reveal their respect hopes and fears without the fear that the same
would be made public. This is the basis for privilege position of spouses in the law of marriage.
The law will protect any matrimonial confidence that is entered into during the subsistence of
marriage.
Even in the event of a marriage break down the law will seek to protect a spouse from
disclosure of such confidences.
The law of evidence gives the spouse immunity against compulsion to disclose communication
during coverture.
This generally makes a spouse not a compellable witness for the prosecution when the other
spouse is charged with a crime. Argyll vs. Argyll(Evidence act)
Marriage imposes on the husband a duty to maintain the wife and children. Under common law,
the obligation to support a spouse applied to both spouses.
Therefore a man was under an obligation to support his wife and vice versa. However this was
modified by statutes whereby now under statue the wife is the one who has the right to
maintenance by her husband where she is financially dependent of him and that scope of
maintenance is in accordance with the husband’s financial standing and his standard of living.
The husband is also under a duty to maintain his children during a marriage and even after a
marriage.
This maintenance arises under (a) the Matrimonial Causes Act Sections 25 and 26 and under
the Subordinates Courts Separation and Maintenance Act Section 10 please note that the right
to maintenance accrues during marriage and even after the marriage has ended.
When claiming for maintenance the wife has to indicate her needs and her children’s needs, her
own income as well as her husband’s income.
There is no hard and fast rule as to the amount of maintenance that a court may order, however
there are certain guidelines which apply. See MSK vs. SNK
At common law the husband is under a legal obligation to provide shelter to his wife and
children.
This common law position is summarized by Lord Denning in the case of Hutchinson vs.
Hutchinson
Hutchinson vs. Hutchinson
Lord Denning where he said that at common law the husband has no right to turn the wife out the
house where they had established a matrimonial home, nor could he sue her for ejectment or trespass
or any other right. The wife could at common law bring an action against the husband to provide her
with a house.
Once such a house is provided she has a right to use it for as long as the marriage subsists.
Under the circumstances the wife is not a licensee and she resides at the matrimonial home by
virtue of a right deriving from marriage and a mere permission or license.
See the Tanzanian case of Eugene vs. Hadija
In the case of Alimony Pendente lite which is alimony or maintenance paid to a wife pending
determination of a divorce case that alimony may not exceed one fifth of the husband’s average
net income for the preceding 3 years? That is only in relation to cases of alimony pending suit.
In other cases of maintenance the courts follow the common law practice of awarding an
amount that will make the wife’s income one third of the aggregate income of both husband
and wife.
This is just a guide offered and courts will depart from it where the facts of a particular case
warrant it.
Under Section 32 of the Matrimonial Causes Act the court can vary a maintenance order where
circumstances arise warranting that variation. N vs. N in common law the right to maintenance
stops as soon as cohabitation ceases but under statutory law the right continues even after
cohabitation.
Under customary law the right to maintenance cease once cohabitation ceases.
See Muhidin Sheikh Mohamed vs. Khadija Omar Al-Amin
Each spouse is entitled to use reasonable force in protection of the other spouse from physical
harm and may lawfully kill an assailant if necessary and reasonable in the circumstances.
The law recognizes that the feelings between the spouses are often too strong to the extent that
a spouse could be provoked to the point of causing death upon discovery of the other spouse
committing adultery.
If a spouse kills, either the other spouse or the person they were committing adultery with, such
spouse would be guilty, not of murder, but of the lesser offence of manslaughter. See
Kalumewa Tuku vs. Republic
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Normally both parties have the right to consortium however the rights that arise from this
consortium will vary between the husband and the wife.
On the part of the man, he has a duty to provide shelter for his wife and children. The man
must have a house.
Both have mutual obligations with respect to sexual intercourse. Secondly the man is also the
guardian of his wife and children.
He is the one to sue or be sued on their behalf and is the one who will represent them in any
formal ceremonies.
Hence the custom in customary law that wife and children are to be seen and not to be heard.
The husband has the sole right to sexual intercourse with his wife or wives. This is founded on
the general acceptance of polygamy in Kenya.
The wife must remain faithful to her husband and adultery by her is treated severely and her
husband is entitled to recover damages in customary law from the man that
she committed adultery with or from her father.
A single act of extra-marital sex by the wife is treated as adultery.
Among the Luhya the adulterer pays compensation of one bull and one heifer and one goat to
the husband of the woman.
The wife’s father is also liable to pay one heifer to the husband as compensation.
The man also has right to divorce the wife on the ground of adultery and reclaim dowry.
Among the Maasai, the husband may allow the wife to have sexual intercourse with members of
his age group but he reserves the right to object to any member of that age group.
The husband is entitled to take additional wives and is free from blame for adultery.
Conversely the wife does not enjoy a similar exclusive right to sex with her husband and to
compensation in the event of the husband’s adultery.
A husband is believed to be within his rights to take additional wives and to have sexual
relations with unmarried women. The law does not provide a remedy to the wife against the
husband in the circumstances. 78
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It is often argued that polygamy makes the husband and wife unequal partners. The wife is
subjected to unconditional fidelity during marriage in the same way as her monogamous
counterpart, but the husband is under no reciprocal duty.
The husband has the duty to maintain his family and to ensure that they have adequate food
and clothing.
This is satisfied by the allocation of land to the wife on which she may cultivate crops.
Muli vs.Kithuka.
In the event of a divorce, the husband’s duty to maintain the wife ceases because once the divorce, she
returns to the parents and is now the parents’ responsibility and no longer the husband’s.
Jessie Nyokabi vs. Public Trustee (sued as the Administrator of the Estate of S.J Kagondu
It was held that according to Kikuyu customary law the obligation of a deceased’s elder brother to
support the widow and her children from his own resources was not an absolute obligation and it is not
an obligation to spend any particular amount. It was an obligation to protect and in case of necessity
give what support he could. The husband reserves the right to chastise his wife where she has wronged
him however excessive beating is not allowed in customary law.
On the part of the wife her duties include cultivating any fields given to her by the husband,
maintaining the household including preparing the food for her family and bearing and looking
after her children.
The parties have a right to matrimonial confidence within the spouses. This right is similar to the
situation obtaining under the general law, the reasons explaining the existence of this rule being
similar.
This is the basis for privilege position of spouses in the law of marriage. The law will protect any
matrimonial confidence that is entered into during the subsistence of marriage.
The law of evidence gives the spouse immunity against compulsion to disclose communication
during covertures, which generally makes a spouse not a compellable witness for the
prosecution when the other spouse is charged with a crime this privilege was however denied
African couples during the colonial period, allegedly on the ground of the need of maintaining
law and order or colonial stability.
Customary law envisages a patriarchal society. The man retains control over his wife or wives
and the children, meaning his unmarried daughters and his married sons if they continue to live
near him.
Claims over children extend beyond physical paternity, so that the payment of marriage
consideration gives the husband the right to claim the children born to the wife even when she
was separated from him to live with another man provided there is no formal divorce.
These cases deal with the issue of dowry and the courts did recognize that this institution can be
abused. See Momanyi Nyaberi vs. Onwonga Nyaboga
The Applicant applied for a declaration that he was entitled to a woman and the children which he had
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with her. The woman had been married under Kisii Customary law to the Respondent but could not get
any children with him. And under Kisii Customary Law any children which are gotten by a woman with a
man other than her husband belong to the husband and the husband refused to divorce the wife
insisting that she must stay with him and that the children are his. It was held that the practice whereby
a husband refuses to divorce his wife on the grounds that bride price had not been repaid to him so as
to claim the children that she may have was an abuse of customary law and repugnant to natural justice.
Customary law creates duties of a spouse towards the other spouse’s family. These include
duties of hospitality, economic cooperation and respect.
Senior family members from both families have a right to intervene in the event of marital
difficulties developing between the spouses.
The wife is absorbed into the man’s family, to the extent that in the event of the husband’s
death she is expected to stay on in the husband’s family looking after her husband’s children.
In some communities she is expected to cohabit with one of her deceased husband’s kinsmen.
Generally under customary law marriage is for life.
Should she insist on leaving her husband’s family, the wife would lose her right to access her
husband’s property, her right to maintenance or help from her husband’s family or his property.
Modern trends
Much of the position stated above, although applied widely by most rural communities and by
the poorer segments of the urban population, has been largely modified through the influence
of legislation as well as international instruments.
Some of the rights and obligations under customary law might be extremely difficult to enforce
in a court of law today.
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The husband’s duties to of maintenance are in theory more extensive than in the other systems.
It is the man who does the duties of cooking, washing clothes and utensils, grinding, pounding,
cleaning, sifting, sieving, etc, for the woman and she is not required to do any of these duties
except voluntarily out of kindness.
Where the man has married more than one wife Muslim Law obligates him to treat each wife
with kindness and equality.
The husband is under a legal obligation to maintain his wife to the standards that she is used to.
See Farhana d/o Zafarulla Khan and another vs. Mohammed Shafiq Quresh
Farhana d/o Zafarulla Khan and Another vs. Mohammed Shafiq Quresh
It was held that maintenance is payable to divorced women under Muslim law. It also held that under
Muslim law the marriage gifts a man gives to his prospective wife belong to her as well as the gifts
acquired by the wife before or after the marriage. Further held that a marriage is a special contract but
not an economic transaction and to claim reimbursement of the expenses incurred in the staging of a
marriage which eventually fails is to attach an economic element to the contract of marriage and is
contrary to public policy. To allow such a claim is tantamount to giving parents of spouse’s right of
monetary investment in the marriage of their children.
