I

§i}
•1~ .:--- ----- ----- ----- ----. .l.-. ...l-
·fcal Process in India
3fola
1/""

UNIT

rIIE CHA NGIN G NATURE OF

fllE INDIA STATE
• j • •
I-GROUP ·- A I I

Fill in ·the blanks : . -~··. J •

There is a growing tendency on the part of the' modem ·states to claim themselve s to be
I. .. . . ..•, . I : ' , '

Ans. 'Welfare states' .

The progress of industrial revolution in the 20th century was accompan ie~ by a replaceme nt
2.
of the - - by a welfare state.
Ans.Police state
3. From 1950s to 1970s India, followed the strategy of economic developm ent that aimed at
- along with self reliance
Ans. Industrial developm ent
4. - - is used to calculate the econo!llic perfonnan ce of the co·untry
Ans. GDP
s. International Monetary Fund is an internation al org~nii.ation and ~t has its headquart ers at
- - in U.S.A. . . .
Ans. Washington D.C.
6. I~F was instituted in 1944 as_a part of th~ proceedin gs of the , Conferenc e.
Ans. Bretton \Voods
7. The--st ate symbolize s a system in which the state governme nt takes the responsibi lity
_for delivering the social and ~conomic security to the citizens of the state.
Ans. Welfare · ·
a. The notion o f - - replaces the notion of good governanc e .
Ans, Govern mentality
9. Govern mentality implies the style or art of goveri:.ing by treating the ~ople noi as - -
but as groups of lX)pulations • · .
Ans. Citizens

j
 106
., rrocess ill India
IO. ~in6o w's. E .
In India, the - . . .uit,l ate ,t involve d the consensus of a ~ide
. . s~ctnlln of 107
Ans. C1v,1 nghts
mo,;ment can be traced back to the l 970's. , ~ elfare st .......___Pol, .
If. . . . • 'II .10 conom1c
-i s the proces sor· . . A ,., soc -e "be the Republic of india as a-- Slate IC~-
y J.11"ppSP inscn
integration arising from the interchange of world ,,-iews,
products, .d
~ internat ional
and Other aspects of culture .
1 z.ation
Ans. Gioba.f, ~ wetfare . b gh .
12: -J, •"" J'beralizat1on rou tin radical transfonn
Adam Smith inlrod d h l"'"""·econornic , in the econom y ation io the~
t of globalisation through the book titled _· . ""'"Y~•!hift
· of theucc
Ans. "\\ical th t e concep
Nations " 'fl!C: iate to- 'od f . . .
13. . 'P- {fOII' ~e market
The compulsions fo h · n o Slructuralander.....,_.
be ~-· ·•" fJ 990swa sthepe
1 when hberaliz.ation of-.---- l'be . ~>vflllC rtf~-..L
gan in . • Way.r new c anges were realized in 1980s
. •mited I'
-.oc,;
'--nAA O
-· rcies was from -to I rah1.ation. ··•"if? ~~, -•""-'Oil
Ans. Public sector J, I••• state po I
.14. .,,. ofthC: . nali1.ation
, · "'°"• '"d
.
· Ji,JJ- Natlo f 1991 need to be looked at as the resuh of aYo
Weak ts _ fodi, ;, •
fog t o
A«onielemen "'"°" ofrich & J>OO<w, h;,h ;, cons1;t,tcd ofboth
.'. . ,11ic:re
fonns o
dhi's tenure. .
w
.
..._durin. g
ing---- in111......
Ans. Rudolph & Rudolph
1""· ,_A·,aGan : -' ..
IS._ ' P"'' ital alliance
. 1· . h , .
~ ~poJ;,y
,
,_ """" '.,;_ "'' go,.,,;,;;;;;.
State-cap disturbino~-
i,,;,, 1t1cs c most
-"""'!'Y, ;,
•bout chonge ,;,....,.jO<;tio, .;.,,,,reto""
;,;,;,t,c,;.,
to . · /.J5· pective of democratic po
th human rights movement· has been-
t
· · .. . • -~ .. of. the Slate kl.
the pers
Ans. Social movements · -· · j ,_·•frorti~ s o f _e
,J6. . - ,
The ;"'l,W;.,_ to_,•i.u.,- ...,,w ;,, h;g1, srowth poth"" '
'·
,-cy "',;..._ Repression
. of ~-·_ reforms 1s traced back the devcl0prnen1 imno,~•
to "II: ·111e
....... of ,._ :.._
/JS• .
- of CConomy from State controi · ,:,,.' ,,..•'tbe genesis
P· . 1960's an
d l970's in India 1
Ans. Deregulation
17. Neo-liberal
ing toistthe - institutional economic perspective is important, ·
Aceord
Ans. Liberai · A.JI. One word Answers : . .
'MOO
' 18'.· ..For~ class domination plays an important role. ' ;'.·
· Qaestio welfare state as "a compromise between the two extremes of communism on
. ,,:, ,_._,. ,. _ ,,-,, dehfi:: and unbridled individualism on the other". .. . .
t. .Who
t11oone
Ans.Marxists
":, _'fl>•.... of cold Wu Whkh led to tho ~011,p,o of So,;"
Ans. Socialism
u,;.,,, y. ~"~-~:___ ' D L Hob man . .. • ., . st...,.,.
,arestate is a society in which an
" ) · e 1~ assured m1mmum
..,_, r1·'.
o ivmg .
Au, · · "TI.ew
... -;,;._:._·
. becomesthepos sessiono fevcryc 1t1ren.,
th,.;,gi;•;~ d,;,,"'""fo 1• . and
wnusay s, nity . . -
ork. , odoptod tho •"'""
;t, ·-framewpro,., ' of "'""" opportu
20. 1ru1;,, ;.,tional
constitu
. . . ly astate in which people ari free to develop their

·-•tal....
Ans, Planning • .: ,. : ·- G. D. H. Co le
j_ . Whoopinesthat'.:"ewelfare_staJte·u~:::;dsfortheirtalents,an dtoengagein~pursbyuit_of .
.
polky i,.,. IV)''" ""'• individual capac1t1es, to receive tualhomelessoessoropp!ffllOII ltaSOII
21. -the - . )""' o;,.,.; ,. pri,c;ps, of-
Thevalues embedded in (""'Iii
• . 1
. .".-.
....,,. ·happiness.unburdened by fear of actual hunger, ac
Ans, The pr~amble of race, creed or colour."
- ."
'.
,'22, ' The ~ ooco,rageresourc
ti,.,..., ;,, I,d;,
es of the community
oco - whore;~ "tho _ow,"sldp o,I
ot ""'"'•
are so distributed _t~ serve _the common "4. ~•.Au. Herbert H. Lehman
The welfare state_can be traced bac
k to J940's in which counll)'?
good" of material
control
Ans. Directives -.O;, Aaa. Engiand.' ' · ' . . mes from whom
The govcmmcn tal 1'ty conceptuahz.allon co
'Aas.Foucault
AI ·
l
i
 ~
6
Who·· ·· ess in India
A . Introduced th ~in6 £o , ~ v s . ~y~c:,:....--- ----
ns. Ad c concept illll l
7 W am Smith ofglobalis 311O · .
year 1776?
~.-...
'4~t
J~ 191~F?
· · • ,.. ho• right! Ydescnb . . , n 111 the . ~•• ational Monetary Fund isan int ·_
. -"Os. Gr . es the Ind ' . •. Jriterfl Th '
} · ,._. D c. in U.S.A. 1s organization w . a organi .
ernation I t09
8. . "G . anv11Je Austi ian constitutio ..
. It works to fo as instit Utect in lation '
overnn1ent J . i_1 . n as a poh11cal docunient of"soc. '.·...tii.. · ,.,oods Con tierence.
_,.iofl ·
I 19
and it~- .
this ? • a m1n1strat' 1al revoJur I d s er &loba1 44 as '"'8 its he
-fl"'_pre!' 1•ritate intemationa . tra .!, promote high em 10. rnonetarYc aPart orlht adqllartcr
of! "
ion, army P<>I" 100, ,,
1
9. · Ans. Milliband • ice and judiciary constitute the state."~" ' ,,,.,jl)',f•'e Pove
rtY around the world . P 1ment and Oo11tration Pracec,J· 1
sustai 0 •Secur fl ings
WI · h · "'ho OPined
abietc0 1lQ ~ !nancial
•
. He rights airn . . .A~ 5 lllbolizes the welfare state ?
Ans p at creatin r .11111t Y ·· h 111,c.-
I 0. '
' ..
Wh: Undarnenta)
•ch article of h
g a dernocratic egalitarian state?
.
" 'fhe welfare
'- ,._. "or
state sym
delivering the soc
. olizes
ial and
a systeni
econ .
.
in Which the .
..vwth,
1 0 m1c se . state
Ans, 37 t e Part IV of the co . . · •b'lit)'
I ' · •
JI d rtaken towards this end can incl d cur1ty to th . _8overnllle · -•.
l I. Wh. h . nst1tut1on aims towards a welfare stat e ? "".. Ufl e u e- Pen . e c11i2c nt lake h
ic article of h . ir:.,.ires health car.: and edl_!cation etc. The Welf: s1ons, SOcial ns of the sta st e
of th t e constitutio · ~j,cd are Slate can security !eh _le. l'he
.. . . e People by- securin n reinstates that 'The state shall strive to . r ,- be traced back toCrnts, f'ree/
194 , .
P _omote \he WeJf ,..Jollll. · ·bort note on MGNREA ?
. Justice ' SOciaf . . . . g and protecting as effect' I
. A· . , econorn 1c and I' .· .
.
ive Y as 1t may a social ord . ar~ ~~5 0 1 In
~- •Th~ National Rural Employment Guar ·· · .
j 2 ,·. ~s. _J8 . . ·. · · . ~/~~alshallinformallthein stitutions'. . ~r_,~Which .' ~ • G h' antee.Act w . . , . .
· The egalit .. · · . ··
' . .
· · ·
. . -~ as the' Mahatma and I National Rural E· ' , as llllrOduced .
,. . . . . anan1srn is furth . ' . . 111ployment Guarantc. . in\.200s
. . rural areas by pr ·ct· L
. - livelihood security m · · ater this
ltvelih<>od, equally for rne:r re~nstated i"n which article with emphasis on adequate .. c,nsure ov, ingatlc ·t t t , ct'(MGNR
-Ans. 39 an Wornen, equal pay for equal work. . means of ~., ial year to every household whose adult nie~be as 00daysofwa e -. EG,\)
13. In which Year the G . . . -•flplllC rs volunteer to do g CtnploYnte~1
...t. . unskilled manu i
.,.- ft'll•I iJ the notion of Govern mentality ? a
... Ans. 1991 . . ovemment of India decided to go in for liberalization of eco ..
1·4. . Wh ich Comm ·u · . nomy? 6, ..... The uolion of govern mentality replaces then t'
1
eeinAugust 1937 . · _. . . o 1onofgoo<) ·
,., art of g.-ivemmg by treat mg the people not as 't• governance. This impl'
and social planning? recornmended that there is a need for rational reconstruction .. ,,. ,,. . c1 1zens but as., . 1e1
' · "' · · ·15 are in the bus mess of managing populations Th' · .,oups of IJOp\Jlation;
~ns; Wardha · ·
~ .
...-!1(1954-l 984). Governments m order to sustain thenisel h
. is conceptuali . . comes from..
. µhon
~ ~ . ves avch1stonca11y•---
=~gaged
.....,;,1·111g some sort of weliare functions. Govern nienta1·,1y
[GROUP-BI · I""'- the colonial ~xperience itself. comes to coloni·zed parts of the
:.Wwidl '
Very Short Answer Type Questions f, _. Bow do we need to understand social ·movements ?
. (within Two to Three Sentences) •- Social movements need to be understood as social and politi••I ,1 .
, . onnat1ons geared
a■d Political Society.
. -

