WYOMUN II

India: The Fight for Freedom

Middle School Committee
Co­Chairs: Matthew Bonner and Anna Zidarescu
Crisis Director & Director­General: Vishnu Paranandi
Secretary­General: Alexander Nocks
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Dear Delegates,
We are so excited to welcome you to India: The Fight for Freedom! We have both been
working very hard to organize a committee full of excitement, action, and freedom! This
committee will be unique in the fact that there will be two chairs, each working together to make
the committee the best it can be! We are very good friends and are super excited to lead the
committee and debate.
Matthew here: Hello! I am a senior at Wyoming High School. I started Model UN as a
Freshman, so I know how intimidating it may seem! But I quickly caught on, as I am sure you
novices reading this will too, and four years later, I have gone on to have so many amazing
experiences. I have participated in several styles of conferences, and I am really excited to
Co­Chair this WYOMUN II committee with one of my closest friends! I am a Representative in
our Model UN Club, but outside of Model UN, I have played the violin for eight years,
participating in numerous outside orchestras as well as Pit Orchestra for the school musicals. I
am the Senior Class Vice­President and President of the school’s Latin Club. I also enjoy
reading, swimming, volunteering, and spending time with friends. I am super excited for this
committee and look forward to meeting you all!
Anna here: Heya! I am currently a junior at Wyoming High School (cue the crying here),
and have participated in Model UN since the sixth grade. I’m also the Secretary of Recruitment
and Diversity in our high school Model UN Club! I, like Matthew, have participated in various
styles of conferences, and I’m really looking forward to my first time being a Co­Chair! Besides
Model UN, I dance competitively outside of school, and I’m involved with Project L.E.A.D.,
which is a service club at my school. In my limited free time, I like to read, nap, and add future
travel destinations to an ever­growing bucket­list. I’m super excited to get to know all of you!
Both of us would like to emphasize that, regardless of your experience with Model UN,
we want this to be a comfortable learning experience for each and every delegate. We know
first­hand how intimidating it can be to have to debate as an individual delegate, especially if
you’re unfamiliar with parliamentary procedure and such. Please feel free to contact us before (at
wyomunoh@gmail.com​) or during the conference for any assistance that we can provide to you,
be it with parliamentary procedure, research, or if you just need some encouragement. We want
to make this the best experience for you that we can!

Best regards,

Matthew Bonner and Anna Zidarescu

Co­Chairs
India: The Fight for Freedom

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Dear Delegates,
It is my pleasure to welcome you to India: The Fight for
Freedom at WYOMUN II! My name is Vishnu Paranandi, and I will
be your crisis director for this committee. I am also the
Director­General for all of the middle school committees at the
conference. I am a junior at Wyoming High School and have been
involved with Model UN since I was in the sixth grade. Over the
years, Model UN has taught me so much: how to analyze complex
issues, how to think with a more global perspective, how to work
collaboratively with a variety of people with different viewpoints and
personalities, and how to spend countless early mornings with a
quirky, fun­loving group of people who take everything way too
seriously. I am currently the Secretary of Finances for Wyoming High
School’s Model UN Club.
I am the son of two immigrants from south India, and am proud of my heritage, as well as
my American identity. I’m usually getting myself into messes by agreeing to do way too many
things, but I figure I shouldn’t let any good opportunities slip by. Outside of Model UN, I keep
myself occupied by being the president of my school’s INTERalliance technology/business club,
being involved with a variety of community service projects, playing the viola and the piano,
competing on my school’s Science Olympiad team, working with and learning about technology
(mostly fixing other people’s technology), listening to music, biking, doing homework, reading
and writing emails, and trying to remember what I've forgotten to do.
I am very glad that you are choosing to take advantage of the wonderful opportunities
that come with Model UN and encourage you to stretch yourself at WYOMUN. I promise you, if
you come into the conference with a positive mindset, then you will learn, grow, and have a
worthwhile experience. In the meantime, feel free to reach out to me or my colleagues with any
questions you may have by sending a message to ​wyomunoh@gmail.com​.
The students of today will be running the world tomorrow. WYOMUN is a chance for us
to get a sneak­peek at the great things that we will do. I look forward to seeing you there and am
incredibly excited to help make that experience the best it can be for you!