The husband has the right to restrain the wife’s activities and to exercise marital authority over
her and the children.
The husband has a duty to pay mahari to the wife, and she has a corresponding right to the
mahari and she may choose to recover it if it is not paid in full.
In Saliha Binti Baraka vs. Tiabit Bin Salim Saliha case deals with recovery of dowry and the
other one as to maintenance. Each spouse has a right to the others consortium and to enforce
performance of the other spouses marital duties.
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They are generally that the parties have a right to consortium and the right to consortium is
similar to that that arises under statutory law.
The wife has a right to maintenance. Section 7(2) of Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act applies the
Matrimonial Causes Act to marriages that are contracted under the Hindu Act.
This therefore means that the maintenance conditions under the Matrimonial Causes Act will
also apply to Hindu Marriages.
The protection of the Subordinate Courts (Separation and Maintenance) Act is available to
Hindus. Caste is irrelevant.
Under Hindu Customary Law the wife has a duty to cohabit with her husband
So in many respect Hindu Marriages are similar to marriages under statutory law.
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LECTURE 10-13: 18TH NOVEMBER-9TH DECEMBER 2013- 5.30-7.30PM (LECTURE HALL B5)
It often happens that a man and woman cohabit or live together for a considerable period of
time, without going through a ceremony of marriage.
They may beget children and they may relate for all practical purposes as husband and wife,
including discharging to each other the normal obligations of marriage.
The courts in such cases may, when called upon to, presume marriage between the parties
founded on the circumstances of each case.
The rationale for is usually the judicial demand for solutions to some complex social dilemma or
procedural conveniences.
This is called the common law presumption of marriage. The concept of presumption of a
marriage is an appreciation of the needs of the parties in life when a man and a woman cohabit
for a long period without solemnizing their union by going through a recognized form of
marriage.
Where a man and a woman have cohabitated for such a length of time and in such
circumstances as to have acquired the reputation of being a man and a wife, a lawful marriage
between them will generally be presumed though there may be no positive evidence of any
marriage having taken place and the presumption can only be rebutted only by strong and
weighty evidence to the contrary.
This called the presumed marriage. It is a ‘judge-made’ marriage which is presumed to bring
about consequences of marriage to a situation where a man and woman have lived as though
they were married, having not fulfilled the formal requirements of marriage.
The presumption is made both where there is some evidence of a marriage ceremony of some
sort having been preformed followed by cohabitation as husband and wife and also where there
is no evidence of any sort or kind of marriage ceremony but there is evidence of cohabitation by
and acceptance of the parties by the community as such.
In both cases a very heavy burden of proof is imposed on the one who wishes to rebut the
presumption.
The courts are generally reluctant to hold in a given case that presumption has been rebutted,
since the presumption is a device for recognizing as a marriage a union that is in substance
though not in form a marriage.
Family law is also trying to incorporate certain situations which do not fall within the family
threshold and this is one of them.
Under this presumption they will be deemed to be married even if they have not undergone any
formal marriage ceremony.
Bromley’s family law 9th edition p 52 states that if a man and a woman cohabit and hold
themselves as husband and wife this in itself raises a presumption that they are legally married.
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See Breadalbane
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Breadalbane
Cranworth J stated that if upon the death of persons who had cohabited without a formal ceremony of
marriage a succession opened to their children, anyone claiming a share in the such succession as a child
would establish good prima facie case by showing that parents had always passed in society as a man
and his wife, and that he (the claimant) passed as their child. He added that marriage can only exist as a
result of mutual agreement.
The conduct of the parties and of their friends and neighbors, as to their habits and repute,
affords strong evidence that at some unascertained time a mutual agreement to marry was
entered into by the parties passing as man and wife.
Habit and repute is generally conclusive evidence of marriage, unless the same is met by
counter evidence.
Where parties have not met legal requisites to be called man and wife. See
Re Thompson vs Thompson
A man and woman lived together for ten years and had 5 children and the neighbours treated them as
husband and wife. Court held presumption of marriage had taken place.
The common law presumption of marriage has been imported into the Kenyan law by the
reception clause as embodied in section 3(2) of the Judicature Act.
The concept of presumption of a marriage is an appreciation of the needs of the parties in life
when a man and a woman cohabit for a long period without solemnizing their union by going
through a recognized form of marriage.
The first record of its application is in the case of Hortensia Wanjiku Yawe vs. The Public
Trustee
was derived from English law and was not opposed to Kikuyu law.
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Hortensia Wanjiku Yawe vs. The Public Trustee has been followed by a long line of other
decisions emanating from both the High Court and Court of Appeal on the principle of
presumption of marriage. See the following cases
Sylvester Kongo Mukono & Another vs. Geoffrey Ndungu Muigai & Another
The man and woman were living together, had a child, both constructed a house, both their families
recognized their relationship as that of husband and wife court held a case had been made for
presumption of marriage by reason of long cohabitation and conduct. Held the burden of proof is on the
party who alleges that there was no marriage.
legal obligations and cohabitation does not. The court quoted Wambuzi P in Mary Njoki vs. John
Kinyanjui MutheruCACA No. 71 of 1984 where he said, the presumption has nothing to do with the law
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of marriage as such, whether this be ecclesiastical, statutory or customary. The presumption is nothing
more than an assumption that the parties must be married irrespective of the nature of the marriage
actually contracted and irrespective of marriage if one is not actually contracted.
cohabitation but by the time cohabitation started it had not been legally resolved. Court applied Hill vs.
Hill (1959) All ER 281 it was held that a presumption of valid marriage can still be made even though the
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Issues have arisen before the Kenyan courts over the applicability and suitability of this
presumption with respect to customary law marriages which are either polygamous or
potentially polygamous.
There are two divergent positions over the applicability of the presumption of marriage to
parties whose personal law is customary law.
i. There is the position that customary law does not know the presumption, and therefore the
same is an alien concept.
ii. The other view holds that customary law can accommodate the presumption of marriage.
See Hortensia Wanjiku Yawe vs. The Public Trustee
It would appear that customary law cannot accommodate the presumption. Customary law
does not tolerate irregular marriages.
Customary law marriages are a communal matter in the sense that it is not just a union of
individuals; it is a matter involving the two families.
Under customary law the marriage union is sealed by the families, not the individuals. Indeed it
is often described as an alliance of two family groups.
That being so, it is fairly easy to determine whether or not a marriage has been entered into
because, unlike English marriages, it involves the community at large who would consequently
know that a marriage has been entered into.
Under customary law the line between marriage and mere cohabitation is quite clear.
The main indicator of whether a customary law marriage has been contracted being the
performance of the customary rite which signifies the commencement or validity of a marriage
– the ngurario for the Kikuyu, the kuthea for the Kamba, the tying of the segutiet grass among
the Nandi, among the Luo, it is the presentation of the gonjoroya heifer to the bride by the
parents of the groom, among others.
Where the all important rite is not performed the association or cohabitation between the two
is regarded as mere friendship, and the woman is not a wife.
The Kenyan courts in an effort to make the presumption of marriage apply to Africans, that is
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those whose personal law is customary; have tended to broaden the principle.
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It has been described not as a principle of common law, but of common sense. In Hortensia
Wanjiku Yawe vs. The Public Trustee Wambuzi P. stated that the principle has nothing to do
with the law of marriage as such, but is nothing more than an assumption arising out of long
cohabitation and general repute that the parties are married irrespective of the nature of the
marriage actually contracted. Mustafa JA added that all marriages in whatever form are basically
similar; and the presumption of marriage as a concept is beneficial to the institution of
marriage, to the status of the parties involved and their children and it is applicable to all
marriages howsoever celebrated. It is clearly discernible that the court is trying to apply the
presumption in a broader sense so as to make it beneficial to the family unit.
Whereas it was formulated as a common law concept applicable to strictly monogamous
marriages, the East African court sought in Hortensia Wanjiku Yawe vs. The Public Trustee to
extend its tentacles beyond the common law to cover persons whose personal law allowed
potentially polygamous marriages.(COMPARE THIS WITH THE BUSINESS OF AGREEMENTS TO
MARRY, WHY IS IT THAT THE ACTION FOR BREACH OF AGREEMENTS TO MARRY WILL NOT APPLY
TO CUSTOMARY LAW SITUATIONS WHILE IT IS BEING SAID THAT THIS PRESUMPTION IS BLIND
TO THE SYSTEM OF MARRIAGE THAT THE PARTIES HAVE GONE THROUGH).
It may be argued that the presumption is useful in circumstances where a person seeks to take
advantage of the failure to observe the requirements of a customary law marriage to avoid his
obligations to the woman or her children.
Such was the case in Peter Hinga vs. Mary Wanjiku
This presumption has been applied to the Kenyan situation with regard to this assumption the
Kenyan courts have stated that this presumption existed under African Customary Law.
In Wanjiku Yawe the court found that this presumption can also be found under African
Customary Law. See the following cases:
Where presumption of a marriage was held to exist for the reason that the parties held themselves out
as husband and wife to the world at large. And the villagers knew and referred to them as such.
Re Estate of Kittany
Where it was held that before a man or a woman is to be presumed to have been married by virtue of a
long cohabitation and repute there has to be a declaratory order from a court of competent jurisdiction.
