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GLOBALIZATION, URBANIZATION AND
DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

African Heritage
Challenges
Communities and Sustainable
Development

Edited by
Britt Baillie · Marie Louise Stig Sørensen
Globalization, Urbanization and Development
in Africa

Series Editors
Ebenezer Obadare
University of Kansas
Lawrence, KS, USA

Caroline Wanjiku Kihato

University of the Witwatersrand
Johannesburg, South Africa

Garth Myers
Urban International Studies
Trinity College
Hartford, CT, USA

Martin Murray
Taubman College
University of Michigan–Ann Arbor
Ann Arbor, MI, USA
The series offers a fresh and unique perspective on globalization and
development debates and intervenes in the understudied but increasingly
important field of African urbanism. Africa is one of the fastest growing
arenas of urbanization in the world: it is in the cities of Africa where
the interaction and confrontation with globalism, cosmopolitanism, and
the future come into contact. This is an important series that is making
significant contributions to the fields of African Studies, Development
Studies, and Urban Studies, as well as to Geography, Sociology and
Anthropology broadly. The editorial board includes key senior scholars
in these fields, and builds on the high quality foundations of the former
Africa Connects series of books. Its original contribution comes from
its focus on connections: between Africa and the rest of the world,
within and between different parts of the continent, between develop-
ment, globalization, and urbanism, between different forms of produc-
tion (economic, cultural, etc.), to name a few. The existing contribu-
tions represent path-breaking interventions into critical studies of devel-
opment and globalization in African spaces and the future contributions
and authors will only deepen this work.
As African cities become ever more central to the future of the conti-
nent but also towards recalibrating theories of development and global-
ization, this series will only become more relevant and influential. The
current and future titles engage a wide geographical and topical scope
that will appeal to a variety of scholars and students interested in the
African continent.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15438
Britt Baillie · Marie Louise Stig Sørensen
Editors

African Heritage
Challenges
Communities and Sustainable
Development
Editors
Britt Baillie Marie Louise Stig Sørensen
Wits City Institute Department of Archaeology
University of the Witwatersrand University of Cambridge
Braamfontein, South Africa Cambridge, UK

Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa

ISBN 978-981-15-4365-4 ISBN 978-981-15-4366-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4366-1

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
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 Contents

Heritage Challenges in Africa: Contestations

and Expectations 1
Britt Baillie and Marie Louise Stig Sørensen

Managing Africa’s Anthropocene Environment

Needle in a Haystack? Cultural Heritage Resources

in Designated Nature Environments of Southern Africa 47
Susan O. Keitumetse

African Cultural Heritage and Economic Development:

Dancing in the Forests of Time 63
Paul J. Lane

Heritage and/or Development—Which Way for Africa? 103

Webber Ndoro

v
vi Contents

Communities and the Quotidian

Mega Developments in Africa: Lessons from the Meroe

Dam 127
Shadia Taha

Heritage and Sustainability: Challenging the Archaic

Approaches to Heritage Management in the South African
Context 157
Ndukuyakhe Ndlovu

The Antimonies of Heritage: Tradition and the Work

of Weaving in a Ghanaian Workshop 181
Niamh Jane Clifford Collard

Transformation as Development: Southern Africa

Perspectives on Capacity Building and Heritage 201
Rachel King, Charles Arthur, and Sam Challis

African States and the Transnational Development

Agenda

The Culture Bank in West Africa: Cultural Heritage

and Sustainable Development 235
Mathilde Leloup

Exhibition Making as Aesthetic Justice: The Case

of Memorial Production in Uganda 265
Kara Blackmore

Modern Nostalgias for Sovereignty and Security:

Preserving Cultural Heritage for Development in Eritrea 297
Christoph Rausch
 Contents vii