Best,

Vishnu Paranandi
Crisis Director, Director­General, Middle School Committees
India: The Fight for Freedom

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Introduction
After an Allied victory in World War II, Great Britain now turns its attention to the British
Raj, its most valuable colony. As the war comes to a close, India’s longstanding independence
movement has grown and gained tremendous momentum under the peace­driven leadership of
Mohandas Gandhi. After years of quelling protests, Great Britain must face the realities
regarding the widespread impact of the nonviolent movement. At the same time, major questions
regarding the Hindu­Muslim conflict, the ownership of the independently­run princely states in
the region, and the future of the British Empire come onto center stage. Debate at WYOMUN II
will be driven by these complex and deeply­rooted issues, and delegates must guide this debate
towards ultimately creating a treaty that will determine the fate of hundreds of millions of lives
for the foreseeable future. There is no simple solution to this tricky situation, and although
violence is not a restricting factor, change must soon come to the British Raj.

The Committee
At WYOMUN II, delegates will represent members of the Interim Government of India
beginning on September 2, 1946. This group has been elected following centuries of colonial
rule in India and a strong independence movement dating back about fifty years. Their mission is
to facilitate the transition from British rule over the Indian subcontinent to some sort of
independent state or states. At WYOMUN II, this will be done through a treaty that will be
drafted and approved by the committee. The group will then pass resolutions to deal with the
aftermath of the transition that they facilitate. The complex history of this issue and the variety of
represented viewpoints will complicate this process. Ultimately, delegates in this committee
should strive to search for common ground upon which to build a plan for the future of the
Indian subcontinent. Though there are centuries of major differences among the relevant parties,
there is great hope that this committee will successfully start the next chapter in history for the
long subjugated people of the subcontinent.
Understanding the political framework of the colony at this time is critical to
understanding the movement itself. The following groups reflect the political situation at the time
in India, and will be represented at WYOMUN II:

Indian National Congress

The Indian National Congress, known as the Congress Party, is the leading political party
in India. It was founded in 1885 by Indian and British members of a theosophical society with
the goal of obtaining a greater role in the government for educated Indians and creating a
platform for civic and political dialogue between educated Indians and the British Raj. It meets
each December in a different city. Over its first thirty years, it fostered the growth of many
political leaders such as Motilal Nehru, the patriarch of the powerful Nehru family, which

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includes Jawaharlal Nehru, who is now the leader of the party. With increasing Hindu­Muslim
tensions in India over the past fifty years and the founding of the Muslim League (described
below), the Congress Party now almost exclusively represents the Hindu population of the
subcontinent. It continues to fight for a unified, independent country on the subcontinent.

All­India Muslim League

Syed Ahmad Khan founded the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference in 1886
to promote education for the Muslim community of India. This group had an internal­ban on
discussing politics. However, it became clear that the significant population of Indian Muslims
had no unified party to represent them politically, so the ban was removed in 1906 and the group
was renamed to the All­India Muslim League (known simply as the Muslim League). At that
time, a lawyer named Mohammed Ali Jinnah was the main Muslim leader in the Congress Party.
He was wary of the Muslim League, cautiously joining the party in 1913 while still a member of
the Congress Party in an effort to unify the two groups. Eventually, as he grew to become the
main leader of the Muslim League, many of his stances would change. He currently is the
President of the Muslim League and is leading their fight for Pakistan, a separate state from the
Hindus of the subcontinent, which directly challenges the goals of the Congress Party.