~
•
1 -cblnge. -
These movements usually use direct action tactics to pressurise the stale and
· · Write the disti~ction between Civil
,.,..-nt.to bring about changes in policy and state structures, For example, In India social
_Ans. Civil society accord_ing to Chatterjee consists of'largely urban middle classes and is ...... IUCh as the civil rights movement can be traced back to the 1970's.
the sphei:e that seeks to be congruent with the !'Ormative models of bourgeois civil society a.·, Ma&tlea liailitarization imply? . _
represe'?\mg the domain of capitalist hegemony'. On the other hand political society"includcs huge ,... Militarimion implies disproportionate increase in state expenditure on mil~. lt1Jso·
numbers of urban poor.and rural population. .
· • • o f militl'.ry forc.e to solve internal conflicts, and use of military force ovenlvilian
2. What is GDP ·?
--•tocontrolcivilianpopul ationwhichhasbeen 's eenasprobl~ - · . •' ·. ·
Au. GDP is an aggregate measu"C of production. This cquaJs,to-the sum of the gross'
..a;... . . . die new poilltl of defenden and critics abo■t Globallzatioa. ., .
valijei- a4ded of all domestic (within the country), institutional.unjts-enpged iii production (plus · · , ~ . frcslleconenuc
~OlobaliDtion is often described by its defenden 85 beneficia, e--:---~
;"'!l-

any_t~es. minus subsidies, on products not included in the value of.the.it: outputs). GDP is used t1>·
';IJ· fhlllDlll by
~ - cultural·divmit,y; However, critics often describe it as su~Jugation o .
calculate the economic performance of the country. ·
 li0]
-
<R.flin6ow's EZ5a1n Leader

the capital "here there is domination ot tltc wealthier overdeveloped nations over the poor
underdeveloped counttics. It is believed thnt this hns led to the rise of gap between the "haves"
and the "h:n·e nofs,'. ·
10. \Vho fi r~! introd1~rrtl the concrpt of Globalii ation and "'hat i, its mear.ing?
Ans. The concept of globalisation wus first introduced by Adam Smith, the father ot modern
~con~)lnics in the year 1776 through the book titled, "Wealth of the Nations" Thus globalization is
not simply an economic phe110~11enon. It is a larger inlerplay of social, political :ind cultural factors
0t' \!le state. .. . ..
. . . .
11. W~at is the process of globalii ation ?
. . A~. G.l~balization is not simply limited to integration of national and international economies
but also encompasses cu!tural, social ex.change with it. It is the cross border transaction of goods
and ~ervices, with international capital flow and diffusion of technology ~ hich _le_ads to
interconnectedne~s.· . ...
12. · ,vhat is·th~ global ecoi!omy. ?' ·,
. Ans. i:-he g_le>bal ec,o~omy is c,ha~a~t.erized by ever-in~rea~ing econoinit interdependenc.e
among the CO\lntries of the world f~ \~ h-ich ~~ere is rnultjpllcity of Jink~ges, interconnections and
interdependence. Advoc_ates of globalization ~re ofthe opinion that the parameters of globaliz.ation
incfode un.hindered flow of trade, capital anq t~chnology. . . .·
' .. . .
, ' . ' - ' .
13. . What is Trade. Liberalization
.
?
Ans. As a part of the neo-liberal reforms polici~s were i_ntroduced to heighten competition
in t_he J~rne~tic. ~~~~t. On~ such poiicy pertal~ed to the li,b~ralization of the import trade. An
effort wasmade to dil~te import controls by rapidly reducing the number of tariff ite~s subject to
qua~titative ~strictions, licensing and other foryns-ofdiscretionary controls on jmports..
' 0 • • I t ~ • • ' • • •
' • • 0

14. What is pa5$ive rev~lution according to Chatterjee .? . ,.

A~. Chatterj~e·has ~rgued that th~ rol~. played by the Indian State.: towards furthering the
of
growth ca'pitalis~ ~an be under~t~ within the framework of passive revolution i.e; a form of
affairs where in the bourgeoisie are not strong enough to bring about capitalist transformation and
hence the state intervenes towards furthering capitalism.
15. What is planning ? ,. .
. Ans. Planning is a form of determi~ing stat_e _policy ·as a coherent set of state policies as a
way to concrete ideas: Plan~ing implied looking into ·a particular development aspect in a larger
con~xt .~4 ~voids the.theor~tic~I approach. Thus planning with a focus on development emerged
asan 'important detenninant of the priorities, reflections ofthe nation within the 'political arena'.
16. _Wr,i_te Jh~ cenesis .or neo-liberal reforms.
.. ;~·ns.jhe i~ne~.i~ ~f neo-liberal reforms ·is traced back to the,'development impasse' of the::,! •
_fate ~9.~o:s.:1rd _J 970's in India. This was a per_iod when economic.growth slowed·con&iderably as :=1•
compar~~ t~ th~ gro"'.lh ~ecorded during the first tifteen.)'ear$ iu\er Indian independence. .. · ~./1, ·
"tpolitical Process in _India f111\
3
~ a t were the strps wienrssrd during the open policies In J98Os.
7 y
1 • Ans, The open policies it~l 980~ witncs~lxl the major steps which altered the political econom
f!ndian state like, de-regulation of mdl~stn cs, d~control.of prices, liberalization of imports,
tax
0 . ns reducing the welfare and social spend mg and mcrcased in deficit spending. :
ductlO , . .
re What is the concept of welfare state ? · · ·· · ·
18
' Ans. The establ ishment of welfare states in democratic cou~tries was a·remarkable
a~e
development o:the _20th century. In a welfare state, the ~o!~ and functions of govern'!lerit
ive and d1vers1fied.A.welfare state takes the respons1bil1ty of the welfare and the. econom ic
extens . . . . . . .
and social wellbemg of its c1t!zens. .· .
What are the four ways that the Indian state has responded to·the human rightJ
19 · · · . ·
• struggles according to Manoranjan Mohanty ? .
Ans. Mohanty has argued that the Indian state has responded to the human rights struggles
ting of issu.es and• thro~gh use of .
. four broad ways. These are- ideological,' institutional, fragmen
• . . . • . •• . . •
ID
repression . ... . . .
:
l0, .-How can poverty reduction programriles initia~ed ,bt_the·India~ ~tat~'~'fter_l.~l _be
.classified into five ·categories according to Yesudian ? · · · · · · · · · · · ·
• • I , • • •

".
. .Ans. Yesudiari has argued that poverty reductio~ 'programmes ihitiated bY, the Indian state
ploymen~ programmes;(ii) .
after 1991 can be classified into five categorfes. 'These are- (i) Self-em
\ . . .. ' . . . . ..
Wage employment programmes~(iii) Food security programmes;(iv) Social security programmes;
and(v) Urban poverty alleviation programmes;· · · · _.. · · · · · · . · .
. . - .
lndiari state and its' predecessor. ·
21. Write the discontinuities between the post-·colonial
· Ans. The discontinuities between the·post-colonial .Indian ·stat~ ·~mf i!s ·pre~ecesscir ~~:·....
Implementation ofdemocratic m~de of functioning tiase~ on ·u~iversafadult frarichise, adoptfon
of .
ry, .
constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights, fonnulat1on'ofan independent.and'strongjudicia
separati9n ofpowers between legislature, executive and judiciary; adoption'ofpriricip.les offederalism
for relations between the·center and states: · ' ·

I GROUP. C I..
Short Answer 'fype Questions
. !