Epilogue: Whose Heritage, Whose Development? 331

Chris Boonzaaier

Index 345
 Notes on Contributors

Charles Arthur has worked extensively as a professional field archaeol-

ogist in the UK, Ireland, South Africa, and Lesotho. He completed his
doctorate at the School of Archaeology, University of Oxford in 2018.
His thesis explored hunter-gatherer engagement with place and time in
the early Holocene of Lesotho, southern Africa. Between 2008 and 2012,
he directed major excavations and surveys in advance of the Metolong
Dam, Lesotho. Together with other colleagues from the Lesotho Heritage
Network, he is committed to training the first generation of archaeolo-
gists from Lesotho and finding new ways to practice archaeology that
prioritizes community interests.
Britt Baillie is an Honorary Research Fellow at the Wits City Institute,
University of the Witwatersrand and a founding member of the Centre
for Urban Conflicts Research, University of Cambridge. Previously,
she was an Affiliated Lecturer at the Division of Archaeology Univer-
sity of Cambridge; Director of Studies for Archaeology and Anthro-
pology at Peterhouse; Post-Doctoral Research Fellow on the Capital
Cities Institutional Research Theme, University of Pretoria; a Post-
Doctoral Research Associate on the Conflict in Cities and the Contested

ix
x Notes on Contributors

State ESRC funded research project; an AHRC funded Early Career

Researcher on the Cambridge Community Heritage Project; a Research
Fellow at CLUE VU University of Amsterdam and a coordinator of
the Cambridge Heritage Research Group. She co-edited Locating Urban
Conflicts: Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Everyday (Palgrave Macmillan)
with Wendy Pullan in 2013.
Kara Blackmore is an anthropologist and practicing curator who works
on postwar reconstruction and forced migration across East and Southern
Africa. She has spent the last decade in Uganda working with cultural
institutions, governments, academia and the private sector to create inno-
vative exhibitions. To reflect on her curatorial practice, she has under-
taken a Ph.D. at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Her 2019 exhibition ‘When We Return: Art, Exile and the Remaking of
Home’ was the culmination of three years of collaborative research and
artistic practice in Uganda, South Sudan, Central African Republic, and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Chris Boonzaaier studied anthropology at the University of Pretoria,
South Africa. His postgraduate studies focused on customary law among
the Tsonga in South Africa. From 1997 to 2018, he was the program
manager of a degree course specializing in Heritage and Cultural Tourism
at the University of Pretoria. In this field, he has published in accredited
journals on topics such as community-based catering services for tourists,
community dynamics in sustainable tourism development, rural people’s
perceptions of wildlife conservation, community perceptions of tourism,
and community-based ecotourism management. From 2009 to 2011,
he was also a member of an international project, the African-European
Academic Alliance for Sustainable Tourism, Environmental Sustainability
and Poverty Reduction, which focused inter alia on tourism, conserva-
tion and development in Eastern and Southern Africa. Prof. Boonzaaier
retired in 2018.
Sam Challis is a senior researcher at the Rock Art Research Insti-
tute, University of the Witwatersrand. He lectures undergraduates in
global hunter-gatherer and rock art studies, and supervises graduates—
one of whom comes from the Metolong training program. He started
 Notes on Contributors xi

the Matatiele Archaeology and Rock Art program in 2011 at Charlie

Arthur’s suggestion, in order to redress the neglected history in the
Matatiele region of the former apartheid ‘Transkei’ homeland. System-
atic survey has since revealed over 200 archaeological and rock art sites
and prompted two excavations and sixteen graduate dissertations. All
of this is undertaken in collaboration with the Mehloding Community
Tourism Trust, who assist research and suggest the community members
who might join the training program. Sam also writes about the inter-
pretation of the rock art of the San and creolized raider groups of the
colonial-era.
Niamh Jane Clifford Collard is a social anthropologist and researcher
based in London. She has a background in fine art and art history, and
her Ph.D. (SOAS, 2017), for which she won the Royal Anthropolog-
ical Institute’s Sutasoma Award, was an ethnography of life, learning,
and work among young men in a Ghanaian textile workshop. She has
conducted research in government, and since 2018 has been a post-
doctoral researcher at SOAS working on an ERC funded project looking
at the politics of mobility, infrastructure, and climate change in South
Asia. Her interests are at the intersection of the anthropologies of work,
youth, knowledge practices, and emerging studies of the future.
Susan O. Keitumetse is a research scholar in cultural heritage and
tourism at the University of Botswana’s Okavango Research Institute. She
undertakes applied research in areas such as the Okavango inland Delta
World Heritage Site and the Kalahari Desert. Her work strives to illus-
trate the specific relevance of cultural resources in the broader environ-
mental conservation for sustainable development field. She is the author
of a pioneering volume titled African Cultural Heritage Conservation and
Management: Theory and Practice from Southern Africa (Springer, 2016).
She is currently working on developing a guide for practitioners, scholars,
and local communities in African contexts using the Community-Based
Cultural Heritage Resources Management (COBACHREM) model.
Dr. Keitumetse obtained an M.Phil., 2001 (Archaeological Heritage
Management and Museums) and Ph.D., 2005 (Sustainable Development
and Archaeological Heritage Management: Local Community Participa-
tion and Monument Tourism) from the University of Cambridge after
xii Notes on Contributors

winning two scholarships under the Cambridge Commonwealth Trusts.