British Colonial Government

The specifics of the methods used by the British to govern the subcontinent changed
frequently throughout the early 20th century. Eventually, the system was consolidated into two
main branches: the India Office in Britain and the Viceroy’s Executive Council in India. At the
time of this committee, the India Office is headed by the Secretary of State for India, a member
of the British cabinet who makes major decisions regarding the subcontinent. The Secretary of
State, backed by his advisors and staff, exercises control through the Viceroy and
Governor­General of India, who is the chief administrator of India and is in charge of day­to­day
operations. The Viceroy is backed by his cabinet, known as the Viceroy’s Executive Council,
which includes both British and Indian members. The Council also includes the
Commander­in­Chief in India, who is in charge of the Indian army.

Princely States
The Princely States are nominally sovereign entities that are governed by local rulers,
rather than by direct British rule. While they are not directly governed by the British, they still
are subject to an alliance with the Crown. There are officially 565 princely states at the time of
this committee, although about 200 of them have an area of less than ten square miles, and only
five of them are significant enough to have "direct political relations" with the government of
India. These are Baroda, Hyderabad, Jammu and Kashmir, Mysore, and Gwalior, which together
made up about 250,000 square miles and are home to about 35 million people.

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Early History
It is important for delegates to have an understanding of some of the events in the history
of the Indian subcontinent, since they set the stage for the independence movement. What
follows is a summary of these events:

India Before Colonization

Prior to British control, the Indian subcontinent was dominated by the Mughal Empire.
While the majority of the people living in India were Hindu, the Mughals were Muslims. Of the
Mughal Emperors, Jelaleddin Mahmomet Akbar (1542­1605) is considered to be the greatest,
having conquered all of present­day northern India and Afghanistan and extended his rule as far
south as the Godvari River (located in the southern part of the Indian subcontinent) in his
forty­nine year reign. Akbar maintained his rule through his religious tolerance and Mughal
military might, but the empire began to decline following his death. This decline continued
especially with the rule of Aurangzeb (1658­1707). Mughal control in southern India came under
more pressures with the increase of strong attacks by the Hindu Maratha princes. In addition,
there was not religious tolerance under Aurangzeb, who imposed special taxes on Hindus,
destroyed their temples and forced them to convert to Islam. Soon after Aurangzeb's death, the
empire began breaking up.
The new emperor, Bahadur Shah I (1707­1712) proved unable to prevent Mogul decline.
His tax­collecting was ineffectual, his efforts to exert greater control over the Rajput states of
Amber and Jodhpur were unsuccessful, his policies toward the Hindu Marathas were not
aggressive enough, and resistance to Mughal rule persisted in the south.
Between 1707 and 1761, many provinces rose as a result of the lack of central authority
that had once existed with the Mughals. Provinces became increasingly independent from the
central authority both economically and politically, becoming virtual kingdoms with the help of
intra­regional and inter­regional trade in local raw produce and artifacts. Bengal, Bihar, and
Avadh in northern India were among the new independent regions where these developments
were most apparent. Their rulers became de facto independent warlords, recognizing the Mughal
Emperor in name only. These provinces would lay the foundations for what became the Princely
States.
Over time, the growth of the regions at the expense of Mughal central authority gave
local rulers enough influence to take up arms against the Mughal leadership and declare
independence. Their rule was very personalized with followers swearing allegiance to only their
local ruler. The selfish motives of each state made cooperation impossible, as each local group
strove to maximize its share of the spoils at the expense of the others. As a result, the states could
never expand to form any sizeable territories. The decline of the Mughal Empire, as well as the
lack of cooperation among the newly­formed states, facilitated the beginnings of colonial India.