..·,• , · (Within .7Swords)

I. .Write.the three important directions or the Industrial policy after the lniti~ti ·
~li of
·
reform. · ·

Th Ans.After the initiation of reform the industrial policy moved in three important di~cd~ns.
Wh~ first was the.elif!1ination ofcapacity control by de-reserving ·and de-licensing Indian industries
:h
. of were ~ubject to lice~~,ea11Uer. The second change pertained to the weakening of provis'i
e Monopolies and Restllioti-ve Trade Practices Act. This was. done to
ons . ·
e the expansion
. facilitat
 ezsam Le~d,r
<.RJiin6ow 's
--
and diversification ofl argc fi rms. Tho third change wns rclntcd to introduction of policies geared
for promoting greater involn-mcnt of fordgn investment in India.
2. \Vhat arc thc.- ll'forms in Agriculf urc ?
Ans.It .is impor1snt to point l)Ut that the economic reforms of 1991 in Jndia did not have any
specific policy pad.age for agriculture. This was based 011 the assumption that freeing agricultural
markets and liberalizing extcmal trade in agricultural commodities would provide price incentives
leading to enhanced investment and output in the agricultural sector. Simultaneously, broader trade
liberalization would shift inter-sectoral terms of trade in favour of agriculture.
.I
J. \\'rite short note on Financial Liberalization.
Am. T~e refom1s brought about in the financial sector were the most significant part of the
overall i:efor:ms. Dependence upon internationally mobile finance capital was promoted. Measures
•were taken to increase_the credit creating capacity of banks through reduction in Stat~tory Liquidity
and Cash ·Reserve Ratio while offering them greater leeway in using ihe resulting liquidity.
Additionally, an 3:ttempt was made .to increase ·competition. This was done .through_structural
changes in the b?-flking sector. Lastiy~.banks we.:C provided·with greater freedom in determining
their asset portfolios. Banks wert: ~lso·pe~~tt~d to cros·s the·firew_all that separated the banking
sector from the stock market in "India.
4. What is Exchange Rate_Policy. ? . . ·
Ans. In order to change the terms of exchange rate determination, the Indian government
moved from administered exchange rate to a situation by the end of the decade of I990's wherein
there was a unified, mark.et determined exchange rate of the rupee.This was fuJly ~op.yer1ib!~.for
current account transactions. The inflow of portfolio capital was permitted; _:~.ert~in-com~i~~;
were allowed to ·raise capital abroad and external comf!lercial borr~wing .w.!s~also.allo~e~ to
. . selected companies. . . .. . . .
·S. Write the distinction
•, .
between Civil.. and .Political Society.. ,:,....
' ~

Ans. Chatterjee has suggested that society ese.eci,.lly in the context.- ~filndia ~e~s to.be_.
understood in terms ofcivil society and politi~I_soc_iefy. Civil s9ciety according,tp pill\ CQnsists c>_(. .
'largely urban middle ~lasses and is the sphere th~t-~eeks to _be congr:uent with the nonnative .
of
models of bourgeois civil society representing the domairi_ capitalist hegemony'. On the oth~ ,
. . _ hlnd political society includes huse numbers of urban poor.and rural population.-'These l)C!)~I~- .
-· -: :- .. · _have formal status as citizens and can ~xercise their franchise but they 4o not relate to.th~ St~tc jn
·..·._.•_ .;_;. the sam~ way as the middle classes do, nor do Indian govemme~tai ag~n_ci~~ treat them ~e same,
· ·way. They make claims on tJte l~dian government.. and are governed within the framew~_of.
temi>ofary, contextual, and unstable
. arrangements
..
arrjved
' '"
at through . political negotiatio~\'
' . . direct ,. .. '
½.
. .,, - \

6. - · _.Write short note on Mixed eco,.aomy, . . . . .·

_.·. ; __:~_A_ns._ Ind,ia_ em~raced th~ u~iquc concept ,of mixed .e~-'?~O!DY.y .~?1.o~ia~ -~gim~ had ma4, . .··
_econottuc consol.1~110~ th~ praoraty. It \Y&S underst~ _t~~t ~i~ .~co~~~!c.r~~u_rge,nce C8!1~t b~ ·.
. _accomplished py i~e pi;iyate _sector alonc. The state h~ the rcspopsib_il ity.~~ de~I \Yith problemspf • '·:
1

•• ; '; I , •• : ·•.

: ·::.;;~;;~~~;·.-:.·_.' ..
=_- ~
~ · -. • . @'
 , , 1Process in.hlllia .:.:J
113
...Jl.:
1f(lht
....
.
-1r.11.
n
- - - -- - - -- - - -- - - --
- ---
cnt, 1,ovcrty, illitcr
.
ncy, regional imbalance and more · ·rhe publr'c sector aI~o 1ace
c: ,
d ,t~
,plo)1 tructu re pr,,wer, road~ etc. Th'Vi
u11cn s ' ,•ith inadequate 111 frastrm:turc power, roads etc. · infras
ucngc
ch3 d tcd the unique conce pt of mixed economy.
Jiaa op ,
mic re(QrmJ G{
~ Write short note on the rationale espoused by Kohli for the econo
· 1991 ·
hi shifted the focu ~
:\n!i, After the period of national emergency in the I970's, Indira Gand
and
· pclicy from .'garib i hatao' to economic growth. This result. ed in the initiation of a state ,
ofstate . the Indian state had
. 1alliance. Tl11s signaled a move away from welfare functi ons, which
· r. FoIIowmg
capita •oritizing earlie .. GaRdh'I worked towards bringing in Jiberaliz.ation p:ilicie:;
. th'1s RaJiv
pn many difficuIties.
t,cenfaced · ·As durmg . ses felt threatened t,, the possibility
. the Jnd'1an busmes
. th.1s time
l and investment.
:~ntense i:ompetition coming in with liberaliz.ation and inflow of forejgrt capita
Write short note on Indian State under the liberalization.
8, scale libera liz.aticn,
Ans. Indian economy and society have witnessed for the large
policy changes that were
rivatization as part of the Globalisation policies. The most important
s were sold to the privat~
~opted by the Indian state were most of the pubHc sector undertaking
foreign direct investments
players, licensing was liberalized for the industries, actively encouraging
in across the se~tors, free flow of goods, services, technology, labor
and capital was encouraged
were liberalized, Specia'
and promoted across the borders, environmental and other clearances
multinational corporations
Economic Zones and private economic arias were being set up, large
were given land and other exemptions .to operate not even consi
dering the entitlements of the
Indigenous an~ other local populations. - ·
tioD
9. Write shortno-te on discontents among peopie oflndia after adoption ofliberaliza
policies.
tents among the
Am. These liberalization policies of course brought very strong discon
taken away, they mobilized
peoplec;>flnd~especiallyfrom those whose land and livelihoods were
cements, privatiz.ation
themselves against land grabs ofthe state, big development projects, displa
and other measures which were supp~essed largely by the respective
states using extreme repre~h'e
ments across the country
measures. This led the emergence of thousands of people's move
ments were contextual to
demanding the basic rights of the commu.nities and local people, move
· .
the regions and issue based across the country .
lO. Wlaat is a welfare ·state ?
A~ A welfare state is a state or a government meant for the welfa
re, or the wellbeing of
'welfare' ofthe people.
the J>C<>ple. In other word's, it is a government which primarily ,ims at the
ofits
~ ~olfare state takes the responsibility ofthe welfare and the economic and social wellbIteing
ed to the people. can be in
· -~ - Welfare implionhe benefits or different modes of aid provid
distribution
lenns ofmoney or services~Cash pay~ents, subsidies, concessions, grants and public
to the redistribution of
COine under. the term welfare. All these welfare measures amount
80¥ernmentat revenue to tho noody. '. .
 ·6
gljttn ow s
, ·E ~
uarn l(!
~
7
.i(j~t

f...-G_R_O_UP-
- --D-,] ---.;:
Long Answ~~ Type Questions
(Within 500 words)
1. Discuss the impact of globali,.ation in India.
Ans. f nd ia got independence six decades ago.and in all th ~se ~ears the stat~ has come
across \'arious changes. The discourse on the impact of globalization shall begin With th
understanding of the nature of the Indian State. G1obalization has had an impact on the nature a :
the working of the state. It is quite difficult to·underst~nd the evolving nature of state. Howev:r
it's apparent that state with its working and development strategies ha~ a~ effect on the lives of
people. At the time of independence India emerged as regulated state wtth mdep~ndent econorn
From 1950s to 1970s India, followed the strategy ofecon(?mi_c development that aimed at industri:j
development along with self reliance. Despite the vai-iou_sst_rategies of d~velopment, the five Year
plans the ecoriomy had slowed d~~ pe~e'pribly. It became clear that states ambition of pushing
.into high econ·omic development had fallen short. The compulsions for new changes were realized -
_in I980s wh~n liberalization of public_se~tor began in limited way. It accelerated the GDP growth
to 5.6% per annum._How~ver, the bette·r performance of th~ economy could nqt be sustained for ·
long. The balan·ce of payment problem with the lack.of exports and rent seeking propensity of
political and bureaucratic elites led to.overall decline in the economy. The inclination towards a _
better economy with high growth path and prosperity Jed us towards deregula~ion of ~cpnomy
· from state control. There was a need of economic.reforms in early 1990s. . . . . . . .
Globalization is often described by its defenders as beneficial, gen~r~tin_g f~~·sh e~~~~~ic
opportunities and cultural diversity. However, critics often describe i~ as &~bjugation·of ~uman by
.. .
the capital where there_is domination of the wealth.ier ov~r~eveloped '1ations. .over_ .' . ,.
. ' \ '

~e poor
un_de~developed countries. It is believed that_this has led to the rise of gap ,b~~e~~-t~~ '_'ha~~~"
and the "have not 's". . . . - - . . . . . . -. .. . . . . ,
The process of globalization is marked by f \ • '