She is the associate editor of the Environment, Development and Sustain-
ability journal and an expert consultant and facilitator for the UNESCO-
ICH section. Dr. Keitumetse has served for six years as a board member
of the Botswana Tourism Organisation.
Rachel King is a lecturer in the Institute of Archaeology, University
College London and an honorary researcher at the Rock Art Research
Institute, University of the Witwatersrand. Previously, she was the Smuts
Fellow in African Studies at the Centre of African Studies, University
of Cambridge, and a research affiliate at the McDonald Institute of
Archaeological Research. Her research addresses histories of archaeolog-
ical thought and the intersections of heritage and natural resource extrac-
tion in Southern Africa. She recently published Outlaws, Anxiety, and
Disorder in Southern Africa: Material Histories of the Maluti-Drakensberg
(Palgrave Macmillan).
Paul J. Lane is the Jennifer Ward Oppenheimer Professor of the Deep
History & Archaeology of Africa at the University of Cambridge. He
has over thirty-five years’ research experience in Africa. His main inter-
ests are in the historical ecology of African landscapes, the archaeology
of colonial encounters, the materialization of memory, the organization
and use of space and time in pre-industrial societies, maritime archae-
ology, and the transition to farming in Africa. A former Director of
the British Institute in Eastern Africa (1998–2006) and President of the
Society of Africanist Archaeologists (2008–2010), he was also previously
Professor of Global Archaeology at Uppsala University (2013–2020),
where he coordinated the Marie Curie-Skłodowska Resilience in East
African Landscapes Innovative Training Network.
Mathilde Leloup received her doctorate in Political Science (Interna-
tional Relations) from Sciences Po/the Centre for International Research
(CERI) in 2019. Her Master’s thesis entitled ‘Cultural Banks: consid-
ering the redefinition of development through art’ analyzed the contri-
bution of cultural heritage to sustainable and local development. She
pursued her research on the contribution of cultural heritage to peace-
keeping in her Ph.D. thesis entitled ‘Redefining Humanity Through its
 Notes on Contributors xiii

Heritage: The Incorporation of Cultural Protection into Peacekeeping

Mandates’. During her Ph.D. research, she worked under the supervi-
sion of Dr. Frederic Ramel (Sciences Po/CERI) and Dr. Dacia Viejo-
Rose (McDonald Institute/University of Cambridge). From April to
June 2017, she was a visiting researcher at the McDonald Institute for
Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge. From 2017 to 2019,
she was a Temporary Lecturer at Sciences Po Bordeaux. She has also
completed two double Bachelor’s degrees, one from Sciences Po and Paris
IV Sorbonne (in Political Science and French Literature) and the other
from Sciences Po and the Freie Universität of Berlin (in International
Relations).
Ndukuyakhe Ndlovu is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of
Anthropology and Archaeology at the University of Pretoria. He
completed his Ph.D. at Newcastle University, UK. Ndukuyakhe has 20
years’ experience in heritage management during which he served on
various heritage councils. He is currently the Editor-in-Chief of the
South African Archaeological Bulletin, Secretary for the World Archae-
ological Congress, and a member of Council for the Association for
Southern African Professional Archaeologists (ASAPA) and the South
African Archaeological Society (SAAS).
Webber Ndoro is currently the Director General of ICCROM and
an Honorary Professor at the University of Cape Town. Previously,
he was the Director of the African World Heritage Fund based in
Johannesburg South Africa; a programme co-ordinator at the National
Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe, and a lecturer at the Univer-
sity of Zimbabwe. His recent books and edited collections include Great
Zimbabwe: Your Monument our Shrine (2000 Uppsala UP); Cultural
Heritage and the Law: Protecting Immovable Heritage in Sub-Saharan
Africa (2009, ICCROM); The Archaeological Heritage of Africa (2014
Cambridge UP) and Managing Africa’s Heritage: Who Cares? (with
Chirikure, S., and S. Deacon [eds.] 2017 Routledge). He has published
widely in leading journals on heritage management in Africa.
xiv Notes on Contributors