Lucy Wambui Maina vs. Dickson Muhia Mutty & 2 Others
The court held that since no bride price was paid, no customary Kikuyu marriage was celebrated
between the parties. It also held that there was presumption of marriage between the parties since they
had cohabited for three years. It was further held upholding the decision in Njoroge vs. Njoroge&
Another (2004)1 KLR 611 that under Kikuyu customary law responsibility for the burial of a man falls in
the first place on his eldest son or his brothers but the wife can participate and attend the burial.
Philip Ratemo Buge vs. Marcella Mamboleo and Six others
The court held that it could still have held there was a presumption of marriage based on long
cohabitation and general repute besides finding there was a customary law marriage, in a matter where
there was no evidence of payment of dowry and where the court was prepared to hold that under Teso
customary law dowry can still be paid after the death of the husband.
consent to the marriage of both parents and the prospective spouses and that in this case the parties
were man and wife under customary law. Ngurario was not performed. Was this not a case for
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presumption of marriage?
Under Muslim Law marriages arising out of cohabitation are not permitted. One has to comply
with all the requirements of marriage.
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LECTURE 10-12: 18TH NOVEMBER-2ND DECEMBER 2013- 5.30-7.30PM (LECTURE HALL B5)
Introduction
Judicial separation may be decreed by the court on any ground for which divorce may be
granted: this relieves the parties from the normal grounds of cohabitation, but does not
terminate the marriage.
The court makes orders concerning the future custody of children, and can order the husband to
maintain the wife and children after a decree of separation.
The Subordinate Courts (Separation and Maintenance) Act (Cap 153 Laws of Kenya) also
provides that wives in monogamous marriages may seek certain orders against their husbands
on a wide range of grounds, which include, inter alia, desertion, persistent cruelty, willful
neglect to maintain and habitual drunkenness.
Subordinate Courts (separation and Maintenance) Act S.3. (1) Any woman may apply to the
court for an order or orders under this Act on any of the following grounds, namely –
a) That her husband has been convicted of an offence against her under any of sections 234, 236,
237, 239, and 251 of the Penal Code;
b) That her husband has deserted her;
c) That her husband has been guilty of persistent cruelty to her or her children or of wilful neglect
to provide reasonable maintenance for her or her children whom he is legally liable to maintain;
d) That her husband has, while suffering from a venereal disease and knowing that he was so
suffering, insisted upon having sexual intercourse with her;
e) That her husband has compelled her to submit herself to prostitution;
f) That her husband is an habitual drunkard or habitual drug-taker.
When the husband has in the opinion of the court been guilty of such conduct as was likely to
result and has resulted in his wife submitting herself to prostitution, he shall for the purposes of
this Act be deemed to have compelled her so to submit herself.
(3) An application under this Act shall be made to the court having jurisdiction within the area in
which any such conviction has taken place or in which the cause of complaint has wholly or
partially arisen.
(4) For the purposes of this Act, "children whom he is legally liable to maintain" includes, in
addition to children of the marriage, any child of the wife born before such marriage (whether
such child is legitimate or illegitimate) until such child attains the age of sixteen years or until
the death of its mother, whichever event first occurs.
Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act section 12 provides that a petition for judicial separation may
be presented to the court by either the husband or the wife on any of the following grounds –
a) On any of the grounds on which a petition for divorce might be presented by that party; or
b) That the respondent has deserted the petitioner without cause for a period of at least two years
immediately preceding the presentation of the petition; or
c) That the respondent has since the celebration of the marriage treated the petitioner with
cruelty; or
d) That the respondent has failed to comply with a decree for restitution of conjugal rights.
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The termination of a statutory marriage (that is to say the monogamous civil, Hindu and
Christian unions) is not consensually decided by the parties.
Theoretically, termination is possible during the lives of the parties only by judicial decree,
except of course, in cases of death of one or both parties.
The law applicable, the Matrimonial Causes Act, is closely modeled on English law, the
Matrimonial Causes Act of 1939 of of the United Kingdom.(Repealed to Divorce Reform Act)
The law of Divorce in Kenya has remained substantially the English law it received as a British
colony.
1. Adultery
Under the Matrimonial Causes Act both the husband and wife can sue for divorce on the
ground of either spouse’s adultery.
Section 9(2) of the Matrimonial Causes provides that on a petition of divorce represented by
the wife the court may if it thinks fit, direct that the person with whom the husband is alleged to
have committed adultery be made a respondent.
Analyse the following cases
stated that the standard of proof is very high and circumstantial evidence in proof thereof ought to be
carefully and cautiously considered. The charge must be proved clearly beyond establishing a mere
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adultery. In this case evidence that the co-respondent stayed in many occasions both in day and night
with the appellant wife at her house when the husband was away was held to lead to the conclusion
that adultery had been committed on those occasions. Adultery was proved by circumstantial evidence.
Court can also infer adultery where a child is born outside the normal gestation period e.g
where one spouse was away. [Prestone Jones vs. Prestone Jones]
See also
Florence Makundi vs Wellington Makundi
95
The respondent had brought two women whom he was living with in the matrimonial home and did not
deny living with them. Court held he was guilty of adultery and dissolved their marriage.
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Njenga vs Njenga
Evidence rebutting presumption must be cogent and convincing. Where a husband alleges that a child
born during the subsistence of marriage is not his, evidence should be adduced to establish paternity.
Another indication of adultery is cohabitation with another person during the subsistence of the
marriage.
See the following cases
Courts should also admit evidence of confession by a spouse. One is required to file a
discretional statement asking court to treat him with leniency where they are admitting they
have committed adultery.
See the following cases
Glean vs Glean
The husband was found to have a veneral disease.
Fransis Cambuche v Michel Tinga Jefwa &Another
The respondent admitted he had another family and court held he had admitted adultery. Medical
evidence is applicable in England by virtue of section 3 of matrimonial causes act Kenyan courts are
allowed to apply English jurisdiction
Where a petitioner alleges adultery by the other spouse he /she must enjoin the person
involved in the adultery in the proceedings see Jane Kiyo Mwathi vs. Peter Mwathi Mbugua
See also
96
It was held that Section 9(1) of the Matrimonial Causes Act makes citation of the co-respondent
mandatory on the part of the husband petitioner who wishes to rely on the ground of adultery of the
wife in divorce proceedings court also held that Section 9(2) of the Matrimonial Causes Act does not
provide that a wife petitioner needs leave of the court to cite the woman she alleges to have an
adulterous association with the husband.. it is silent on whether wife petitioner should or should not
cite and it is open to court to ignore non-citation in case of wife petitioner. Court held that in purporting
to lay a lower standard of procedure for a wife who seeks to rely on adultery for divorcing her husband ,
subsection 2 of section 9 of the matrimonial causes act contravenes the constitutional tenet of non
discrimination on grounds of sex and that the subsection is unconstitutional and a nullity and not
binding not withstanding the fact that provision of section 4(b) of section 82 of the constitution is to the
effect that the provisions outlawing discrimination does not apply inter alia to divorce. Also held that
allegation of witchcraft ought to be proved with concrete eidence. The standard of proof is high.
2. Cruelty
It is a grave and weighty conduct that either causes danger to life or limb, health both mentally
or bodily.
Conduct must be of a grave and weighty nature such that to make continued cohabitation
virtually impossible this must be distinguished from the ordinary wear and tear of married life.
There must be injury to health or a reasonable apprehension thereof. See Meme vs Meme
See also
Ngerechi vs Marindany
Court granted a divorce on account of husbands using abusive and obscene language in public towards
the wife causing her psychological torment. court held this amounted to cruelty and the marriage had
irretrievably broken down as a result.
97
Divorce was granted on account of cruelty in form of physical and mental violence. The evidence from
medical reports and police abstracts was held enough to proof cruelty.
Rosebella Adhiambo Omondi vs. Daniel Michael Owiti
Husband used to threaten the wife with death, abused her in private and public because she could not
give birth and that she was useless. Court held upholding the decision in Meme V Meme [1976] eKLR
that cruelty is define as willful and justifiable conduct of such character as to cause danger to life, limb
or health, bodily or mental as to give rise to a reasonable apprehension of such a danger. Held that the
fact that the wife cannot give birth to any child to the husband cannot justify cruelty in matrimonial
relationship. Divorce was granted.
irretrievably broken down, one of the standards set down in a customary marriage in Selina Anyango vs.
Sila Oyugi [1979] KLR 279
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Held the husband was guilty of cruelty and dissolved the marriage. He used to beat the wife many times
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and finally threw her out of the matrimonial home and locked the gate.
Gollins vs Gollins
Lord pearce “whereas a blow speaks for itself, insult, humiliation, meanness depravation and the like
may need interpretation of unduly ……………..the conduct should be grave or weighty and in effect
should be substantial to the person complaining.
King vs King
Mere apprehension of danger eg due to threat may be cruelty. Mere intention to be cruel is not an
element of cruelty except if the other spouse apprehends danger.
Williams vs Williams.
Using abusive and obscene language to the other spouse causing psychological torment can amount to
cruelty.
Nasim Hassan Haji vs Bernard Metzger
Wife granted divorce on ground of cruelty, the husband assaulted her causing her suffer mental stress
and her health deteriorated held that the .marriage had irretrievably broken ground.
Mariandiallo vs Etilesoshene Pierre
The husband had poisoned the petitioner’s food, repeatedly locked her in her bedroom and tried to set
the room on fire and demanded that she gives him money to buy his ticket, he used to drink and beat
her marriage dissolved on cruelty grounds.
became aggressive in public and other places and this behaviour embarrassed and caused the husband
mental anguish
Jinatal Patel vs. Simit Kumar S. Patel
Acts of taking alcohol, assaulting the wife, bad temper and use of vulgar language on the other spouse
was held to amount to cruelty.