(I) Ever increasing economic interactio~s and trans-border migrations of trade, technology and
finance capital at the international l~yel; · · .
, (2) Retreat of the state in regulating these flows and in intervening in the welfare of citizens.
(3) Increasing influence of the market forces in the economy. Globalization is the integration on
. the _basis of a project pursuing market rule on a global scale. · · · , · · -'·
·· - Therefore it emerges that globalii.ation is a concept with wide dimensions and connotations,
It is not simply limited to integration of national and international economies but also encom~ses ·
cultu~I; social exchange with it. It is th_e cross border transaction'- of goods and ·services, w_l~
·international capital flow and diffusion oftechnology·which leadsto interconnectedness. Globaliz.atl0°
is often equated with increase of wealth, freedom and democracy..Iris not simply an economic
 ~ in Ind ia 115
·(ic•l ptt1ces . .
t~,r.,1• f the u1. dustri·ilpolicybutltllmgoftradccontrolrc._,riction~
• . . -. . .,, along"·.. ,thtcchnn- 1ogIca
. 1
xclinngc. Thi'-- grow . mg 111tcgrat1on of cconormcc; and ~r-cictiei rai~cs cone
. :Stit1fl o
. ~ht: . . . · cm acros,
1tt't 11,,rsl e. . . ,tcgrat tun of ccon0n11cs with the blumnu of hound:ir,·c., re1 r trad d d
J'" - cs. Tl11s11 .. co . • iJ 1 e,;i 11an,c
J11 ~tit'n 5t:1t . ·ation increased mobility of persons, goods, cap,tal, data and idea,; with pri,..atize<l
h'f1• 1n1un1,, ' . . . d I d' . .
11 -cf~-"" "'f c~Oth.1m1es has misc t 1e 1scourse of sovereignty of state.
(llt~ftl! I f1\l)dcl l · · l I b 1· · ·
_i lii,cr:1 . b kgrounJ we examme t 1c g o a 1zat1on oflnd1,1n economy in milieu of vari0tn
t!lV ,th thtS ac
\\ omic changes.
d econ .
,liti.:BI an. Global Economy and India
rGlob'uzsuon, , h ving completed six · · decades t
owardso f .mdependence has encountered various
India
. a ect to socio- · po 1·1t1ca · I an d economic . d'1mens1on.
. In today·s era of globalizaticn the
, . with resp d. . _ .
ch8ll~e:,, d'an 1 state has changed a~ 1t 1s not easy to understand the changing nature as it has
os~reod I.0Incontemporary times.
1
· · a d'f-
It 1s 1 k d
I ttcu t tas to e fime or categorize · 1·t rnto
· compartments.
f\'otve ver has been the nature of state it has affected the citizens and their live.:i. The state has
sut whate . . I . d . 1• . h . .
·• sfonning. With the soc ta , ec~mpm,c an . matena 1st1c c anges the various dimensions of
t,een~ e In order to understand these ·changes it is also pertinent to examine· the policies and
statecnang
·tut· ns .According · to M'll 1 1'ban.d" , "Government, a· dmm1stration,
. .. . anny, po· 1ice
· and Jud1. .c1.ary
jnstl 10 ·
constitute the state." These ins~itutions and organs constitute the control of the state and determine:
thenatvreof state. According to the lib_e ralist institutional economic perspective is important, for
Marxists, cla$S domination plays_an import,an~ role. H~wever, inst~tu~ions are often used as
detenninants to describe as state as welfare, democra.tic or absolute but, deti~itely there is much
~to a state. The economic di~en$iory~ act as de~enninants of state which helps us to understand
the availability of resou~ces, their distrib_ution and alloc~tion. This also leads to emergence of c!ass
distinction and variation. Does the state protect the interests of a particular class or is a particular
ciass ·gaining· dominance in the state? Besides the economic d·ebate, the sovereignty and th~
independence of the ~taie are determinants of the nature of state. They also reinstate that stronger
_the.state, the more'sov~reign it is ..But, fer developing states it is not independence or sovereignty
whfch ~lates·the way towards development. The developing states experience economk, cultural
and political pressures and glcwal players like World Bank and IMF have begun to regulate the
activities of state. . '
Th~ global economy is characterized by ever-increasing economic interdependence among
~e countries of the world -in which there is multiplicity of linkages, interconnections and
~CJ>Cndence. Advocates of globalization are ofthe opinion that the parameters ofglobalization
:elude unhindered flow of trade, capital and technology. This unfettered growth of capitalism is
:~.consequence of the international politics. Th~ end of World War II brought bipolarity with
~~~S::t'1'd capitalism as the dominant ideologies of the world wi!h ~SA and U~S~. The end of
&li.ned ~-to the collapse of Soviet Union brought an end to socialism and capitalist economy
-~Ila a dis_tanc! advantage.Thi:. led to It loss of bargain to the developing countries Iike India. T.he
- P&eoferstwh'l
_tl\espaf cs,_ •
. - 1 e ®Vtet •
Unaon led.•Q p~rad1gmat1c
• •
sh'ft .h 't 1·
I wit no more non cap1 a 1st space ,or c:
•al extensa·on of capatahsm, · · . , ;, . - . ,
 ◄

2. 'India is often dcscribl'd us n miud economy'. J)hcuss.

Ans. It is a mutual truism that ~talc is the n:ntra l actor in any planned cconorni-; developrnen
State is an actor which has consciousness nnd works on rational pri nciples and r;itionc1 I choic;·
The State plans with planner where it seeks to work out different objectives. It looks into plan~
wh ich are beneficialJ \\ Cighs the co!-t and lies to achieve the efficient and optimal strattgie~~
Therefore planning is an instrument; an instrument of strategy which gives way to politics. Plannin
is arguing about relative priorities amongst the.sociopolitical objectives and pol itical feasibilit:.
Planning is simply an instrument towards achievement of economic or social oujectives but also
emerges as instrument of politics. In order to understand the development of economic planning
. and development strategies we need to have _an insight through the historical background.
Planning for de,·elopment
As the country ,vas nearing independence there were committees constituted which would
·look into national construction. The Wardha Committee in August 1937 recommended that there is
a need for ratio~al reconstruction and social planning.'It focused on social objecti_ves. Followin•g
which in 1938 Congress adopted a comprehensive scheme for gradually development of agriculture
and industrial system. Congress all through emphasized on planning and highlighted:
Planning is a form of determining state policy as a coherent set of state policies as a way to
concrete ideas. Planning implied lookin_g into a particular deveiopment aspect in a larger context
and avoids the .theoretical approach. It was an important instrument for resolving the political
·debate which was to help understand the relevance arid importance of industrialization and a
modenrprosperous nation. Thus planning with a focus on development emerged a~ a~ important
determinant ofthe priorities, reflections of the nation within the 'political arenf .-, .
Objectives of Planning · · • .. .
As India moved towards the end of colonial rule it emerged that nationalism against the
:colonial ~le was impending the further development oflndia. -n,e nation had suffered exploitation
ofnation with chain ofw~lth, destruction of productive system and creation of backward economy.
Realizing the economic parlance under the colonial rule, self-government was.sought as the legitimate
fonn of national development. Therefore, at the time of indeper?dence development was equaled,
with people-nation and economic development. The sovereign power of the state was equated
with economic well-being. So, what people were looking at was that the representative mechanism
which, would give them economic development. Development .
at this point of time impliA!d linearI
path and goals encompassing the ~hole society. Planning towards development was governed b~
· rational detennination to achieve the interests of civil society i:e. well- being of people..Planning
· which constituted the bureaucracy was institutionalized as a domain of po!;cy making ~nd,
~,as
described to be outside political process. But with different leade~ships planning became a pan°
political processes. · •( .; .·, £ •
• ' < •• • .
'
.; J • ,, ,.
 • • 1froccss in Jn<lia
ro110ca - - - ---
t3•~ .
,,,,--· wb t~d econom y: •
JI • .
J'1~ itS Jja·l nationa! nW\'cment was conscio us to the signifira nc f, d
1n . r "'· ' e O ,rce om ~nd p!anr.in g
Jhc no . ·r· \ry chang:::; in the
eloplllcnt. Tht rc was fe lt a need to make rev 0 1
•
ft

. , ,j ~cc nom 1c dcv . .. u IIJn(

.
cocia1o),.~ d to rem ove grav e ineq uali ties . Plan ning fi econ omi
.
c and soci al
1
,or, .,c struc ture and the nee . or
.
, 011001
requ ired to erad icat e pov erty and ame lior ate the condition of ma sse.,.... f:1d.1a, .in
C' I n1ent was . .
(!ei'Cop oc t·
· plann1·ng process ado pted tI1e .structure. of wel.fare through its dem ra 1c const1~t1onal
its . a began to pave its p~th , • .
The plan ning pro cess smc e .the. time Indi a 1
10 r SOC!o-econom,c
. . . .
(ramework • mdu slna l and. agri cultural developmen t The const=tut '
, rcn
nt focu sed on ega l1ta nan ism with . • •
(!eveIoprne .
' soc1al-:1ustice, economic and pol;tical equality
a.5sembly with welfar~ as its ~ath :an ted ~o s~cure
ens' with libe rty, equ ality and Just ice as the doctrines. The Fundamental rights (part Ilf)
for all citiz
elaborate the values embedded in the preambfe.
and Directive principles of state policy (part IV)
s of th~ con stitu tion focu s on the fund ame ntal rights for citizens and respons ibility
These two p:ut
to the needs and demands the citizens. The
Jf the state which would build a society catering
iety and the economy are outlined in Parts m
images of the constiLutional vision of the ideal soc
and IV which reject the fcudalisn~ and the caste
hierarchy and privileges.
ame 11ta l righ ts aim at crea ting a dem ocra tic egalitarian state. The directives
· Th~ fund
whereir,, "the ownership and control of material
encourage the stme in India at creating economy
com mun ity are so dist ribu ted to serv e the common good" Th~ Indian state under
resources of the
conceived within the liberal framework. As a
the guidelines of the constitution assembly was
it invo lved the con sen sus of a wid e spec trum of socio-economic pqlicies. These
welfare state
the economic and social well-~ing of its citizens
policies involve~ the protection and promotion of
h the stat e play s a key role . Equ ality of opp ortunity, equitable distribution ofweaJ~ and
for whic
The DPSP constitute the philosophy of soci:il
~b!ic responsibility were the guiding principles.
P inscribe the Republic oflndia as a welfare
Justice along with democratic socialism. The DPS
elin es of Dir ecti ve Prin cipl es of Stat e Poli cy are to be kept in mind \\hile fulming
state:The guid • rumenb· Of ·mst ruet',on
laws and 1· · tral and the stat e gov ernm ents . The y are the mst
. po ic,es by the cen · • I 1·icae. s to
1Dfhe ernance of the country. They Jay down guidance towards economic & socia po
gov ter, social
classified as social & economic char
bepu~sutd by the governments in India. They are h .
lecur iiy.ch~rter & community welfare charter. The goals ofour freedom movement, t e sent,me~tS,
the as
e of DPSP. They represent compromise
3
!ons and the idea ls are clea rly spe lt in doc trin
betw pirat
ten lhe ideals and reality.
·TI1e foun dati on of wel fare - stat e with the DPSP & Fundamental Rights was fLJrther
Siren
ugh the five yea r'pl ans . The se five yea r plans (1951- 1965) ~ocused techno-
econ gthened thro
a fully or semi-protected env,ron~ent. U~der
fflesi:rc self-reliance through indigenous efforts inenc oun tered series of problems with fammes,
ofin crem enta l mod erni z.at ion the stat e
wars .egy e.~as
CIIJer and also the country's political syst
em also went through democratic upsurge. fher
food security, price rise, national ~efestre nse, foreign
dePe:;nce of series of new issues such as • . • 11t1es .• rated 8 cumulative ss. on the
ence' economrc . ua gen e
. stagnation and regional meq
 <J{pin6ow's EZ5am Leader

dc,·ek1pmcntal frmn~work of lhc count~y. The discquilibril'm between tlic ogriculture and indu ---
with industrial n-ccssion, µri<.:e rise virtually halted the economy. Thes,.: set in motion the decisi:t~
.
process t11at uIInnate Iy Ied to a compreI1cns1·ve rcv1t·w
· of economic · strategy with rcth i,ikin na, ·
administrative routine and program priorities (Rajani Kothari: 1970). g of
India's development !itrategy focused on the need for self sufficiency in capital goods • ·
. f' h . h f
a ,·,ew_o en _ancmg t e outp~t o consumer goods (Nehru- Mahalanbois development plan). fndia .
Wllh

evolved a unique model of mixed economy. India embraced the unique concept of mixed econom
as colonial regime had made economic consolidation the priority. It was understood that thi~
economic resurgence cannot be accomplished by the private sector alone. The state had th
responsibility to deal with problems of unemployment, poverty, illiteracy, regional imbalance an~ ,
more. The public sector also faced its challenges with inadequate infrastructure power, roads etc.
' infrastructure power, roads etc. Thus India adopted the unique concept of mixed ec0nomy.
3. Write an essay on Neo-liberal reforms.
Ans. Neo-liberal refonns were introduced in India in mid 1991 as that mark~<l a shift in
India's position in global politica\ economy.
C.P Chandrasekhar and Jay~ti Ghosh (2002) have argued that for both the advocates of the
Neo-liberal reforms and its critics the genesis of these reforms is traced back to ihe 'dcvelop1J1ent
impasse' of the late 1960's and 1970's in India, This was a period when economic growth slowed
considerably as compared to the growth recorded during the first fifteen years after Indian
independenc~.
After independence India's st~tegy ofgrowth was such that it structurally limited the potential
of the system. This imp! ied aspects such as, the lack 'Ofability to address income and asset inequality,
lack of ability to deal with monopoly of land in rural India and the lack of abii_j'ty_to·chai_t~nge the
existe~ce of concentration of assets in the industrial sector. Given the~e ·~lrcumstances.it was
critical for ·the Indian state to continuously spend in order to ensure'
' •
the
growth' cl the overall
I I~ ' •

market. This was the key element in the dynamism displayed by the· overall system. . ·
Acco~ding to Chandrasekhar and Ghosh (2002), by the mid l 960's;t&e stim~lus induced in
the Indian economy by the pol icy of import s~bstitution was exhausted. Add iti6~al iy, the ability of
the Indian state to continue to provide the stimulus for growth was also diminished due to its
inability to ~ise adequate resources: The consequence of this was that the aggregate growth of
the Indian economy decelerated in the late 1960's and I970's. Also the development of inte~tional
capital markets and consequent access to private capital flows added tensions to a regime which
had been based~ critical assumptions relating to the binding foreign exchange constraint. This
interaction between the.changing external context and the heightening domestic contradi~tions
existing w:ithin the domestic regime, gave rise to a set of circumstances which pem1itted the s~~
in policy ...1wards the initiation of neo-liberal re~onns. · ··,: :.
! · There was a brief period of recovery from the decelerated growth patiem of the I960's and ·
l 970's in the decade of the l 980's. In I980's the Indian e'cO~on'ly wlt~es·sed the acceforatio~ O!~~e
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and an increase in manufacturing activity. . . .
 1
. • I process in India f9
1 J>oh""" .
-t-. due to the follow ing reasons -
ened . I fi I . omy. rnd'ran go•1emment
'hi 5 haPP mass ive increa~e .mt .1e 1sca stimulus to the India n econ
1 .,-i re was a
• • e .
11 . India provided this stimulus .
s nd1ng in . . . .
was so especially in the case vf
peere existed substantial l1bcral1zat1on of e~ports. This
• Th. ods and com pone nts of mapufacturmg. .
capita go 1 . ce the
'fhere was a shift to rely mg on external comm~rc,al borrowing by the State to finan
• . s in the cons eque nt fisca l and current account deficits. . .
10crease . ,
baste contradictions in the Indian
The industrial boom of the 1980 s seemed to address some
du~e~, the economy also suffered. rr:e
onomic regime. Yet, with the policies which were in.tro
a growing portion of the debt
eC . •es gave rise to enormous external debt. Durmg this time
state Po1ICI g and this made the economy acutely vulnerable to curre
ncy
. the form of short-tenn borrowin f. . 1·
wasin on and confidence pnce . •
culati s o mternat!ona mvestors.
liquidity which built up in the domestic
spe As a result of the above men_tioned dynamics, the
crisis• which the
·mad e it acut ely vulnerable to sudden inflationary surges. The economic
econOmy, afflicted the real economy. Rather this
Indian economy experienced in 1990-9 I, was not one that
' -
crisis was predominantly a financial crisis.
s, the International Monetary Fund
· Instead of engaging with the complex history of this crisi
reform in India, choose to emphasize a
(IMF) and certain domestic adv~cates of the economic
partial understanding of the problem. As per their analysis,
a wide-ranging presence of the Indian
cipant in economic activ ity stifled the
government both as a regulator of the market and a parti
ssive government s~nd ing and a fisc:if
initiatives of the private enterprises. Additionally, exce
reform which prevented India 's exports
deficitwer~·too high and there had inadequate liberalizing
from rising
. . ' . ., '
fast enou . . gh., third world dirigisme _since the days of
, . , !nd_fa .~as looked ,upon as one of the bastions of
liberal economic policy-discourse. This
Jawaharlal Nehru. But in 1991, India embarked on a nee-
t of the time among th~ '"three
~~~ -~ ~hi~t ihic h.~a s ;anked by a leading World Bank economis
the collapse of the Soviet Union and
mos~ J_mpoftant eve1its of the twentieth century" alongside
for India's switch was deemed to~ a
China's tum t~ ;,~ar ket reforms". The immedi;te cause
bal;tnce of payments crisis caused by a combination of the Kuwait war, and a tlight of Non-
resident Ind' , d . . . .
. , tans epos1ts with Indian banks. ,
r problem which could have
been .A,c ~di! 'g to Chandrasekhar and Ghosh (2002), this was a mino
b~.~dled without resort to nee-liberal policy reform.
The rtal reason for tlie change in policy
· h mam·fested ·ma tiisca . ·•s-
- I crisi
"'•s
of~ lhatth
· . e cont rada · s of the earlier development strategy, whic
· chon
ario the Indian bourgeoisie, especially
n~ ,e ~let had brought economic growth to a halt. In this scen · · · 1·ism had been pressing·
Wer sectio n 5
. 0 f ·
Jt, wan ted to adop t a neo- liberal regim e, which 1mperia
fo "' ns,
ranYW ay Wh"I nt of th~ Cong ress party 1 eraI re,on
· · ated tI1e neo- l'b
·m1t1
it is the ·. ! ~ ~he ~n~ia n go~e rnme
1
1993'•' ~d~an _g~~e.rnment Led by th~.Hindu Right Wing party, the BJP, which came to power in
• Which earn·ed .forw · · · .these reforms ·
ard with a vengeance.
 l1~~l <J{p,in 6ow 's Ezsa,n L~ct<h~r
Ollt<.·r in1cniatio11al fach_,rs als0 pla . ~
. I , . l
,, heh tl'.'\" k Jl. th .. C Ill nd',,
rnle
ycJ nn i111po11at~t
Th -s, inc!1tdcd the dis intc grat1o
as a back dro p to t~c s~ changes
,.... c. "' n of the US SR a11 d the So
Th'is rem . fo1\ ·"
'.e,0 t 11,~ d'1s1.11 us·o, nmcnt of Ind ian Po licy
.
Make, s with the Socia . 1· d viet Block.
. ted .d · , ) St reli able fall bac ' . 1st mo el. as
Cl'lnstitu 1n ,a s llll •
.
k option Ill economic terms as we . . these .'•ad
des pite India's ll as m po li tical sup""rt
d"clarcd policy ofNon -Alignm t'V
cnt.
• ' .
Baldev Raj Nayyar has argued
that there is a strong correlation
integration of the national econom between the degree of
y with the world economy and the
its population. As a consequence t.he level o_f per-ca~ita income of
possible benefits from openness to
by way of higher income constitute the _1~tern~t1onal economy
a positive or pull facto.r for a State to
This happens due to drastic reduction p~rt1c1pate m globalization .
in the costs of economic transaction
technology. Insulated economies thu s and use of improved
s have to perforce accommodate the
From a geo-political perspective eco pressures of globalization.
nomic globalization cannot be reg
that is irreversible. Its future is likely arded as something
to depend on the interests whether
ofthe great powe~s .Since the inter- conflictual or cooperative
State system is anarchic and lacks a
"the order" has usually been provid legitimate central authority;
ed by a·hegemonic power that em
among the great powers. Eyer since erges at the end of awar
the collapse of the Soviet Uri ion, the
has emerged as the new order maker United States ofAmerica
and institutional structures such as,
Fund and the General Agreement on the International Monetary
Trade and Tariffs (now the World Tr
Atlantic Treaty Organization and ade Organization), North
countless military bases help.keep
Thus, some scholars have argued tha .the "new order" together.
t it is only obvious that India would
pressures sooner or later. have succumbed to these
Atul Kohli has presented a different
analysis about the rationale for the
liberal reforms by India in 1991. Ko adoption·ofthe neo-
hli places his arguments against the
the 'statism' ofIndira Gandhi.and Ne rationale that it was due to
hru before her, which led to slow eco
1980's. He argues that it is critical nomic growth in India till
to examine the political determina
Within this context it needs to be ack nts of economic gro-wth.
nowiedged that Nehru prioritized
heavy industries in India and since the.development of
he had nationalist legitimacy this pro
the other hand.the populist policies ject became realizable. On
oflndira Gandhi damaged private
thereby resulting in a fall in industria and public sector investments
l growth. .
The rationale espoused by Kohli for
the economic reforms of 1991 is
rr i~ of n~ional emer~ency in the as follows. After th~
l.970's, Indira Gan~hi shifted the
~ -b• h~ta.o to economic growth. Th focus of state policy from
is resulted in the initiation of a state
signale~ a m~ve 8 V:.8Yfrom ~elfare and capital alliance. This
110 fun ctio ns, wh ich the Indian state had been prioritiz
F? ~•~g this RaJ~v G~d~• worke ing earlier.
d towards bringing in liberalii.ati
~hfficultaes. As durmg this time the on policies but faced many ·
ff · · Ind ian bu siness es fel t thr eat ened b'y th
compe I 10n commg m w1'th 1ibc . .
rahi.ation and inflow of ~ore'1gn "'a •b·t·ty f i'htense
p't I d . e poss1 11 o
To conclude, whe~ the neo-liberal .. 1 a an investment.
number of factors. These mcluded, the refonns were initiated in' l 991 the
on set y wete facilitated by a
. of eco no mi c · · . wt
. crisis, gro h.m confidence on a s1g . •fi t
n1 1can
r
+J polifkal Procrss in
lru.lin
d ;mportan II th ccf1iorts made by the state t o ensu re
{1
21
j
sincsscs ,, , c r 19 80 •s, nn Y . :
::,;~n of I n,liait. bu
· to in
'
tere sts of the Ind' . I
ta . Therefore Jt ,s important t0
I ,es woul<l tnk .e in tan ca pi •
that the new po ,c ar ds gr
.
owth accel erat •ton began in l 980's and not ju. st in
I1c proc ess fo r ch an ge tow ' .
point out that t~ f lo ok ed at as th e re sult of a owin s tc -cap,ta l alliance
• s o 1991 need to . be gr g ta
1990 s. The re orrn an dh i's te nu re •
initiated during Indira G India.
pm en t dim en si on of changing nature of
lo
4. Write down the deve ha d tw o se pa ra te but m · ter1m · ked aspects that of
adopted in 19 91 th '
Ans. The programme C ha nd ra se kh ar an d G hosh (2002) ha ve argued at
justment.
stabiliz.atIion fo llowed b~ structural ad ai m ed at de flating the Indian econom
y. This
b·1 · · form s w as
· ·· component of the re that were being placed <:,n
the 1~1t1~ sta .• 1zat1on g th e ex ce ss iv e de m an ds
te ~f growth and curbin s to reduce balance of
im~h~d ~~ucmg the ra main ai m of th is po lic y fla
foreign exchange. The argued that - a renewed
access
]nd1a s limited set o f ur al ad ju stm en t it w as
the ambit of struct e State. Since the Indian
payment deficit. Within hi gh er ex pe nd itu re by th
~ot be used to sustain ggested th at the State
to foreign e~charyge was r the cr is is in I,99 1, it w as su
ve rn m e) Jt de t_ icits w er e seen as responsible fo cu rb i_ng State expenditure.·
go to be do ne by
its deficits. This_was ed largely on private- in
itiative.
should strive to reduce th w ou ld no w ~ b
. as
eco~omic grow titive capacities w ~ criti
cal.
It was envisaged that in te rn at io na lly co m pe
ed that the creation of stimulus to economic
Additionally it was argu ovid e th e pr in ci pl e ex te rn al
is w ou ld en su re th at ex port production would pr pi ta l both productive and finan
cial.
Th in te rn at io na l ca
om was to be given to to exploit the benefits of
expansion. Greater freed ig n fin an ce as w el l as
to increase access to fore ational markets that
This would be provided practic es an d lin ks to in te rn
im pr ov ed te c~ no lo gy , modem management
th e
transnational firms wou
ld offer.
of str uc tu ra l ad ju stm en t and liberaJizatio~
ion
faccount of the applicat of C.P Chandrasekhar an
d
·, Given below is a brie is is ba se d on th e w or k
at the Jevel of differ
ent ,sectors. This analys
. three
Jayati Ghosh (2002);•. n of re fo rm th e in du strial policy moved in
- After the initiatio rol by de-reserving and
• In d~ tr ia l Policy imin at io n of ca pa ci ty co nt
ns. The first was the el e second ch~ge
· . important directio bjec t to lic en se s ea rlie~ . ~h
dustries which were su d Restracttve Trade Prac
t1:es
de-licensing Indian .in s of th e M on op ol ie s an
ning of provision n oflarge firms. The th
trd
pertained to the weake io n an d di ve rs ifica tio
facilitate the expans greater involvement o(
Act. This was done to s ge at td fo r pr om ot in g
troduction of policie
change was related to in .. . . • ·, ·
dia. es w~re in troduced· to
forejgo investment in fn_ As a part of the neo-liberal reforms pol1c1 . d h I'be I·
L 'b 11 t' rta m e to t e I ra .1~tlon
• Tra e I era za 10 0
d ch polic y pe .
·t· · th e domestic market· One su ro ls by ra pi dly reducmg th·c e
'gh m pe tJ Jo n m im
te . . po rt co nt
.· ., , he1 ten co rt t d AfJ effiort was made to di . lu .
sm
.
g and other fonn · s o·
f th ·
"''tr, :.,; o e 1mpo ra e. at iv e re stn ct 1o ns , hc en
t to qu an tit .
r o tan ·rr I·tem!i cu ~. ,b1..,iec,
nu be f
m
,:,
·
ro ls. on i1 11 po ~.
. . discretipn~ry cont
•
!
I f
•._
• I
r 1.'., ~1 1t'"
 ~in6ow 's E(Sam Leader
• Rdorm, in Agriculture - It is important to point out that the economic refonns of 199) in -
India did not ha ve any specific policy package for agriculture. This was based on the
assumption that freeing agricultural markets and liberalizin g external trade in agricultural
commodities would provide price incentives leading to enhanced investment and output in
the agricultural sector. Simultaneously, broader trade liberalization would shift inter-sectoral
terms of trade in favour of agriculture.
• Financia l Lib~rali zation - The rcfom1s brought about in the financial sector were the
most significant part of the overall reforms. Dependence upon internationally mobile finance
capital was promoted. Measures were taken to increase the credit creating capacity of
banks through reduction in Statutory Liquidity and Cash Reserve Ratio while offering them
greater leeway in using the resulting liquidity. Additionally, an attempt was made to increase
competition. This was done through structural changes in the banking sector. Lastly, banks
were provided with greater freedom in_determining their asset portfolios, .Ban~ were also
pennitted to cross the firew~II t~at separated the banking sector from the ~t9Ck. market in
India. . I I t •