Christoph Rausch is an associate professor in the Humanities and

Social Sciences at University College Maastricht (UCM) and a co-
founding steering committee member of the Maastricht Centre for Arts
and Culture, Conservation and Heritage. Rausch’s book Global Heritage
Assemblages: Development and Modern Architecture in Africa appears in
the Routledge Studies in Culture and Development series. The book
is based on his dissertation, which the Boekman foundation and The
Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research selected as one of the
three best theses written in The Netherlands between 2012 and 2014 in
the fields of arts, culture, and related policymaking. Rausch was visiting
researcher at the University of California, Berkeley, and a guest scholar at
the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle. During the
academic year 2019/2020, Rausch is a visiting researcher at the Centre
for Art Market Studies in Berlin. In the fall semester of 2021, he is
a visiting research fellow at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of
Societies in Cologne.
Marie Louise Stig Sørensen is Professor of European Prehistory and
Heritage Studies at the Department of Archaeology, University of
Cambridge, and the Director of the Cambridge Heritage Research Centre
(CHRC). She has been involved with heritage research since 1990
when she designed and subsequently coordinated the M.Phil. degree in
Heritage and Museums at the University of Cambridge. Recently, this
has become a designated M.Phil. in Heritage Studies. She was the PI
for CRIC—Cultural Heritage and the Re-construction of Identities After
Conflict, 2008–2012, and is currently the PI for the project Yangshao
Culture: 100 Year Research History and Heritage Impact, 2018–2022. She
has in particular published on heritage and identity and on the condi-
tions of heritage during conflict and post-conflict. She has co-edited
various heritage-related volumes: Sørensen, M. L. S. and J. Carman (eds.)
2009. Heritage Studies: Methods and Approaches, London: Routledge;
Sørensen, M. L. S. and D. Viejo Rose (eds.) 2015. War and Cultural
Heritage. Biographies of Place. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press;
and Sørensen, M. L. S., D. Viejo Rose, and P. Filippucci (eds.) 2019.
Memorials in the Aftermath of Armed Conflict. From History to Heritage,
London: Palgrave.
 Notes on Contributors xv

Shadia Taha obtained a B.A. (Hons) in Archaeology from the

University of Khartoum (Sudan), and her M.Phil. and Ph.D. from
the Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge. Taha’s
doctoral dissertation investigates attachments to abandoned heritage,
using ethnographic research methods. Her Ph.D. was published by
Archaeopress, Oxford in 2013. In 2011, she co-edited the ‘Historic
Cities’, proceedings of the 10th Heritage Seminar with Chatzoglou,
Polyzoudi, and Sørensen. In 2004, she co-edited. Fifty Years in
the Archaeology of Africa: Themes in Archaeological Theory and Prac-
tice, in: Papers in honor of John Alexander, with Wahida, Smith,
and Rose. Her research interests include: ethnography, oral tradi-
tions, intangible cultural heritage, traditional knowledge, local commu-
nities and sustainable development. Currently, she is a consultant
for the ‘Rising from the Depths’ East Pemba Maritime Heritage
Project, Tanzania; a tutor and a member of the Board of Governing
Fellows at Wolfson College, Cambridge; an Affiliated Research
Scholar at McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Univer-
sity of Cambridge, a Researcher with the Civilisation in Contact
Project; and a Research Associate with the Indian Ocean World
Centre.
 List of Figures

Needle in a Haystack? Cultural Heritage Resources in

Designated Nature Environments of Southern Africa
Fig. 1 Map showing places of cultural value within the Okavango
Delta ‘wilderness’ and ‘wildlife’ designated area (Credit:
Susan O. Keitumetse 2020) 51

African Cultural Heritage and Economic Development:

Dancing in the Forests of Time
Fig. 1 Bui Dam, Ghana under construction in 2010 (Photo
credit: Wazi Apoh, August 2010) 67
Fig. 2 a ‘Forgotten heritage’? Remains of a British colonial
fort occupied between 1901 and 1904, at Loiminange,
southern end of Lake Baringo, Kenya, and now a mission
site (Photo credit: Paul Lane, April 2017); b Residual
fragments of the Bakwena National Office, Ntwseng,
Molepolole, Botswana (Photo credit: Paul Lane, March
2015); c Abandoned tanks from the 2nd (1983–2005)
Sudanese Civil War, Juba, South Sudan (Photo credit: Paul
Lane, October 2009) 69

xvii
xviii List of Figures

Fig. 3 Traces of early Dogon villages immediately below Tellem

remains (eleventh to sixteenth century AD), Banani,
Bandiagara escarpment Mali. Dogon have a refined
understanding of the chronology of the architectural
remains in their landscape that is used to tie specific
lineage histories to particular places in the landscape
(Photo credit: Paul Lane, October 1980) 72
Fig. 4 ‘Heritage’ of fields: a domesticated Marakwet
landscape of intercropping and arboriculture as seen
from the Cherangani escarpment, Tot, Kenya (Photo
credit: Paul Lane, September 2011) 77
Fig. 5 Part of Africa’s heritage? Former factory where ivory
from East Africa was cut and processed
during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
Ivoryton, Connecticut, USA (Photo credit: Paul Lane,
May 2010) 87

Mega Developments in Africa: Lessons from the Meroe

Dam
Fig. 1 Meroe Dam location, Sudan (Source GNU Free
Documentation License. Dam location added by S. Taha) 130
Fig. 2 The River Nile showing the location of Meroe Dam
(Source International Rivers, People, Water, Life. Major
Dam Projects in Sudan [P:1]. Date accessed 17 January
2017) 131
Fig. 3 Lush palm groves along the riverbanks (Photo
credit: McMorrow May 2017) 138
Fig. 4 Lost cultural and social landscapes (Photo
credit: McMorrow May 2017) 139
Fig. 5 Lost familiar surroundings (Photo credit: McMorrow May
2017) 139
Fig. 6 Failed agriculture in the new resettlement areas (Source
Dirar et al. 2015. Photo credit: Mark Zeitoun April 2017) 140
Fig. 7 Re-settlement areas, showing their distance from the Nile.
Water from a drinking tank can be seen from the distance
(Source Dirar et al. 2015. Photo credit: Mark Zeitoun
April 2017) 141
 List of Figures xix

Fig. 8 Proposed dams on the River Nile–Sudan (Source African

Energy 2012) 143

Heritage and Sustainability: Challenging the Archaic

Approaches to Heritage Management in the South African
Context
Fig. 1 Location of eMakhosini Valley, or the ‘Valley of the Kings’,
in KwaZulu-Natal Province (Map courtesy of Tim
Forssman, 2019) 159

The Antimonies of Heritage: Tradition and the Work of

Weaving in a Ghanaian Workshop
Fig. 1 Kente weaving competition winner being carried through
the durbar ground on the loom palanquin, Agbamevoza
festival, Kpetoe, September 2013 (Photo credit: Niamh
Clifford Collard 2013) 186

Transformation as Development: Southern Africa

Perspectives on Capacity Building and Heritage
Fig. 1 Map showing the locations of the MCRM Project
and the MARA Programme (Figure created using
ArcGIS® software by Esri. ArcGIS® and ArcMap™
are the intellectual property of Esri and are used herein
under license [Copyright © Esri. All rights reserved]) 205
Fig. 2 Photograph of graffiti at the ARAL 254 rock art site
(Photo credit: Luíseach Nic Eoin) 216

The Culture Bank in West Africa: Cultural Heritage and

Sustainable Development
Fig. 1 The diffusion of the Culture Banks model in West Africa
(Source Compiled by Mathilde Leloup. © FNSP—Sciences
Po, Atelier de cartographie, 2018) 238
Fig. 2 The Beninese Culture Bank’s three walking tours (Photo
credit: Mathilde Leloup, January 2014) 245
Fig. 3 A traditional takienta in Koutammakou (Photo credit:
Mathilde Leloup, January 2014) 246
xx List of Figures

Fig. 4 A display case in the Togolese Culture Bank featuring

a headpiece worn during the initiation ceremonies
of the Batammariba maidens (Photo credit: Mathilde
Leloup, January 2014) 246
Fig. 5 The Beninese Culture Bank in Taneka (Photo credit:
Mathilde Leloup, January 2014) 247
Fig. 6 The interior of the Beninese Culture Bank (Photo credit:
Mathilde Leloup, January 2014) 247