Hms vs Mhcs
Held that constant abuses, neglect and in the end abrupt desertion without cause are acts of cruelty
which cannot be termed as normal wear and tear of married life.
Court held that where a husband left the wife for a whole night in the sitting room and went to sleep
with another woman in the master bedroom for a whole night that amounted to cruelty. It also held
that for one to prove desertion since the petitioner did not establish which was the matrimonial home
that the other spouse deserted and whether there was no cause for desertion.
Husband deserted the wife immediately upon the birth of their child held that this must have been a
painful; experience for her and dissolved ht marriage for cruelty and desertion.
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Held that under section 7 of the matrimonial causes act the decree of judicial separation is the sufficient
proof of the grounds on which it was granted and held that acts of cruelty are sufficiently proved by the
decree of judicial separation.
3. Desertion
Section 8(1) (b) of the Matrimonial Causes Act requires that a petition for divorce may be
presented to the court either by the husband or the wife on the ground that the respondent has
deserted the petitioner without cause for a period of at least three years immediately preceding
the presentation of the petition. See Anastasiah Njambi Kareko vs. Parminus Ngugi Mbugua
There is no definite definition of desertion but the main characteristics of the offence are, the
fact of separation; the intention to desert; the lack of nay justification for the separation and the
lack of consent by the respondent.
There must be factual separation coupled with the animus deserendi to constitute desertion.
The mental element required is an intention to end the matrimonial union permanently to an
end.
Where the party who stays behind by reason of conduct on his part made it intolerable for the
other spouse to stay he is said to be in Constructive desertion.
One party may physically expel the other, or order the other to leave, on party may be guilty of
conduct which is equivalent to driving the other away.
Desertion is not the withdrawal from a place, but from a state of things. There must be
separation of households, not separation of houses. If parties are living under the same roof but
are living completely separate lives, the fact of desertion is present.
However refusal to perform marital obligation does not by itself constitute fact of desertion.
Divorce on ground of desertion was denied for the reason that three years had not lapsed since the
marriage was celebrated and there was no sufficient reason shown why the tree years requirement
should be waived.
for desertion.
Malison V Malison [1961] E.A 185 the wife living in Nanyuki refused to join the husband who was
employed away from the matrimonial home in Gilgil . Court held on divorce petition by the husband on
ground of desertion that the refusal by the wife to join the husband was unreasonable however, the
evidence fell short of establishing an animus deserendi on the part of the wife. Held that the burden of
proof is heavier than in ordinary civil action.
Further held that it is a question to be determined by the court whether the conclusion can be drawn
from the circumstances that an act of intercourse constitutes forgiveness and reinstatement. There was
no reason to disbelieve the petitioner that they were still quarrelling and that she never changed her
firm intention to leave the respondent as soon as circumstances permitted; accordingly there was no
re-instatement and there was no condonation. Court stated that there is no factual presumption as such
from the permitting of intercourse by the wife that she has necessarily condoned the matrimonial
offence.
Syan vs Syan
It was held that mere wish that the other spouse should leave is not by itself sufficient to constitute
constructive desertion. It must be accompanied by grave and weighty character so as to make
cohabitation virtually impossible. In this case the wife agreed, at the behest of her in-laws to move into
her parents house and did not regain entry thereto, the court granted divorce on the ground of
desertion by the wife.
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Patel vs Patel
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It was held the burden of proof for desertion lies with the petitioner for divorce and it is a heavier
burden than that which lies on a party to an ordinary civil action. The petitioner has to proof that the
respondent left the matrimonial home; that she left without the husband’s consent; that she left with
intention permanently of ending cohabitation; and, that she left without just cause. Court held that
where a prima facie case of desertion has been made out, the burden of proof passes to the party
alleged to be guilty of desertion to satisfy the court that there are reasons which absolve him. Court also
stated that to excuse desertion, it is not necessary to prove any matrimonial offence. The court followed
the decision in Saunders V Saunders [1965] 2 W.L.R 35 where it was held that the general test of what
conduct amounts to constructive desertion is whether the defendant has been guilty of such grave and
weighty misconduct that the only sensible inference is that he knew that the complainant would in all
probability withdraw from cohabitation with him, if she acted like any reasonable person in her position.
Court further stated that if there is in fact desertion without cause, it would be determined by a bona
fide offer to return, made before the filling of the petition. A wish to return is not enough, it must be
conveyed to the deserted party and there is no obligation on the deserted party to make any overture. It
was also held that it is not the usual practice of the court to condemn a wife with costs in matrimonial
proceedings, except where it is shown that she has sufficient separate estate. In this case this was not
shown and the husband was condemned to bear the wife’s costs.
Termination of Desertion
A spouse who has been deserted must take his partner back.
The party making an offer to resume cohabitation; the offer must be genuine in that it must be
to return permanently and the person offering must have both the intention and the means to
implement it if it is accepted.
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The offer must also not be subject to unreasonable conditions. Desertion can be terminated by
resumption of cohabitation which destroys factum of desertion; if one party subsequently
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consents to the other living apart e.g separation agreement, the desertion ends; other
supervening events may remove the duty to cohabit (eg a court order such as a decree of
judicial separation) which releases the parties from the duty to live together will terminate
desertion.
See the following cases (Where the courts held the marriage have irretrievably broken down
1. Absolute Bars
(a) Connivance
Connivance means consent to or acquiescence in adultery committed by the other spouse.
Connivance is where the adultery of one spouse has been caused or has been knowingly or
recklessly permitted by the other spouse.
In such case the other spouse is an accessory to the adultery. If the court is satisfied of the
evidence that the petitioner has been an accessory or has connived at the adultery then it has to
dismiss the petition.
The principles as to what constitutes connivance were laid down in Churchman v. Churchman
(1945) P 44 it was stated as follows:
the inception of the adultery and not its reputation although connivance at the continuous of an
adulterous association may show that the party conniving must be taken to have done so at the first.
In this case it was stated that the material event is the inception of the adultery that is when the
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petitioner first knew of the adulterous association, he must have connived for the adultery to
happen.
Once connivance is established the complainant will be barred from complaining of adultery
with any third party unless he can show there is no causal connection between connivance and
the adultery now complained of.
(b) Condonation
This is the forgiveness of a marital offence and reconciliation between the parties with full
knowledge of all the material circumstances.
“It is the reinstatement of a spouse who has committed a matrimonial offence in his / her
former matrimonial position in knowledge of all the materials facts of that offence”.
Under Section 10(3) of the Matrimonial Causes Act adultery shall not be deemed to have been
condoned unless and until conjugal cohabitation shall have resumed.
The elements of condonation are the fact of reinstatement, the intention to forgive and the
knowledge of the offence. See
Mere forgiveness does not amount to condonation. For condonation to exist the forgiveness
must be followed by cohabitation and the restoring of the offending party to their former
position as husband or wife. See
108
having committed adultery when he was away. The wife accepted the offer but on his return home he
changed his mind and petitioned for divorce. It was held that there was no condonation because there
was no reinstatement.
(c) Collusion
This is the presenting of a divorce petition by way of a bargain or agreement between the
parties.
The reason why this is a bar to divorce is that true facts will be hidden from the court and in
some case marital offence will be procured or pretended for the purposes of securing a divorce.
See
2. Discretionary Bars
(a) Unreasonable Delay
Delay that is unexplained may be fatal to a petitioner’s relief and in Johnson vs. Johnson (1903)
109
it was stated that the reason why courts insist on steps being taken promptly are that it is a
terrible thing that people should go around and about neither married nor unmarried possibly
liable to contract fresh and illegal matrimony and certainly exposed to the temptation to
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commit adultery.
The court is saying that once a marital offence has been committed then parties are in a state of
limbo, they do not discharge their usual marital obligations and the temptation to commit
adultery is there and that is why the court wants them to take steps promptly.
Under Rule 28 of the Matrimonial Causes Rules a full statement of the facts upon which the
petitioner relies for the exercise of the court’s discretion should also be lodged in court with the
petition.
Once the petitioner has proved his ground for divorce and none of the bars has been proved
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However an application can be made to expedite the decree absolute within a shorter time
when reasonable grounds are shown.
For example where it is shown that a child will be born illegitimate or for purposes of making
financial provisions for children of the marriage.
The main reason why we have an intervening period of 6 months is to enable unsuccessful
respondents to appeal against the granting of the decree nisi or for any other person to
intervene to show cause why the decree should not be made absolute.
As soon as the decree nisi is made absolute either spouse is then free to remarry which is not
the case under the decree nisi and under Section 16 of MCA if a party remarries before a decree
nisi is made absolute, then that marriage will be void.
Some Procedure
See the following cases
Shah vs Shah
The respondent entered appearance, filed answer to the petition and filed affidavit of his property and
income as required under rule 44 of the Matrimonial Causes Rules. The petitioner then amended the
petition in response to the answer to petition but the respondent did not amend his answer. The
petitioner then made an application seeking alimony and maintenance. The respondent sought an
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adjournment to file a replying affidavit to that application. Court held that the only affidavit that may be
filed under rules 44 & 48 of the matrimonial causes rules is the one to be filed in the application for
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ancillary reliefs by the petitioner and any supplementary ones which the judge may order a party or
both parties during the proceedings. The intention of the legislature was to deny the respondent an
opportunity to file a replying affidavit. The civil procedure rules do not apply to matters which are
matrimonial except where the act itself so provides.