• Exchange Rate Policy - In order to change the terms of exchange rate determination, the
Indian government moved from administered exchange rate to a situation by the end of the ·
decade of 1,990's wh~rein there was a unified, market detennined exchange rate of the
rupee. This was fully convertible for current account transactions. The infl~w of portfolio
. capital w~ pennitted; certain companies were allowed to raise capital abroad and external
C?mmerci~I borrowing was also ~llowed to selected coqipanies.
Impact of new develop ment model in India after 1991
•
Devesh Kapur has pointed out that there is little disagreement amongst sc~olars.aboutthe
fact that state's economic policies in India changed sharply after 19,91. Additionally,.there is little
disagreement amongst scholars about the fact that after 1.991 India has_. wjtnesse4 ~ period of
economic growth as compared to previous decades. . . -:, :•.·--· ,;•.. , . ,
However, there exists ~uch dispute about the reasons for .this ·growth: Kapur (20 I0) bas
made the following observations in this context. ·
· · Fintly, ifwe examine. the economic.growth rates in the Indian context from i991 till 2010
and ·compare this with the economic growth rates of previous periods in India it becomes evident
thaithe Indian economy has grown faster in.the period after the refonns were initiated. .·,'.·
. . Secoadly, after the refo~s· structural t~nsformation o~ the· Indian ~~o~omy h~
pl~ at.~ fundamontal level_leading to change in the degree and nature of Ind•~ s 1nte~ct10n wa
·tak.:
the gl9hal ~ Yi Since the commencement ofthe reforms, trade to ODP_rat10 has tripled, goo-
. deb\ ~i~tal ~~fJow~ have.i~reased; and the~ bu beenacc:umul~ti~n o(f9f'C~gn ~xchange ~se';
_·. ~~~e ~~··insurance
covers. ~nst global ~OJJ\~ ,fh~~r ~d~it•:"ally, ~IS~ :;'
. liad also.witnessed growth of 'prQ-globahz.at19n domestip IQ.lt~y. r ..,1, ,, . , .• • • • • · , • • ~ • • ' • ' · •
•' • .,, ,_ • •• •