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The Foundation of Colonial Rule

In 1498, the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama discovered a new sea route to Asia by
traveling south along the western coast of Africa, around the Cape of Good Hope, and north
along the Eastern coast of Africa, before finally crossing the Arabian Sea to India. This key route
paved the way for direct Indo­European trade as the Portuguese began to set up various trading
posts in India and the Dutch soon joined them. Not long thereafter, the British and the French
also had trading posts on the Indian
subcontinent, which caused tensions to rise in
India. Numerous victories against the French
facilitated the development of Britain’s
strong presence in India. With a victory in the
1757 Battle of Plassey over the Bengalis (a
local ethnic group) and French, the British
East India Company (a joint­stock company
created to pursue trade in the East Indies and
was initially granted the right to do so by
Mughal Emperor Jahangir) acquired a
monopoly of trade in Bengal, located in the
northeastern portion of the subcontinent. This
was the first instance of company rule that
would eventually lead to complete British
rule of India. As conflict spread from Bengal
to India proper, the the Carnatic Wars arose, as the British, French, Marathas, and Mysore fought
for control of the coastal strip of East India. The British emerged victorious, and the British East
India Company was able to gain complete control over that region as well. By the 1850s, the
East India Company controlled most of the subcontinent.
As the British East India Company’s presence increased in India, so too did the number
of British citizens. While other foreign powers had attempted to assimilate into the local cultures
by adopting their languages, customs, and religions, the British remained noticeably detached,
outwardly denouncing the Indian people, which led the Indian people to resent the British for
creating a divisive political environment. The gap between the British and the Indians widened
as racism began to take root, and the British began to impose Christianity more forcefully. At
that point, the only official British political presence was through the British East India
Company, and not the monarchy itself, but the relationship between the Indians and British
sparked the beginnings of an intense conflict that is ongoing.

The Sepoy Mutiny

The only major organized resistance against the British before the modern independence
movement occurred in 1857 in what was known as the Sepoy Rebellion. It was led by Indian

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soldiers, or sepoys, who were employed by the British East India Company. At the time, gun
cartridges used by the troops had to be bitten to release powder. The grease used on these
cartridges was rumored to be made up of lard from cows (offensive to Hindus) and pigs
(offensive to Muslims). To the Sepoys, this was the last straw in a string of British initiatives that
they believed were undermining their traditions too much, leading them to take up arms against
their British employers. In the process, British people, including women and children, were
killed, and British women and girls were raped. The British soldiers fought back, ending the
rebellion just over a month after it had started.The rebels were no match against the British
soldiers; they were neither well­equipped nor well­organized. Many of the perpetrators were
executed afterwards.

Aftermath of the Mutiny

The poor organization of the Sepoy Mutiny reinforced the British view of Indians as
barbaric characters. However, the rebellion did stir concern in Britain over the capability of the
British East India Company to
effectively rule, resulting in control
of India changing over to the crown
with the Government of India Act
of 1858. With India now being fully
controlled by the British monarchy,
rather than the British East India
Company, the Indian subcontinent
became a full part of the British
empire, allowing Britain’s influence
on the people of the subcontinent to
be stronger than ever before. This
period of rule became known as the
British Raj. The British took direct
action such as implementing a new
court system and an Indian Penal
Code, expanding education, and building modern railway system. Though the British were few
in number, they were able to maintain control over two­thirds of the subcontinent, while also
having a significant influence over the Princely states that comprised the remaining third.

The Independence Movement

The Independence Movement that ultimately led to the creation of this committee truly
began to solidify during the early 20th century:

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World War I
When World War I broke out in 1914, India offered support to the British cause, in the
hope of gaining some form of independence at the war’s end. As a result, India offered thousands
of troops to the Allies. In fact, the Indian National Congress and one of its leaders, who would
ultimately lead the independence movement,
Mohandas Karamchand "Mahatma" Gandhi, helped to
enlist Indian troops for the cause. Victory over
Germany, however, did not bring the expected
independence. In fact, the only action the British took
in regards to India was divisive: they partitioned
Bengal into the predominantly Muslim East and Hindu
West. There were massive protests all over the country
led by the Congress Party and its leaders. Gandhi
began to advocate for non­violent protests, a concept
he had embraced during his years as a civil­rights
activist in South Africa, where he lived from 1893 to
1915.