Exhibition Making as Aesthetic Justice: The Case of

Memorial Production in Uganda
Fig. 1 The Travelling Testimonies exhibition sites (Developed
by Shaffic Opinyi, Refugee Law Project) 274
Fig. 2 Theatre performers photographing the archival table
at Travelling Testimonies in Kasese, Uganda (Photo credit:
Kara Blackmore, 2014) 283
Fig. 3 Young Kasese resident participates in making
a collaborative artwork after viewing the exhibition (Photo
credit: Kara Blackmore, 2014) 285
Fig. 4 Public artwork ‘I AM U-Gandan’ made in collaboration
with exhibition visitors. Kasese, Uganda (Photo credit:
Kara Blackmore, 2014) 287
 List of Tables

Needle in a Haystack? Cultural Heritage Resources in

Designated Nature Environments of Southern Africa
Table 1 Descriptions of some of the places of cultural significance
found within the Okavango Delta World Heritage Site
(ODWHS) depicted in Fig. 1. ODWHS is popularly
known as a natural landscape and predominantly used
for nature-tourism 55

African Cultural Heritage and Economic Development:

Dancing in the Forests of Time
Table 1 Heritage challenges for Africa (Compiled by author) 64
Table 2 Suggested ways to make heritage ‘work’ for different
sectors 71

xxi
 Heritage Challenges in Africa:
Contestations and Expectations
Britt Baillie and Marie Louise Stig Sørensen

Heritage and Global Trends

Heritage is always local, rooted in particular conditions and ways of
thinking and acting in the world. However, over recent decades, local
heritage practices have become increasingly internationalized as they have
become caught up in global trends, regulations, and expectations. For
instance, the instrument of World Heritage Site (WHS) nomination has
become one of the ideological and practical tools through which glob-
alization affects the ways we talk about heritage, be it tangible and/or
intangible. But other forces outside the narrow field of heritage prac-
tices also affect it. Such forces range from large infrastructure projects,

B. Baillie (B)
Wits City Institute, University of the Witwatersrand, Braamfontein,
South Africa
M. L. S. Sørensen
Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
e-mail: mlss@cam.ac.uk

© The Author(s) 2021 1

B. Baillie and M. L. S. Sørensen (eds.), African Heritage Challenges,
Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4366-1_1
2 B. Baillie and M. L. S. Sørensen

which alter both landscapes and notions of ownership and belonging

as regards to heritage, to the influence of broader political discourses,
such as post-colonialism and environmentalism. Heritage has become
ever more entangled in these developments as various interested and
affected parties’ maneuver for control and influence. It is difficult to
take stock of these interconnections; looking across Africa, for example,
we see a highly variegated picture. Furthermore, the nature of one’s
introspection will depend on one’s particular focus—is it the effect of
the criteria of heritage valorization communicated and distributed by
UNESCO that is the concern, or is it the impact on ‘local owners’ that
is of interest, or something entirely different? The complexities do not,
however, mean that we can ignore the challenges that have arisen from
these developments.
One of the clear tendencies since the 1970s is the extent to, and
the ways in which, heritage has become recognized as a resource, be
it as a resource for community pride, an economic resource, or as a
resource used in development projects. Heritage has always been claimed.
It always ‘belonged’ to someone—individuals, communities, nations,
empires, or indeed humankind; but the enhanced recognition of heritage
as a resource matters in the modern capital-driven world, and it means
that heritage is being assigned new usage and is becoming involved with
new frameworks, such as development agendas.
At the same time, post-colonialism and other political re-orientations
have brought attention to the need and desire to rectify past wrongs.
Within heritage, this often expresses itself as a willingness to reconsider
and reallocate claims to heritage. The relationships being granted, more-
over, often take the form of redistribution of explicit legalized ownership,
rather than merely guardianship. This increased recognition of varied
forms of ownership and rights reiterates a notion of heritage as a resource
albeit a complex and multifaceted one. Equally obvious, the explicit link
between notions of ownerships and resources (or heritage as the entry
point for claiming resources such as land) means that this has become an
area of tremendous dispute, contestation, and disquiet. These tensions
are often further exaggerated due to conflictual attitudes and positions
which in their essence are not just about the protection of heritage, but
 Heritage Challenges in Africa: Contestations and Expectations 3