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\t
-t-J political Proce ss in India 1123J
Tlie Ind ian
~ Third ly, econo mic g rowth in th js p eri od has been more or less s us tainab le.
y has manag ed to grow in s pite of g lobal eco nomic <·risic; o f 1997-
1998 (A sian fin~ncia1
been able to w ithstan,i
ec~~:~ nd 2008- 2009 (Glo bal recess ion). Furthe r tlie Indian e-con0 rny has
s demol ition of the Habri
~n • wth pattem in spite of dome~ tic shock s such as those posed by
115
~d · 1992 and Gujar at riots of 2002.
MasJt •0 libera lh m w as p•Jt
Menon and Nigam have argue d th.it the new glohal order based e n neo-
by the long arm of State institu tions- e lected Indian gover nment s, an
activi st judici ary, the
. · J Econo rn1c·
anP.1aceand the bureau cracy. The constr uction · o f Dams and the mode m day Spec1a
displa cing millio ns of
pe>h~,continues to be done in the name of develo pmen t by perma nently c- h b · 1· ·
Zonele withou t provid ing them adequ ate means o f comp ensati·on or space s ,or re a 1 1tat10n .
~nd Da~its
peop TheX have also pointe d out a~oth er rath~r . intere sting fa~t that th~ J~wer castes
s with foreig n
find it easier to negoti ate highe r salari es and pos1~1ons of powe r m work enviro nment
lizatio n seems to be posing a positi ve
ital establ ishme nts rather than domes tic ones. Thus Globa . . - . .
cap Indian Socio -econ omic spectr um. · · · ·
threat to the Caste/ Class hierar c~y in the
the pover ty level
The advoc ates of globa lizatio n and the 'trick) edown theory ' argue that
nt which India seems
would contin ue to declin e. Howe ver, the urban -centr ic mode l of devel opme
to be following does not seem to take into accou nt the living condi
tions in the villag es and amon g
and wast~ manag ement
the urban-poor. Also, not much empha sis is given to envir? nment al conce ~s
in the Infon nation
Th~re may have been an increa se in the numb er of specia lized jobs·
d; yet the n·u mber of
Technology sector , due to Busin ess Proce ss Outso urcing (B~O ) from abroa
tion to cities lead"ing to
jobs available in the rural areas has dimin i~hed, leadin g to large scale migra
jobs requir e labou r to
displacement of peopl e and overc rowdi ng in the cities. Besid es since BPO
work in odd night shifts, it remai ns to be seen what kind ofan impac t this
kind of work would have
on the health of these worke rs in the long run. .
the 2008 Indian
. . ·lt seems· rather evide nt from the massi ve loan wavi~ r for farme rs under
h it is diffic ult to be
government budge t that the agricu ltural sector is also in the state ofcrisis ;thoug
t ofexces sive food
certain :whether .it ii• crisis of failure of green revolu tion techno logy, impac
gover nmen t to devicC!
other agricu ltural production prima rily for expor t or inabil ity or the Indian
sustainable productive ~lic:ie s for this partic ular sector .
· ·· · ' The Indian state contin ued its anti-p overty progra mme~ even after
tho neo-li beral refonr is.
Ycsudian (2007 ) has argued that pover ty reduct ion progra mmes i~itiat ed
by the Indian state after
· · · ·· ·
l 99 I. can be c~ifaed into five catego ries·- -
;(iii) food -~ur i~
. ·_ {i) self-em ploym ent progra mmes ;(ii) wage emplo yment progra mm~s
~ 8fammes;(iv) social securi ty progra mmes ; and(v
0 ) urban pover ty allevi ation prog ram~ ~ · •
~~:;;:;~In order to -evalua te ·these progra mmes~ Yesud ian.. has sugge sted that
a
'then; is iteecf t()
of
exanune the use·of allocated funds; chang es in the level poverty, tho generat'°"
ofemp1o;-nt
as a result ~f polici es, and tho number :of people who benefited fn,m ~icu lar schem ei -It '1$
h o ~ . . .. ·
suggested that it is criti~ I to look at the social chang es broug hfaho ut by t