Continued Freedom Struggles

The freedom struggle intensified in 1919, when, because of previous protests, the city of
Amritsar in the northwestern state of Punjab was placed under martial law, banning all meetings
and gatherings. On April 13, during the Sikh Baisakhi festival, thousands of people who were
unaware of this legal change
descended on the city to celebrate the
Sikh Baisakhi festival. They gathered
at the city park, the Jallianwala Bagh,
where a nationalist demonstration
was also being held to protest taxes
and the forced conscription of Indian
soldiers. British troops surrounded
the park and open fired, empting all
of their artillery, killing 400 and
injuring 1,200.
The Amritsar Massacre, as it became
known, had far­reaching effects,
converting millions of Indians who
had supported British rule into
committed nationalists. Gandhi became their leader, embarking on a crusade of civil
disobedience, or the active, professed refusal to obey certain laws, demands, and commands of a

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government or of an occupying international power. This captured the attention of the entire
world. One of his most significant acts of civil disobedience was the “Salt Satyagraha” in March
of 1930, commonly known as the “Salt March”, where Gandhi and his followers marched for
twenty­four days in the Gujarat region in western India, collecting salt from the sea along the
way in opposition to Britain’s taxed monopoly on the manufacture of salt. Gandhi was arrested
in May of 1930 along with many
others. While Gandhi was released
in early 1931, the British
recognized Gandhi as a force that
could not easily be suppressed.

Hindu­Muslim Relations and the

Two­Nation Theory
It is critical to understand
the domestic conflicts of the
Indian subcontinent in order to
think more deeply about the
possibility of independence. After
about twenty years of a unified
Indian National Congress, the
founding of the Muslim League
injected life into the age­old
rivalry between Hindus and Muslims, which dates back to the 8th century. While the divide
between the religions was growing, both groups supported, for the most part, a unified
independent state. They also both supported peaceful protests, although Jinnah, the Muslim
League President, saw these as political anarchy. Unable to maintain unified support in the
Muslim League, Jinnah became disillusioned. He relocated to Britain in 1930 to participate in
two round table conferences and practice as a barrister (lawyer) before the Privy Council (one of
the highest courts in Britain).
Meanwhile, Sir Muhammad Iqbal, a poet and philosopher, took charge of the Muslim
League. In 1930, he delivered his famous Allahabad Address, where he stated that Muslims
needed their own state as the foundations of their religion and identity would be endangered in a
unified country. At this point, he was envisioning a system of multiple autonomous states, some
Hindu and others Muslim, within the subcontinent. However, he solidified his vision into the
“Two­Nation Theory”, which involved the creation of a Muslim state called “Pakistan”. He and
the Muslim League began to advocate and gain support for this plan.
The Indian National Congress rejected this theory, offering a rebuttal with the Nehru
Report of 1928, written by Motilal Nehru and his son Jawaharlal. This report proposed a unified
dominion­status state that would nominally be under the British Crown. This country would give

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Muslims one­fourth representation in the dominion legislature. The Muslim League offered to go
along with the plan, but they demanded at least one­third representation and further autonomy.
These demands were rejected by the Congress Party, worsening Hindu­Muslim relations further.
Jinnah returned to the subcontinent in 1934 after being pressured by Indian Muslims, and
specifically by his political associate Liaquat Ali Khan, who would become second­in­line to the
leadership of the Muslim League. During the next few years, Iqbal, once Jinnah’s opponent
within the League, became a mentor for Jinnah and convinced him to support the Two­Nation
Theory in order to help the Muslim people. Jinnah worked to pull the Muslim League out of the
inactivity it had experienced during his absence, expanding the party and its influence. The two
sides began to become more defined: Gandhi and the Indian National Congress continued to
push for a unified independence, while Jinnah and the Muslim League pushed for separate states.