Wanjiru vs Lowe
The court held that rule 3 (3) of the Matrimonial Causes Rules which provides for the making of an
application by way of chambers summons could only apply where rules 3 (2) (a-f) do not provide for a
way of commencing an application. That an application for alimony pending suit made where a claim for
alimony is made in the original petition need not be by notice and may be brought by chamber
summons. Further held that under Section 25(1) of the Matrimonial Causes Act is clear that alimony
pending suit could be granted before decree nisi is issued. And the omission to issue a notice requiring
an affidavit of means to be filed or the omission to issue a notice under form 5 of the appendix (notice
to appear to be contained in a notice of an application for ancillary relief where no appearance has been
entered in the petition) could not be put right without the applicant filling a fresh application.
Kimani vs Gikanga
The court held that where African customary law is neither notorious nor documented it must be
established for the court’s guidance by the party intending to rely on it. It should be proved by evidence
or expert opinion. The purpose of assessors is to help the court in forming an opinion of the customary
law which is applicable to the case before it, and which the court is required to take judicial notice of.
112
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An Act to provide for the marriage of African Christians and for the dissolution of such
marriages.
[Section 3 (1) of the African Christian Marriage and Divorce Act] provides marriage under the
marriage Act are Africans professing the Christian religion the provisions of cap 51 Act relating
to dissolution of marriage shall apply to such marriage as if it were a marriage under the African
Christian Marriage and Divorce Act.
The provisions of the Marriage Act apply to all marriages celebrated under the African Christian
Marriage and Divorce Act except as otherwise provided in African Christian Marriage and
Divorce Act.
That the act apply only to the marriages of Africans one or both of whom profess the Christian
religion and to the dissolution of such marriages. The Act does not however prevent any African
marrying under the Marriage Act, but if one or both parties to a
Section 6 (1) of the Matrimonial Causes Act provides that no petition for divorce shall be
presented to the court unless three years have elapsed since the date of marriage.
There is however a proviso to the effect that court may grant leave for a divorce petition before
three years elapse on the ground that the case is one of exceptional hardship suffered by the
petitioner or for exceptional depravity on the part of the respondent.
See the following cases
Rattansey vs Rattansey
The petitioner and respondent were married under the marriage ordinance. The respondent later
converted to Islam and on the same day they went through a ceremony of marriage under Muslim law.
It was held that the second marriage ceremony had no legal effect as the parties had already a status of
man and wife held that the court has inherent powers under the common law of England to make
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declaratory decrees in matrimonial causes where no other relief is sought. Also held that there is no
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principle of law that a marriage must be dissolved under the same system as that under which it was
contracted. Section 4 of the marriage, divorce and succession (non Christian Asiatic) ordinance,
Tanganyika does not prevent the dissolution by divorce in religious form of a marriage contracted under
the marriage ordinance.
be able to proof actual cruelty. Court opined that it the high time for parliament to revisit these
questions considering the social, cultural and economic changes that have taken place over the years
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affecting the attitudes of people towards marriages, societal moves religion et.c . Legislation ought to
consider that there are many situations that may require disengagement from a marriage consensually
and without necessarily first proving that the other spouse is a devil before the union is put asunder.
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Introduction
Termination of a customary law marriage by divorce is regulated by the unwritten laws of the
different communities of Kenya.
Earlier on there were significant differences in the local traditions of the different communities
on divorce.
Some, such as the Luo did not recognize divorce, others, like the Nandi did not allow it once the
wife had borne children, among the Kipsigis it was allowed only for a limited range of reasons,
while among the Kikuyu divorce was rare, it was quite common among the Kamba.
At present these differences remain, although divorce is now more widely accepted among all
Africans. Divorce under customary law can be either judicial or extra judicial.
Under customary law there are no rigid and inflexible rules and practice relating to termination
of marriage.
The ideology supporting marriage as a union more of two families rather than that of two
individuals is supported by institutional arrangements and dispute settlement machinery that
makes divorce rather rare.
The practice of polygamy is one of the several ways designed for the avoidance of divorce,
where the husband takes a second wife instead of sending away and divorcing the first one with
whom they have had a serious dispute.
The practice of levirate unions, in the event of the husband’s death, lends credence to the non-
dissolvability of marriages and also of the notion of ‘family marriages’ as opposed to marriage
between man and his wife which presupposes the existence of nuclear family structures.
The grounds for divorce under customary law are not formalized, and it is safe to describe them
as reasons for which may be regarded under appropriate circumstances as justifying the
dissolution of the marriage. Indeed under customary law, just as in Islamic law, no fault has to
be proved before a divorce is granted.
The reasons found to be of general acceptance include:
i. witchcraft by either spouse;
ii. willful desertion by either spouse, especially if the wife has gone to a lover;
iii. adultery by the wife; repeated trouble-making by the wife, especially in the village or among
co-wives;
iv. slothfulness or laziness by the wife;
v. refusal of sexual intercourse by the wife without good cause;
vi. impotence in the husband; barrenness in the wife, which is normally not a good reason for
divorce among most communities, but it is recognized as a solid ground by the Kikuyu;
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x. unreasonable failure by the husband to maintain the wife by providing her with adequate
land, home, clothes and so on; and habitual theft.
The above should not be treated as grounds for divorce in the strict sense, but they apply to
both judicial and non-judicial divorces. See the following case
Leonita Salume vs. Captan Nyongesa
It was claimed that the husband had failed to maintain the wife and the children.
Under customary law, polygamy does not give the wife the right to seek divorce from her
husband on the basis of his having married another wife.
Indeed, the wife cannot obtain a divorce on the ground that the husband has had an adulterous
relationship with one or more women unless that woman is married.
In fact in most communities sexual intercourse with a woman will not suffice unless the
husband’s conduct becomes habitual. See
In nearly all communities divorce is entirely a matter for decision by the families and the parties
concerned and is extra-judicial.
In the meetings of the family elders an attempt would usually be made to look beyond the
particular complaint to discover whether the marriage had broken down irretrievably, the role
of the elders being to seek to bring reconciliation where possible.
Extra judicial divorce may be initiated by the husband or the wife or even by the wife’s family.
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The husband initiates it by chasing away his wife by telling her to return to her parents’ home.
He is also required to inform her parents that he intends to be separated or divorced from their
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daughter.
The wife may also initiate divorce by voluntarily leaving her husband’s home and returning to
her parents while the wife’s family can also initiate divorce especially where the husband has
refused to pay the full bride price and they go and get their daughter.
See
Geofrey Kimeu Mkimithi vs. Matheka Nzioki and Another
It was stated that according to Kamba customary law divorce is signified by either the wife giving the
man she does not want to continue in marriage with a goat or the man himself going to fetch
mbuiyaulee goat from the home of the woman.
Under customary law, return of the marriage consideration is significant as it symbolizes the
validity of the divorce.
The return of the consideration will depend on whether there are any children of that marriage.
In most communities, if the husband retains custody of the children no refund of the marriage
consideration price is due.
Where the mother seeks to retain custody of the children, then consideration that will be
returned will depend on the number and gender of the children.
Where the wife initiates the divorce, the full marriage consideration becomes due. Among
some communities, where the husband initiates the divorce and the wife remarries then it will
be obligation of her new husband to refund the consideration.
It was held that it is the head of the woman’s family who should be sued in a suit for refund of
dowry. The court held that though dowry is voluntarily given it was in respect of anticipation of a
marriage which did not materialize and the same is refundable
One must however prove the amount given out and the person who received it.
In the Matter of the Estate of Alfred Imujaro the court held that as dowry had not returned
there was no divorce.
In the event of a termination of a marriage or failure of the marriage, the gifts given to the
woman’s family must be returned.
Like in the case of termination betrothals, the explanation for this customary rule is failure of
the consideration for the marriage.
The parties’ expectations would not be met, and consequently they have to be returned to the
position they occupied before the marriage or they entered into the contract.
It is a case of being restored to the status quo ante by having the gifts returned. The gifts are
returnable where the husband or wife obtains divorce for any of the reasons allowed under
customary law.
The amount returnable depends on a number of factors, among them: the fact of the woman
having given birth to some children during the marriage, especially where the wife retains
custody of the children; the duration of the marriage; the prospects of remarriage of the
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woman; and where the woman has been devaluated through either disease, injury or
barrenness, the husband would be entitled to return of part of the gifts, but not a divorce.
Essentially, whether the gifts have to be returned in full or in part vary from community to
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community.
The opinion of Western jurists is that judicial divorce that is that divorce should have its basis in
law.
In their opinion society’s interest is in the preservation of the family and when it is fragmented
by breakdown it is spouses and the children who suffer most, and therefore for the interest of
all it should be dissolved lawfully only when their interests are properly safeguarded.
On the other hand it has been argued that extra-judicial divorce does not mean instability in
marriage and family life.
Society’s interests are probably better served by the elaborate extra-judicial procedures; the
reality is that extra judicial divorce does not mean easy divorce. Under customary law emphasis
is on reconciliation and divorce is a last resort after all efforts at reconciliation have failed.
Furthermore marriage under customary law is more of an alliance of the two families than a
union of the two individuals.
As a result of this in cases of divorce the sanction of the families was considered a significant
factor, which made divorce difficult.