. ·•r:diz
 lS~1 ___ ______ _ ___ .<R.Jlin6o
,:______ w's Ezsam
..:..-J----
Lead~

n PI3-C'l'S \\here there arc to 0 1nany such polrc1es

f
work, ~CSl1dian suggests that Indian
. . nt
~o, ~mmcnt intcnicnti~,n causes impcJimcnts i11 tho co11rsc of everyday lives of poor p~op_le. In
are~s" ""'lcrc,. ti,c stntc has managed to .mvolvc the poor allJ ot11cr mcm bcrs of the common,ty. in.the
enforceme nt of these policies, hcttcr results have b,·cn visihlc. These reforms have h~d 3 limited
yet r ositi\ c impact on the reduction of poverty. Further it has btcn argued that t_h~re is a ~eed to
evolve policies keeping the local contexts in perspective since the ground reahti~s of di_ffcrent
pll ees within the state, differ. Attempts need to be made to check social discrimination against the
prJ()r iil .1ddition to providing tht>m economic suppo,1. •
Another significant development thnt has taken place during this period is the formaiization
of the right to work under the aegis of the National Rura1 Employment Guarantee Scheme ~ginning
,n 2006. Jettn Dreze has argued that this marks n significant achievement of democratic struggles
in India. I iowever, the implementation ofthis has been riddled with struggles. ·
Kapur has pointed out that poverty reduction programmes initiated by the ln~ian state seem
to fail more often than not. He h~s liste.d four reasons for this. Firstly, in the course of creation of
such schemes a large proportion.o.f money is spent on administrative costs and very little reaches
the bcne~ciaries. Secondly, there cxi~ts corruption and it stems from the fact that public functionaries
have di~cretionary powers to decide upon various aspc~ts of implementation. Thirdly, t~C? Indian
iovemment has not been able to keep check on these discretionary powers of public functipn~ies.
Fourthly, there are no systems in place to ensure accountability. · ·
5 •. · Describe the conception and implementation of welfare policies in India. ·
·• · · Ans. The following arguments can be one (lfthe ways of understanding the conception and
irnplementation of welfare policies by the Indian sta·e. There exists a paradox.in the post-colonial
Indian situation between the homogenizing impulse of nationalism which argues that all.should
have equal rights and in-between the heterogenizing impulse of Indian governmentality which
bases itselfon differentiating between population groups, • , , •.. . . •
Chatterjee looks at this contradiction as the context in which modern ,forms,of governance
·arc to be implemented. Modernity is not onl~ about rationality but different ways of engaging with
. rationality~The post.colonial state cannot gave prope~ to everybody since there exist powerful
· vested interests in preexisting u~equal p~perty relations. Henc~, in a way neithe~· can it give
rights to everybody, yet the state 1s respo~sable for those to whom at cannot give rightst ,.
- .. . •Thu~, within the ambil of welfarasm, these people on the margins have entitlements or
barpiuing power: Political society is cal~~ such bec~usc the existence of tho -people within it
depends upon day-to-day struggle bctw~n different social groups. These groups enter neaotiations
•with tbe Indian government, u tho Indian govem".'en_t has to manage these populations. ;r, i r, :;•.v
, . Looking at the political history of the ~volutlon of ~oc_lety, it is important to recount thai ehe
• . •. h. ch aided the break from feudalism in the west, was that of formal equarty·Th bas'
pnncap1e, w I . • f rh, N f r . . e IS
offonnal ·equality was I •
owne~shap _o prope••,. •. aona ast struggles -• ~• way were ·an attempt to
•. • th's ''onnal equaht)', Yet with the creation ofthe nation state-there has also·
unaversa11ze a .•• . . , . .come a1ong
.~ :, "' .
' . ,.
...
.. .
.~- ,• ~ . ..... ~-
, ~ ,r ~• • t
' .
 ,tj political Process in India

----volution ofd"fli
(he e
.I erenfiated c1t1zens
. h Id"
..
. . .
,up,
. m. the sense that those h h d -
w o a property were r . . <f
~ , D2e-'
·per citizens with o mg rights, wh11st those who did not h ecogmze
as Pro f : r · ave property were not National is
the success o nat1ona 1st movements lead to the expansio f . h . · m
· an d h h h' ·
. ultaneous myt , t at t 1s expansion would encompass all inhab n rig ts, with the cr'fation of a
•t t f h .
°
sun . 1an so t e nation. But cJearl
. did not happen. Hence we have the emergence of people with• t . . •. • _Y
th15 • f •h b • .. ou rig11ts. Now c1v1l society ts
based .on the. notion o ng ts earmg c1t1zens. So those.who do not bear rig . h '"
ts ,onn a part of the·
political society. . . . .
The colonial Indian government used to be a part ofthe process 0· r·d·· 'd' I ·. . ,
• • . 1v1 mg popu at1ons m to
different groups tn . give them . . different
. benefits.. .Using the conceptualization f ·
o govemmenta,1ty, 1•

.ChattelJ·ee establishes a d1stmct1on

. between
. . . c1v1I
. and. political society
. , but·he aIso suggests that
these two arc e?tan~ted with eac~ ~ther. P~htical Society and civil society are not in neat opposition
to each other, 1n some ways political ~?c1ety depends upon dvil society and yet the two remain
. distinctive. Both civil and political society can be seen as different elements of mode~ity which
colonialism brought with it. . . : _ · . . . : . . . . ,:. .. · . . .
. · .Thus, within the am~it.of welfarism, these peop-fe :o·n ~he ·margins have entitlements· or.
bargaining power. Political s~iety is called such because the existence of the people within it
depends upon day-to-day struggle betw~n different social groups. These group~ entetnegc,tiations
with the Indian government, as the Indian government has to manage these populations. ·. · · . ·.
. ' ' . , . . . . . .- . '

_Niveditil Menon has argued that rather than viewing.civil and political society as empirical
spaces, they should .be thought of as 'tw<? ~tyles of political engagement that are ·avai!able to
people- the former is more avai Iable to urbanized elite, the latter.. to the rest.· . .
The-availability is flujd .
, ' , ' -

and coritextual, not fixed by class.' Menon justifies this on the ground that ·if civil and political
as
society-Were to'be only thought of empirical spaces than as mor~ groupings of people who.do
not fit into·these ·categ~ries emerge (for instance low castes·and .tribals) there will appear to be a
neeo for the multiplication ofthe categoric~ th~~selv~s w~ich could ·a·tedi.ous arid endless ~me
process and will restrict the 'P<?tential of Chatterjee's radically innovative conceptual move'. , ··
. .; : The ~ope of pOlitical ~iety should extend beyond a'iiarrow·~otion (?fgovemmc;ntality, i.e.
.• political ,society should not ~ thought of as just those &f!>UPS among .the poor who can form
organiz:atio~s and petition the State. Rather political society activ~ties should _be thought of as
· 'escaping gov~mentality' practices not ~ly through 'consc~ous i>o.litical acts ~ut through m)Tiad
.· ,~eayday practices, embodying breached boundaries and·unrespected li~its' .·,.. :· ~ · · ·, ·. ·. ·
. . •. ·_, '._,ih~-the·entangled different~tion·~~n C!~il ;...d ~litical society, and nationaiism and '
~~iu govcmmentality lies in ·some sense.at ttie heart of the parad_~xes con.fronted by~e.1)0~1-
,· ~loniM atates, in
such as the~ ofIndia. This state as well as the population (incl~dipg citizens
. with fOi:maJ righ~) it ~ks to .administer:~ segr,e~
pcissess~ng differential power rela~onships _

:;.·~ .
;
, ~~ J{I:.. ~ ·
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 6.W ·te down the coercive dimension of the changing nature of Ind"aan state. .
. n
.
basic
Ans. India's ·nt 1· h be rt' I t d at the cost ofthe realization
. .developme po icy as ena 1cu a e h of people's.
h democratic ttghts towards participation in the decision making process oft e contours of
~ at counts as development and who benefits from it. Bhaduri and Patkar point out that, this has
~rca~ed a class divide in between the 'immediate gainers (upper and middle classes)' and the
pef!Tlanent lose~ ( unskilled Jabour, tribals, etc)'. This categorization resulting due to the development
ag~nda of the Indian stat_ e, limits the democratic credentials of the state in dealing with dissident
voices regard"mg the-dev~lopment agenda itself. ·