World War II
When World War II broke out in 1939, the Indian National Congress passed a resolution
promising to support the British war effort in return for independence. This plan, which Gandhi
had not supported, was rejected by the British. The Muslim League supported the war in hopes
of independence at a future date, but overall the leaders of the subcontinent were divided. By
1942, the British were frustrated with the lack of participation in the war from the subcontinent.
That spring, Stafford Cripps, the Leader of the British House of Commons, led a delegation to
negotiate with the Indian National Congress. His goal was to obtain widespread Indian
participation in the war in return for progressive redistribution of some powers to an elected
Indian legislature. The timeline for this process and the powers to be transferred were not defined
clearly, so the talks broke down. Another attempt at a resolution demanding independence,
which threatened civil disobedience, was drafted by the Congress Party that year. However, that
also did not gather much support as many issues, most notably how to deal with the Muslim
League’s desire for a separate state, were left unresolved by the plan.
The lack of progress frustrated Gandhi, and this, along with the threat of Japanese
invasion and the reality of Britain’s unwillingness to defend the Indian people, drove him to
launch the large­scale civil disobedience campaign known as “Quit India” in August 1942.
Gandhi and almost all of the Congress Party leadership were arrested, with most of them being
imprisoned until 1945. This cut off Party leadership from the world for nearly three years.
Gandhi’s wife died in prison and he was released on account of his health in 1944, at which point
he lobbied for others to be released as well. The movement maintained support among the
masses, who continued to protest while their leaders were imprisoned. Some protests grew
violent, with bombings and fires prompting the police to shoot hundreds of civilians.
Quit India was opposed by the Muslim League; they were more concerned about gaining
their own country. Therefore, they encouraged people to fight in the war, growing the Indian
army to 2 million. Indian businessmen who profited from the war also opposed Quit India.
International support came from the United States, who supported Indian independence.

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However, U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt had to cooperate with British Prime Minister
Winston Churchill in order to be successful in World War II, so any U.S. support was cautious
and largely inconsequential.
Soon after the release of the Congress Party leadership, the Constituent Assembly of
India was elected in August 1946 to draft a potential constitution for an independent, unified
India. The Muslim League refused to participate in this Assembly as it violated the Two­Nation
Theory. In an effort to take true action towards creating an independent state or states, the
Interim Government of India was formed, consisting of members of the Constituent Assembly,
the Muslim League, and the Viceroy’s Executive Council, allowing for a wide variety of
viewpoints to be represented.

Questions to Consider
As stated previously, this committee will represent the Interim Government of India, and
it is tasked with drafting and passing a treaty that forms at least one new independent country on
the Indian subcontinent as well as with monitoring the new state(s) during the early stages of
independence. Several key questions will need to be addressed:

Will a partition be necessary? How will the risks of this decision be mitigated?
The Congress Party opposes a partition, while the Muslim League supports one. If a
partition is to be implemented, it will most likely be to create separate states for Hindus and
Muslims. Delegates must note that a unified country could put Muslims at risk of being
oppressed by Hindus, while separate states could force people to migrate and cause border
disputes.

How will the Princely States fit into the new subcontinent?
While most of the Princely States are of inconsequential size and will likely assimilate
into a new state or states, five of them (Baroda, Hyderabad, Jammu and Kashmir, Mysore, and
Gwalior) are significant in size, especially Hyderabad and Jammu & Kashmir. Their wishes must
be acknowledged by delegates to prevent conflict and border disputes within the subcontinent.

What degree of autonomy should countries on the subcontinent have?

Britain maintains a Commonwealth of Nations containing nations that it previously ruled.
A new country on the subcontinent could potentially join this Commonwealth, or perhaps it is
best left completely separate. Delegates must keep in mind both the risk of maintaining any sort
of British involvement on the subcontinent and the benefit of having British backing when it
comes to international relations.

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What role should the British play in this process?

British leaders tend to favor a gradual independence process that removes their control
over a longer period of time. The people of the subcontinent would generally rather have
immediate, complete independence. Delegates must consider whether the benefits of the stability
brought on by gradual British removal outweigh the costs of the high potential for continued
unrest amongst the citizens of the subcontinent.

How will a new government or governments be structured?

A new state could have a government modeled after that of the British (with a Prime
Minister and Parliament) or perhaps something more directly democratic. If multiple states are to
be created, each one could have a different governmental structure. Additionally, if
independence is not going to be immediate (see previous question), a clearly­defined interim
government will be necessary before a long­term government is established.