Judicial Divorce
Termination of a customary law marriage is usually sought from the courts in situations or
circumstances where a party has failed to comply with an extra judicial divorce, such as where
the husband refuses to accept return of the marriage consideration or where the wife refuses to
leave her matrimonial home.
There is a tendency though for the bringing of divorce cases before the courts even when some
measure of family agreement has been reached in order to have judicial sanction for
consequential decisions such as the return of marriage consideration, custody of children, and
the like.
Under Section 9 of the Magistrates Court Act the court is entitled to hear claims arising out of
marriage or divorce under customary law and the courts are required to determine the cases
before them in accordance with the customary law of the parties.
Normally the courts will insist on reconciliation procedures and it is only after proof that
reconciliation has failed that the courts will proceed to hear the divorce suit and subsequently
grant it if there is evidence to justify the termination of the marriage.
See Kavisyo Mukita vs. Benjamin Mavuti Kivuthi
The law does not recognize presumption of divorce out of a prolonged separation.
This position was stated in Geoffrey Kimeu Mkimithi vs. Matheka Nzioki and Another where
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the court said that in law there cannot be a presumption of divorce out of long separation.
See the following cases
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120
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The rules of divorce under Islamic law differ from both customary and statute law in various
essentials.
Dissolution of Islamic marriages is governed by Mohammedan law by virtue of section 3(1) of
the Mohammedan Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act.
This Act as well as the Mohammedan Marriage and Divorce Registration Act do not provide
grounds upon which a party married under Islamic could obtain divorce.
Section 6(1) of the Mohammedan Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act provides parties to a
Muslim marriage are entitled to relief by way of divorce which can be granted or obtained
according to Muslim law.
The High Court is vested with jurisdiction under section 3(3) of the Mohammedan Marriage,
Divorce and Succession Act to hear and give relief upon the principles of the Mohammedan law
applicable to the parties.
Forms of Divorce
Marriage may be dissolved upon the death of either spouse. It will also occur at the instance of
the husband without the intervention of the court.
It often happens by the mutual consent of husband and wife without the courts intervention. In
other circumstances it will be by grant of a decree of the court upon the petition of the husband
or wife.
There are of course variations regarding the details of these rules depending on the Islamic
school to which theties belong.
Under Islamic law, just as in customary law, no fault has to be proved before a divorce is
granted.
There has been misconception about this form of divorce with some people feeling that it is very
easy to divorce extra judicially under Islamic Law.
However under Islamic Law divorce is discouraged and will only be allowed if the conditions are
grave and weighty and even so divorce will be the last resort and reconciliation between the
parties is encouraged.
This reconciliation is provided for and where the conflict originates from the wife, her husband
has the right to judge her, consider the wrong she has committed and make a decision.
The husband is also supposed to guide her and show her that what she has done is wrong, and
that she should not repeat it.
If she repeats her actions, he may then resort to disciplinary action which is in 3 phases:
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i. He may start by kind exhortations or reprimands where he denies her a few necessities.
ii. He may then withdraw from the matrimonial bed however this should be of a temporary
nature; and if this fails.
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iii. He may undertake some symbolic beating but this should not be severe. At this stage he
has the right to abstain from sex until the wife reforms.
When in conflict from the husband, the wife has to try and make peace with the husband and
try to settle their differences.
If all these fail two arbitrators from both sides are appointed to review the situation and to try
and settle the dispute.
It is only after this that the parties can then resort to divorce if the arbitration fails.
a) Talak
In Islamic marriages the dominant form of divorce is the talak, which consists of triple
repudiation of the wife by the husband.
Talak which is dissolution of the marriage by the unilateral acts of the husband (Ayoob vs
Ayoob).
The husband is seen as having rights to divorce his wife at will.
For a talak the husband may unilaterally repudiate his wife without showing cause, repeating
the word talak three times.
In Mussa Ayoob vs. Maleksultan Ayoob it was held that a Mohammedan marriage is capable
of being dissolved at the will of the husband by a talak divorce without the intervention of any
court and without the necessity of any grounds existing to justify the divorce.
Such divorce will be recognized by the law of Kenya in accordance with the Mohammedan
Marriage, Divorce and Succession Act.
The divorce may be grounded on the wife’s adultery or any other reason, including the wife
having fallen out of favour with the husband.
This right is seen as being discriminatory to the extent that it is only accorded to the husband.
Divorce on the ground of polygamy is not available to the wife.
There are certain conditions to be fulfilled in order to make this divorce complete and valid:
i. The husband must be of age;
ii. He must be seen conscious alert and should not be angry;
iii. He should not be intoxicated;
iv. He should be free from external pressures; and
v. His intention to terminate the marriage must be clear.
On the part of the wife, She should be of age; he may revoke this pronouncement, forgive his
wife and they may resume conjugal cohabitation.
If however 40 days have passed and the husband has not revoked his pronouncement and the
conditions the he stated still applied, he may then pronounce the second talak, he still has the
option of revoking this pronouncement but if he does not and 40 days elapse and the conditions
remaining constant he may then pronounce the third talak.
The effect of the third talak is to make the divorce complete and valid and the wife has the
option of remarrying.
All the time that the talaks are being pronounced she is still in the matrimonial home.
Before the wife remarries she has to wait for the period of four months, called the iddat period,
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and she cannot remarry her ex-husband until she has been married by another man or divorced
or widowed.
This condition is there so as to ensure that husbands do not divorce their wives recklessly.
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b) Khula
In the khula divorce the wife initiates the divorce by requesting the husband to repudiate her on
condition that she pays a fee for her freedom.
It may be described as divorce by mutual consent taking the form of a bargain where the
husband agrees to divorce his wife on her payment of a specified sum of money or on forgoing
her ownership rights over certain property.
It is akin to a contract where the wife buys her freedom from the marriage bond and the
husband agrees to release her in consideration of the agreed payment.
The khula is initiated by the wife who she is unhappy with the marriage, she then returns the
mahari to the husband and any other marriage gifts that he had given her and the divorce will
only be valid where the husband grants her the divorce although he may waive the need for her
to return the compensation.
The husband is apparently the sole judge of how much is to be paid to the wife and the courts
may not force him to accept a lower figure.
Since it is a binding contract between the parties, it is enforceable upon breach. See
The khulanamah is a deed securing to the husband the stipulated consideration but it does not
constitute the divorce. See
c) Mubara’a
The mubara’a divorce is by mutual agreement where both parties desire the divorce.
It can be initiated by either party and the wife loses any right she had to her dowry but the
husband remains liable to maintain the children.
It differs from the khula in that it is brought about by the mutual desire of both parties to end
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the marriage.
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Under khula divorce the initiative springs from the wife who tries to secure release from a
husband who is otherwise unwilling. In both cases however there is mutual consent to
terminate the marriage.
Apostasy, which is where either spouse abandons the Islamic religion, is one of the grounds
upon which the mubara’a divorce may be granted.
d) Ila
The ila divorce is a form of constructive divorce which is effected by abstinence from sexual
relations for a period of not less than 4 months.
If reconciliation is impossible then the marriage is dissolved.
e) Zihar
The zihar divorce arises where the husband continuously compares his wife with another female
or his mother and the wife may refuse to have any sexual intercourse with him unless he
changes and if this fails the marriage is deemed to have been dissolved.
f) Lian
The lian divorce is where a husband suspects that his wife is committing adultery but does not
have any evidence.
He then testifies or swears that he is telling the truth and he does so four times and on the fifth
times he swears that he be cursed if he is lying.
The wife on the other hand swears four times that she is telling the truth and the fifth time that
she be cursed if she is lying and after this the marriage is dissolved.
The faskh divorce is judicial in form: it involves a petition by the either party, but usually the
wife, to the kadhi to dissolve the marriage.
Section 3 of the Mohamedan Marriage and Divorce Act and the Mohammedan Marriage and
Divorce Registration Act do not provide the grounds for divorce but refer to the principles of
Islamic law.
According to scholars the most common ground pertains to breach by either spouse of the
duties of the married state.
The grounds for judicial divorce include:
i. Desertion by the husband for a number of years;
ii. Failure of the husband to provide maintenance for a period (Assi vs. Yusuf);
iii. Imprisonment of the husband for a period of seven years;
iv. Failure of either spouse to perform marital obligations:
v. Where the husband is either insane, cruel, impotent, suffering from leprosy or a venereal
diseased or where he is captured by war enemies and in cases of extreme or severe poverty
or is guilty of adultery.
vi. Apostasy is also considered as a ground upon which divorce can be granted to either
spouse.
See
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Registration
The Mohammedan Marriage and Divorce Registration Act require registration of all Muslim
divorces within seven days, at the office of the registrar of Islamic marriages.
Under Section 9 of the Mohamedan Marriage and Divorce Registration Act, after the divorce
has been pronounced by the court, both spouses are required to register the divorce within
seven days of the pronouncement.
However failure to register will not invalidate a valid divorce or vice versa.
The effect of this legislation is restricted by the saving section which preserves the validity of any
divorces not so registered.
In any event the legislation does not apply to all Muslims in Kenya but only to those to whom it
has been extended by Ministerial notice: currently it has been applied to all Muslims, except
those of the three Shiah Communities: the Khoja Shia Ith’nasheri, the Khoja Shia Ismailia
Council and the Bohra Community.