· In orcfer to analyze the articulation of dissent in such a framework, the inadequacies of the
~emocratic promise have to be understood. There exists a misfit between the democratic fabric of
th e -~tate and its coercive apparatus. The modem state in the Jndiari context, much like in other,
~~_n s of the.world has not been able to empower all sections of the society. Hence,- it becomes
d~~rtant _to examine the constitutional provisions regarding rights bestowed to the, citizens of
1ndia.and ey~luate the Indian state upon its ability to make these rights realizable ..It ~an.be argued
that t_hese rights fonn the basis for the articulation of dissent in .a modern
' .
democratic state: . · ·_
. . . Dissent ha$ a1$o ~en articµlaied by civil and d~mocratic rights groups against the state for
curbing the realization .o(these rtghts. Keeping with ,he normative democrptic promise of the
~ndian S!at~ as codifi.ed in the coQstitution, these groups have questioned the nature of authority of.
the state itselt:.Conte.sting the nature. of authority of the state has resulted in forcing jt to adapt
towanls .a mo~e expansive realization of the democratic promise itself. The state has done to so
strengthen its own legitimacy.
. . . .The state has often argued that the need to strengthen the security apparatus,. increase in
<lefen~ spendi~g, increase in surveillance
• • ~
arises
due to the existence of internal as well as external
• ♦

, ~emies; Internal enemies include dissident groups, di~tinct nationality groups, armed militants, ·
errorists and eve_n _certain religious groups who are stereotyped as threats etc. .,. ·1, ,., : 1 •• ,· · -. · .
__· . . ·Militarization has beoome more and more pervasive intruding upon.the everyday fbnctio!linS
.f modem states, sometimes in the fonn ·o fvisible and publiciz.ed wars; whrlst afother times iri the
of
orms violence, whi~h ~ deli~tcl y ~ade invisible. War and violence inevitably include use
·rbrutal physica~ mental and emotiona~ violence on the bodies ofwonteo just as much as (if not .
· · than) vio,ence inflicted upon men.. · . · ·· .. . . . . - . ·. .. ,- -:. ,
~... ·-.: ·_:rhediif-. ~ies in the fact~viol ence inflicted on some men (~gas soldieri~fcnders .
~~,S)..:in ~ manner Hl~•di VIOience faced by W~n, men (those who do'not ~iit/wG rt :
-~1u ~or-tho state, belona to lo~ castt/class, ~ident grou111t · , !-t.-1\
..__,,.. · • I .t .and non-v..,..
•!lrU• •·' . . . . be • • .- l'UIII vao en .,
. d:~ ml,atan tscan~v cr -~tedfo r. - , ..
· ..... :. ,··:-.:-,·,< ·. _. . ·. ·;mifSf',
t.·.. .,' . O\i~~ bas poin~ ~~the-~ right disco~~ hits,~ undergone eb;np ili'1ft,o.: -.
I .·• -..+-.vt.1 bo ~uman ~ t s mo~t has also·COUistentty c• ~ ·. _j __ ._,...-uint • ·
I tkGCY171U1"'""."-:-··
aan ~~
· · · oftbe Indian
' stato 'TlacnMSbeenan ·
• · -· ·
. . ·. -~·. ·: ... -,_ . . . ·:· ..'. ·. . . ..
. attempt aa_
. ..
tho DIOVemen t to
4 •

tho'i..J•dcal ied
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•

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 . . process in India
1 poJataca1
-r. . I 127
d locate the human ng ,ts move ment. exclu sively w·tt .
·
che (110 ral-t1n as 8 respo nse to the subtc . . . 1
"" an abstract th'
. hascornc . .
rrnnca n <.11 v1dc betwe en •h.. t c . ica t d omam •
.
fh'S • . r~cs of variou s poli tical move ments includ ing the Dart ' ... mnra andp olit' fd1' .
. the d,scou s tea men" nn,
f 1n , • , move ment and the Naxal itc
o,,cn1cnt . . ' . . •
nt h' ar~umcnt 1s hascd on th e \\Ork of Mono tnn1a n Moha nty • th
T 1s ~ .
'"mcnl in India . Mohnnt y hns nrg11<.~d thnt the· fn diAn ~tl,te '" hA,
e context of the Jfoman
. .,,
Ri"hlSn,o,
c-
. •
IT"lcs in four broad ways ~ll1co1og1cnl. tnsl1t . . . ·· rc,por1r 1cd fo the hom:1· n
· ,ht~ stroN-" . .
utmna l fragmenting r·
nf . , 11 Jdco1 0 !!,,call y, th e Jndrnn stntc post the era of :unnr,! c, 11t~11e~ and throug h u,.,
f rcprcss1l, • . . . . ;ition of t '
Cl -..establish its da11n to pt~pular lcg1t11nacy by select ively '" nA ,rm~ 1cmcr~enr.y h~
st'ugl1I 10 , ... • adher ing t th d - '
in o e em:tnd1 made
mlwcm c-nts.
~rec rta . ..
· for example. the India n state ha..s respo nded pos1t1 vcly to the dema nd, of the ,vome n·,
mcremcnt to enact laws, imple ment P?I icies and ev.aluatc progr ams. Jn the
context of the demand,
made hy the Dalit move ment ; the 11~1plementahon of the recom mend
atfon s of the Mandal
C-1..mmission can be seen as a ~rogr css1v e ~tcp towar ds addre ss i11g the issue
of caste hierarchy at
the lerd of both state and socie ty. · • -· •· , ·
Political ackno wledg ment has also been accor ded to the rights of region
al group! toward,
p-anting them administrative auton omy, culmi natin g in the creation of
new federating units of
Vtta.-akhand~ Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and more recently Telengana. This has
led to the strengthening
of ideological legitimacy towar ds demo cratic and decen traliz ing crede
ntials of the Indian state.
However, it needs to be reiterated that the movements, which the state has classi
fied as secessionist
for itself, have been met with sever e repre ssion . '
further, Mohanty-argues that anoth er respo nse by the state to demands
made by differ ent
social movements has been in the form of creati on of institutional-arran
gements to •manage~ or
deal with these demands. The estab lishm ent of the Natio nal Human Right
s Commission (NHRC)
in 1993 could serve as a case in point . The motiv ation of the state behin
d creating this institu tional
set up bas been questioned. One argum ent is that the estab lishm ent
of N HRC has been an attempt
by the state to tackle intern ation al press ure placed by the weste rn states
to secure human rights in
au era in which the Indian state was libera lizing i,setf. ·
The other argum ent has been that the creati on ofNHRC was an attempt by
the state ID
Weaken the democratic rights move ment in India. What ever the motiv
ation of the state. yet it
cannot be denied that National Human Right s Commission has played
an important role in e.~posing
the _arbitrary use of coerc ive powe r by tho state. Thus, it can be argue d that
the creation of tho
NIIJonal Ccxnmission for Women, University Grants Commission, Minority Comm
mion. Commission
?' ~hcduled Castes and Sched uled Tribe s, the str~ngthening of Panchayati
Raj institutions; h~vc
an a hmited way exposed existe nce of social hiera rchie s and havo sought
to argue for cort'CCtavo
~ge towards stt:en&theniJJ& democratic rights. value s and norms.
• · ··
·· ·~! th~s junc t• it ia -i~portant to emph~sii.o as Mohanty does. that tho abo\'
o-~n t_i~
~•v e •nstitutional, ideological rospo nseso ftho Indian state. have to b,o thoug
h• ofas sagmfyang
 CT§ ~in 6ow 's Ezsam Leader
8 limited success of the pres sure s plac ed on the state by
it also has to be ackn owle dged that thes e resp onse
the peop le's mov eme nts. Simultaneously,
s have also been an attem pt by the state to
-
appropriate issues raise d by soci al strug gles in orde
r to stren gthe n its o~n claim of being the
ultimate legitimate arbi ter of peop le's dem ocra tic dem
ands . Thu s, this has to be ~nderstood as, 'a
new and soph istic ated mod e o~ poli tical man agem ent
of disse nt. .. wha t was earli er a movement
ofdissent, a movement chal leng ing the state as the main
violator of human rights has been subsume<!
as a part of main strea m poli tics. This is man ifest
in the way the state has soug ht to fragment the
issues of dem ocra tic righ ts'
Sinc e the Indi an state has sele ctive ly resp onde
d prog ressi vely to certa in demands of
mov eme nts whil st not resp ondi ng to othe rs, this
has led to fragmentation of issues. The welfare
poli cies have been dire cted towa rds ensu ring bene
fits to a limited group of people. . ·
For insta nce, whi lst on the one hand reservation for
SC's , ST's ; OBC 's and women offers a
corr ectiv e to the stru ctur al ineq ualit ies prev alen
t in society; on the othe r ha~d_the absence of
additional subs tanti ve mea sure s _e nabl ing ·access to
productive assets, education, ensured employment
etc; the rese rvat ion poli cy in it~• ~ is•n~ ither suffi
cien t not does it uniformly i~pa ct all groups. By
the crea tion of such poli cy fram ewo rks; -which targe
t spec ific groups, the state has sought to avert
the thre at of the artic ulat ion of a univ ersa l posi
tion by thes e grou ps (c_aste, ethnicity, gender,
envi ronm e!'t etc) on issu es of com mon conc ern.
··
From the perspective of dem ocra tic politics the mos
t distu rbin g resp onse o(th e state tc
dem ands of the hum an righ ts mov eme nt has been
repressipn. Acc ordi ng to Ashwini K. Ray, this
can be obse rved in the follo wing , 'incr easi ng constrict
ion of fundamental righ ts through fonnal
cons titut iona l ame ndm ents like the 1st, 4th, 16th
, and the 42nd' duri ng natio nal emergency;
prol ifera tion of n~ repr essiv e legis latio ns, often
through repeated exec utiv e ordinances ~in g
· -1he legi slatu re like MIS ~ ESMA, TADA, POTA, etc;
recurrent uso.of.the,preventiveddent1on
clause thro ugh the Armed Forces Spec ial Powers Act;
prot ifera tion. aad-lllOdcmization•ofnew
coercive instr ume nts, well as thei r freq uent use with as
out tran spar ent: acou ntab ility .like BSF.
.. .ITBP, RAF, CPRF, CISF, etc' The use of repression by the
state has b e ~·• ·•-response
to the challenges posed by the people's movements
to the basic struc ture _o f the-political e~ Y
_ of the state and in resp onse to sece ssio nist mov
ements.

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