How will this committee monitor the situation on the subcontinent after a treaty is passed?
This committee is responsible for ensuring that the plan they create in the form of a treaty
is properly implemented and that progress is monitored. Delegates must consider the difficulties
of keeping a close­watch without impeding on newly­acquired national sovereignty.

Positions
The following positions may be represented in this committee by delegates at WYOMUN II:
● Vice President of the Viceroy's Executive Council & Minister of External Affairs and
Commonwealth Relations–Jawaharlal Nehru
● President of the Constituent Assembly of India & Minister of Agriculture and
Food–Rajendra Prasad
● President of the Indian National Congress–J. B. Kripalani
● Minister of Home Affairs, Information and Broadcasting–Vallabhbhai Patel
● President of the All­India Muslim League–Muhammad Ali Jinnah
● Chairman of the All­India Muslim League's Central Parliamentary Board & Minister of
Finance–Liaquat Ali Khan
● Prime Minister of Bengal–Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy
● Viceroy and Governor­General of India–Louis Mountbatten
● Commander­in­Chief of India–General Sir Claude Auchinleck
● Secretary of State for India and Burma–William Hare
● Nizzam of Hyderabad–Asaf Jah VII
● Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir–Hari Singh

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Sources
This background guide is a great place for delegates to develop a basic understanding of the
situation in this committee. However, they must do their own research to further their
understanding. On the next page are a few sources to that should be used as starting points.
Delegates are strongly encouraged to find more sources, especially those concerning their
representative’s specific position. Learning as much as possible about the Indian Independence
Movement and the situation surrounding it will enable them to have an optimal committee
experience.

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Works Cited
Bates, Crispin. "The Hidden Story of Partition and Its Legacies." ​BBC News​. BBC, 3 Mar. 2011.
Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
"Before the Indian Independence Movement in the Early 1900." ​Before the Indian Independence
Movement in the Early 1900​. N.p., n.d. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
"Carnatic Wars | Euro­Indian Wars." ​Encyclopedia Britannica Online​. Encyclopedia Britannica,
n.d. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
Dalrymple, William. "The Mutual Genocide of Indian Partition." ​The New Yorker​. N.p., 29 June
2015. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
"History of India." ​Wikipedia​. Wikimedia Foundation, n.d. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
"India before the British." ​India before the British​. The Victorian Web, 6 Nov. 2000. Web. 2
Oct. 2015.
"India: The Road to Independence." Insight Guides, n.d. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
"The Indian Independence Struggle (1930­1931)." N ​ onviolent Conflict​. International Center on
Nonviolent Conflict, June 2009. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
Merriam­Webster​. Merriam­Webster, n.d. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
"Salt March." H​ istory.com​. A&E Television Networks, n.d. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.

Images:
Cover – G​ andhi during the Salt March, March 1930. ​Digital image. ​Wikipedia​. Wikimedia
Commons, 12 May 2005. Web. 19 Sept. 2015.
[1] – Edinburgh Geographical Institute; J. G. Bartholomew and Sons at Oxford University Press.
British Indian Empire 1909 Imperial Gazetteer of India.​ Digital image. ​Wikipedia​.
Wikimedia Commons, 15 Mar. 2012. Web. 19 Sept. 2015.
[2] – Tantia Topee's Soldiery. Digital image. ​Wikipedia.​ Wikimedia, 5 Apr. 2012. Web. 19 Sept.
2015.
[3] – ​Tharoor, Shashi. ​Indian soldiers fighting under the British in World War I.​ Digital image.
BBC News​. BBC News Service, 2 July 2015. Web. 19 Sept. 2015.
[4] – ​Ben Alford. T
​ he Amritsar Massacre.​ Digital image. ​Student Notes. ​Student Notes, 12 Mar.
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[5] – ​Gandhi addressing a crowd of people.​ Digital image. ​Bollywood Sargam​.
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