See the following 3 cases
Zainabu vs Mohammedi
It was held that shaffi law (sunni muslims of the shaffi sect ) do not recognize constructive desertion. A
court must enquire into the matrimonial offence alleged and if this is proved must dissolve the marriage
itself. The court should not compel the husband to pronounce talak to his wife. By deserting her
husband and refusing to return to him the wife was guilty of the Islamic offence of disobedience. She is
therefore nazisha. The husband may sue for restitution of conjugal rights and he may leave her where
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she has chosen to live but all the time she remains his wife and she cannot remarry. Being nazisha she is
not entitled to maintenance until she ceases to disobey her husband’s lawful order that she should
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Farhana d/o Zafarulla Khan and Another vs. Mohammed Shafiq Quresh
It was held that maintenance is payable to divorced women under Muslim law. It also held that under
Muslim law the marriage gifts a man gives to his prospective wife belong to her as well as the gifts
acquired by the wife before or after the marriage. Further held that a marriage is s special contract but
not an economic transaction and to claim reimbursement of the expenses incurred in the staging of a
marriage which eventually fails is to attach an economic element to the contract of marriage and is
contrary to public policy. To allow such a claim is tantamount to giving parents of spouses right of
monetary investment in the marriage of their children.
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Introduction
The Matrimonial Causes Act is extended to apply to Hindu marriages, and the grounds for
divorce are those specified in the Act with certain additional grounds: religious conversion,
renunciation of the world and entry into a religious order or the existence of a decree of judicial
separation for two years.
Grounds
Section 10 of the Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act sets out the grounds for divorce.
These are
i. Adultery;
ii. Cruelty;
iii. Desertion for a period of 3 years;
iv. Unsoundness of mind where the Respondent has been under medical care for a period of
five years,
v. Where husband is guilty of bestiality sodomy or rape,
vi. Where the Respondent has ceased to be a Hindu;
vii. Where the Respondent joins a religious order which requires him/her to renounce the world
and remains in that position for a period of at least 3 years. Monasteries, Hermits and so
on.
viii. Where there is a decree of judicial separation and the decree has been in force for a period
of 2 years and the parties have not resumed cohabitation.
ix. Where the husband is married to another woman at the time of celebration of the marriage.
This can be a ground for nullity of a marriage and divorce as well.
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So for a foreign marriage to be valid in Kenya it must comply with the formal requirements
under the laws of the country where it was celebrated and must fulfill the issues as to capacity
and the law of the parties domicile and if it is formally and essentially valid under the applicable
laws then it will be applicable in Kenya.
1. Formal Validity
Here so long as the parties comply with the formal requirements of the law of the place of
celebration then that marriage will be recognized as formally valid in Kenya.
This is so even if that marriage does not comply with the formal requirements of the parties’
personal law which is the parties’ domicile.
In some cases parties will go to a certain place to evade conditions laid down by their personal
laws.
See these two cases
The converse also applies if it is formally invalid in the place where it was celebrated and
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formally valid under their domicile that marriage will be formally denied.
Exceptions that apply to the rule that formal validity is governed by the law of the place where
the marriage took place.
Under statute the Marriage Act under S. 5(2) and S.38A (which is an amendment) under these
two Sections, marriages can be contracted under Kenyan law before a Kenyan consular or other
public officer in any foreign country where at least one party to that wedding is a Kenyan citizen.
Essentially they are saying that where Kenyans marry in Kenyan embassy the applicable rule will
be the Kenyan law.
Such marriages must be solemnized at the official residence of the marriage officer between
the hours of 8 am and 6pm and in the presence of two or more witnesses.
Once it has been contracted that marriage will be formally valid in Kenya even though it may not
be formally valid in the country where it was celebrated.
The two common goal exceptions are
i. Marriages in situations where compliance with the local law is impossible for example
when you get married in a place where no laws apply or in an uninhabited region and
ii. Where the marriage occurs in a country under hostile occupation and at least one of the
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marriage.
That marriage will be valid so long as the formal requirements under common law are met.
They should take each other as man and wife in the presence of each other and that an
ordained priest should perform the ceremony. Preston vs. Preston.
See also
Taczanowska vs. Taczanowski
Two Polish nationals, domiciled in Poland were married in Italy in 1946 by a Polish Army Chaplain, an
episcopally ordained priest of the Roman Catholic Church, and therefore their marriage was valid
according to the English Common Law. The husband was serving in the Polish army in occupation in
Italy. The ceremony did not comply with the local forms and was therefore void by Italian domestic law,
but it would have been recognized as valid by that country’s private international law if it was valid by
the national law of the parties. It was however, not valid by Polish law. The parties moved to England
and later the wife petitioned for a decree of nullity on the ground that the marriage was void for non-
compliance with the local forms. The court of appeal felt that since the parties were presumed not to
have submitted themselves to the Italian law of the place of celebration, that law did not have to be
applied. It was considered that there will often be no submission by a member of the military forces in
occupation of a country and as such it was held to be the case here. As Italian law was not applicable
and the law of the parties’ domicile was considered irrelevant, English common law was applied and the
validity of he marriage upheld.
2. Essential Validity
This is concerned with issues of capacity and the applicable law is the law of the parties
domicile.
The problem that arises to the application of this rule is what test is to be applied to determine
the parties’ domicile.
You may find parties domiciled in different countries at the time of contracting the marriage or
they may even intend to acquire a different domicile after they get married.
So which law applies?.
The traditional theory which has been used is the dual domicile test.
Under this theory it is stated that capacity to marry will be governed by
i. The law of the parties and
ii. Ante-nuptial domicile i.e. each party must have capacity according to the law of his/her
domicile at the time of the ceremony to marry.
This has been applied in a number of cases see
age of sixteen. By Austrian law the marriage was valid, and by Hungarian law it had become valid in that
it had not been avoided before she had attained the age of seventeen. The wife submitted that the
marriage was void for want of capacity, first because the husband was a British subject with an English
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domicil and therefore bound by the 1929 Act. Secondly and alternatively because the essential validity
of the marriage was determinable by English law as being either the law of he husband’s domicil or the
law of the country of the proposed matrimonial home. Pearce J granted a decree of nullity, holding that
the wife was entitled to succeed on both submissions.
See also Republic vs. Brentwood Registrar of Marriages
Exceptions to the Rule of Essential Validity
This case decided which was an exception that the validity of a marriage celebrated in England
between persons of whom one has an English and the other a foreign domicile is not affected by
any incapacity which though existing under the law of such foreign domicile does not exist
under English law.(Kenyan Law).
This exception was a way of going round the test of dual domicile test.
In Sottomayer the wife and husband were first cousins the husband in England and wife in
Portugal. Under Portuguese law marriages between cousins were prohibited in Portugal but
allowed in the UK. The marriage was held to be valid in the UK.
Where the law of the place of celebration is also the law where that issue as to validity is being
heard. It is the law of forum deciding the issue of validity.
In that case one applies the law of the place of celebration to determine issues of essential
validity.
That is because if you apply another law you will be asking a forum to apply law which is
inconsistent with its own laws.
Remember if the Lex fori is the same as Lex loci celebrationis.
If the foreign domicile law that governs the issue of capacity is repugnant to public policy, it will
not be recognized.
Therefore courts will not recognise a foreign incapacity which is of a penal or discriminatory
nature.
For example incapacity which is based on grounds of race, religion or any other classification
which discriminates or penalizes a particular Section of the population.
See Chetti v. Chetti (1909) P 67
don’t have capacity, still the marriage will be declared null and void while it has been supported
by social grounds.
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Cases which apply to the test include De Reneville v. De Reneville, Kenward v. Kenward,
Radwani v. Radwani and Cheni v. Cheni – prohibited degrees of relationships.
Mohamed v. Knott (1969) 1 Q.B - it can apply to us in Kenya and the issue was the age of the
parties. A Nigerian man married a 13 year old and then left to live in England with the bride and
the marriage was recognized in England because under their domicile law they could get
married. The Sinha Peerage Case and Mohammed v. Knott.
LECTURE 14: 9TH DECEMBER 2013- 5.30-7.30PM (LECTURE HALL B5)
The Matrimonial Causes Act specifies certain grounds on which a marriage may be declared null
and void by the court.
These are
i. impotence,
ii. willful refusal to consummate the marriage,
iii. relationship within the prohibited degrees,
iv. insanity
v. sexually transmitted disease or
vi. pregnancy by some other person at the time of marriage and
vii. consent having been obtained by force or fraud.
By reason of being in the Matrimonial Causes Act means that these grounds only apply to
statutory marriages.
Grounds of Nullity
Section 14 of Matrimonial Causes Act sets out the grounds upon which a party may apply for
nullification of a marriage.
See
A marriage is said to be consummated as soon as the parties have sexual intercourse after
solemnization.
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There would be no consummation where the husband is impotent or where the parties are
physically incapable of consummating the marriage.
Consummation is the sexual intercourse between the parties after the marriage is solemnized.
See
D.E. vs. AG
It was stated that in order to amount to consummation the sexual intercourse must be ordinary and
complete sexual intercourse. In this case the wife had a physical deformity that made full penetration
impossible and it was held that this amounted to physical incapacity to consummate the marriage and it
was declared null and void. Physical deformities which make consummation difficult must be those
which cannot be corrected. If they can be corrected, courts are reluctant to declare such a marriage null
and void.
Refer to S. V. S (1956) P 1
R vs. R
The fact that a husband or wife is sterile will not affect consummation of marriage.
Wambalaba vs Shamsulalam
The marriage was nullified for non consummation where the husband left the country soon after the
marriage and refused to spend even one night with the wife.
This is where a party refused to consent to any sexual intercourse and that refusal must be
steadfast and determined.
See the following cases.
Willful refusal as was held in this case renders such marriage voidable and may be annulled by the court
upon application by the aggrieved party.
In this case the husband refused by declining evading and deliberately avoiding sexual intercourse with
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the wife since solemnization of the marriage and the marriage was nullified.
S vs. S
In this case dealt with both physical incapacity as well as wilful refusal to consummate. In this case the
consummation of the marriage was prevented by a physical defect in the wife which was curable. The
husband suggested to the wife that she should consult a doctor but the wife delayed in consulting the
doctor. It was held that the husband had not proved that failure of the wife to see the doctor amounted
to wilful refusal. Her conduct was merely a state of indecision and mere neglect to comply with the
husband’s request was not necessarily the same as refusal. The petition therefore failed on the ground
of wilful refusal and it also failed on the ground of incapacity on the ground that consummation of the
marriage was not practically impossible especially since the result of the operation was to remove any
impediment in consummation.
Where parties are related to one another within the prohibited degrees of affinity and
consanguinity.
Where either spouse is married to another person and that other marriage is still subsisting.
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See
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The husband was married under customary law then contracted a civil marriage and court held that
they had no capacity to solemnize a monogamous marriage during the subsistence of a lawful
polygamous marriage. Further held that a petition for divorce based on such a marriage is incompetent
Where the consent of the parties was obtained through fraud or duress.
See
The petitioner was seeking nullity was accused of defiling a girl of 15 years and although he was
protesting his innocence, he was advised that unless he married the girl he would go to prison. He
contracted the marriage and later filed for annulment on the grounds of consent and the court granted
him the petition.
Where a party to a marriage is at the time of contracting that marriage of unsound mind, drunk,
insane or suffers from epileptic fits, this will be a ground for nullity of that marriage.
This only affects the marriage if it happens at the time of contracting the marriage.
The grounds ensure that the parties are capable of knowing what they are entering into.
(g) Mistake
Generally mistake does not marriage void. Mistake will only be a ground of nullity in two
circumstances only namely:-
Where the party relying on mistake proves that he/she was mistaken as to the identity of the
other party.i.e. he/she did not marry the person they intended to marry.
This is usually difficult to prove when the person you are marrying is in front of you and only
happens where marriages by proxy or mail order are allowed. It must be a mistake as to the
identity of the person and not his attributes.
See
C vs C
Where the man represented ti the woman that he was a well known feather weight pugilist. It was held
that her mistake was as to his attributes and not as to his identity and the marriage was valid.
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name with the famous boxer and even told her that he had won various championships. She petitioned
for divorce on grounds of mistake but the court held that she had married the man that she intended to
marry and was only mistaken as to his qualifications.
Where a party is mistaken as to the nature of the ceremony and do not appreciate that he/she is
contracting a marriage there is no marrige.
See
Where a woman got in into a marriage thinking that she was celebrating becoming a Hindu but she was
later to discover that she had gotten married to a potentially polygamous marriage and she petitioned
for divorce it was held there was no marriage. A mistake as to the effects of the relationship produced
by the marriage is not sufficient. In case of sham marriages, if the intention is to contract a marriage
even though it is for a limited purpose it is valid.
Where the respondent was at the time of the marriage suffering from venereal disease in a
communicable form
If at the time of contracting the marriage the woman is pregnant by some other person other
than her husband.
See
4 Doctrine of Approbation
What this doctrine provides is that where parties have stayed together for a long time with this
deformity or where they have accepted the wilful refusal, then courts will not declare that
marriage null and void on the basis that the parties by staying so long together have assumed
that deformity and accepted it.
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The husband sought a declaration of nullity on a claim of his own impotence and claimed that in their 20
years marriage he had been unable to engage in any sexual intercourse and the court declined to grant
him the decree citing this doctrine of approbation.
See also G vs. M .
5 Void Marriages
A marriage is void if either party is under 16 years of age, although this does not apply to
marriages contracted after 15th August 1961 when the amendment introducing the age limit
came into force.
Generally, the defects of form or ceremony which invalidate a statutory marriage are very
limited, essentially to: where parties knowingly and willfully acquiesce in its celebration under a
false name, without certificate or license, by a person who is not a registrar of marriages or a
recognized minister of a religious denomination or in place which is not a registrar’s office,
licensed place of public worship or a place authorized by the Minister’s licence.
See
K vs K
It was held that there was no willful refusal to consummate the marriage and the marriage was
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consummated. That there is no authority that where there is only partial penetration there was no true
coitus –vera copula. Quoted Baxter v Baxter [1947] 2 ALL ER 886 where it was held that the use of
contraceptive did not prevent the consummation of the marriage.
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S vs S
The parties attempted intercourse but owing to a structural defect in the wife consummation was not
possible without an operation. The husband filed a petition on grounds of non consummation or with
refusal but failed on both grounds. The husband had suggested that she should consult a doctor but he
did nothing more positive about it. she then underwent a minor operation before the conclusion of the
case which successively removed any impediment to full consummation . It was held she was able and
willing then to consummate the marriage and it could not be said that consummation was practically
impossible.
Biatamganga vs Lennox Mgangaziro
The husband was married under customary law then contracted a civil marriage and court held that they
had no capacity to solemnize a monogamous marriage during the subsistence of a lawful polygamous
marriage. Further held that a petition for divorce based on such a marriage is incompetent
Section11 (1) Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act provides the grounds on which a decree of nullity
of a Hindu marriage may be made.
b) in the case of any marriage, whether solemnized before or after the commencement of this Act
i. that either party was permanently impotent, or incapable of consummating the marriage, at the
time of the marriage; or
ii. that either party was at the time of the marriage of unsound mind or subject to recurrent fits of
insanity or epilepsy; or
iii. that the consent of either party to the marriage or of the guardian in marriage was obtained by
force or fraud in any case in which the marriage might be annulled on this ground by the law of
England; or
iv. that the respondent was at the time of the marriage suffering from venereal disease in a
communicable form; or
v. that the respondent was at the time of the marriage pregnant by some person other than the
petitioner:
Provided that, in the cases specified in subparagraphs(iv) and (v) of paragraph (b) of this
subsection, the court shall not grant a decree unless it is satisfied –
i. that the petitioner was at the time of the marriage ignorant of the facts alleged;
ii. that proceedings were instituted, in the case of a marriage solemnized before the
commencement of this Act, within one year after such commencement, and, in the case of any
other marriage, within one year after the date of the marriage; and
iii. that marital intercourse with the consent of the petitioner has not taken place since the
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(2) (a) Where a decree of nullity is granted in respect of a voidable marriage, any child who would have
been the legitimate child of the parties to the marriage if it had been dissolved, instead of being
annulled, on the date of the decree shall be deemed to be their legitimate child notwithstanding the
annulment.
(b) Paragraph (a) of this subsection shall not operate so as to confer on a child any right in the property
any person other than its parents in any case where, but for this section, such child would have been
incapable of acquiring or possessing such rights by reason of its illegitimacy.
(3) Nothing in this section shall be construed as validating any marriage which is by law void, but with
respect to which a decree of nullity has not been granted.
7 Some Cases
K vs. K
In 1970 the petitioner went through a form or ceremony of marriage with the respondent, at the District
Commissioner’s office, Nairobi. At the time, the respondent was married to one Grace WaiyakiKang’ara
in accordance with Kikuyu customary law. That marriage had never been dissolved or annulled but was
still subsisting. Counsel for the petitioner argued that under the Matrimonial Causes Act, under which
the petition had been brought, a monogamous marriage is the union of one man and one woman to the
exclusion of all others and as such if there existed another marriage contracted under customary law,
this one was null and void. The court held that only a monogamous marriage could be created by a
ceremony under the Marriage Act and as the husband was already married, the ceremony was valid and
created no marriage status. Therefore the respondent had committed adultery with the co-respondent.
And Decree nisi was granted.
Ockba vs Ockba
A father sought an injunction restraining her daughter from marrying without his consent. She wished to
marry an Ethiopian who was a Christian. It was held that the father was entitled to the injunction
restraining her from marrying without his consent and that the proposed marriage would not only be
invalid for lack of consent of the father but also for the reason of the religion of the proposed
bridegroom because a Muslim woman cannot validly marry a non-Muslim man.
The Batil marriage is in fact a void marriage either by reason of some blood relationship
between the parties or some other incapacity to contract the marriages.
The children born out of this marriage are considered illegitimate and no mutual rights or
obligations arise as between the parties who are so married.
The Fasid marriage is an irregular marriage either because there were no witnesses to the
marriage or the woman was undergoing the period of iddat at the time of the marriage
ceremony or the marriage is with a person from a different religion or man purports to marry a
fifth wife.
The effect of an irregular marriage is that as between the parties it does not confer any rights;
however children born out of this union are considered legitimate. Under Muslim Law marriages
arising out of cohabitation are not permitted, one has to comply with all the requirements of
marriage.
See also
Bashford vs Shaban
It was held that a Muslim marriage would be void where consent is obtained by fraud or force, unless
the same is subsequently ratified. The husband had told the wife that he was unmarried, but later the
wife found out that he was infact married to two other women. The court declared the marriage null
and void ab initio since that woman gave consent on a completely erroneous conception of a condition
precedent which arose from a deliberate misrepresentation on the part of the husband.
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