rather about rights over its use and thus about the claimants’ positions
in the political present.
So, in many parts of the world, and in particular in former colo-
nized areas, heritage is currently pulled in different directions by various
agents, including well-intended international bodies, NGOs, commercial
actors, national institutions, a myriad of local groups and communi-
ties, and spokespersons. There are many different interests at play, and
heritage is differently valorized, even differently recognized, by these
players. At one level, the heritage concerns that have arisen from these
interactions reflect shared global challenges, but at another level they
are local and specific. We have, accordingly, become more aware of the
need for local tailor-made responses to specific challenges encountered
in different parts of the word—and at different scales of the ‘local’—and
the tensions that may arise. For example, conflicts between local practices
and values enshrined in various international conventions often come to
the fore when local traditions demand the exclusion of certain groups
from certain rites or (sacred) places (Chirikure et al. 2018: 12). These
aspects demand that we rethink what would be meaningful contempo-
rary heritage engagement and how to develop such practices. A number
of challenges can be recognized, some particular to certain parts of the
globe or specific communities, but many widely shared in terms of core
principles. In terms of current heritage challenges in Africa, we find that
two stand out as very important and widely shared: (i) heritage as part of
(sustainable) development initiatives and (ii) the roles of communities.
Before further discussing these challenges, we need to briefly reflect
on the reasons one can claim a continent (or part of a continent) as the
focus for discussing heritage challenges. Can a continent possess some
kind of essence beyond merely its geographic unity? Does this unity set
it apart from the rest of the world (Parker and Rathbone 2007)? There
is a tendency to lump all of the continent’s various regions together in
a vague abstraction—‘Africa’—which is simultaneously exceptional and
homogenous (Padayachee and Hart 2010: 2, 8). One must ask whether
‘Africa,’ or even sub-Saharan Africa, is too broad a scope to make a
coherent focus. Africa is home to the common ancestors of humankind
and is characterized by extraordinary levels of cultural, religious, ethnic
4 B. Baillie and M. L. S. Sørensen

as well as natural diversity. Given the plurality of landscapes, communi-

ties, and ways of living, defining shared responses to heritage challenges is
not only unrealistic, but probably also counterproductive. It is, however,
possible to engage in debates, identify shared challenges, good prac-
tices, and failures, and to use specific case studies to gain more detailed
insights into varied forms of heritage and heritage defining processes.
This volume does not advocate copy-paste, parachuted, or one-size-fits-
all solutions. Yet, the suggestions that are explored are of interest to us
all, even if they are deemed unsuitable for certain contexts or require
considerable adaptation to local conditions.
Calls for decolonization, referring not just to institutions and resources
but also to the mind (e.g., Thiong’o 1986; Mudimbe 1988; Mbembe
2001), and the development of a post-colonial critical reinterpretation
of ‘Africa’ are part of an ongoing African intellectual debate that deeply
affects heritage (Konaré 1983; Schmidt and Pikirayi 2016; Chirikure
2016; Chirikure et al. 2016). The current explicit focus on decoloniza-
tion is important, not just in its own right but also in terms of its
potential opposition to the simultaneous globalizing trends. Moreover,
this development is not just about political rectification but can also
be argued to reveal deeper philosophical distinctions, focusing on new
or different ways of understanding and thinking, including about core
concepts such as heritage value (e.g., Mbembe 2001: 14). However, these
are not simple challenges or easy tasks to carry out in practice.
In putting this volume together, we have, therefore, been concerned
about how a continent-wide focus risks echoing a colonial gaze. Much
of the scholarship about African heritage (with this book no excep-
tion) is carried out by or under the auspices of non-Africans, is tied to
development funded by international bodies, and is informed by inter-
national heritage discourses (cf. Akiwumi 2014; Boswell 2011; Rausch,
this volume). Attitudes to heritage in Africa are often shaped as a ‘mission
of rescue’ with externally formulated solutions. The need for diverse
African voices to be heard on this topic is obvious. Therefore, when orga-
nizing the African Heritage Challenges conference, from which this book
emanates, we made a widely disseminated open call for papers coupled
with travel funding to engage a broad range of scholars from Africa,
some of who were subsequently able to contribute to this volume. But
 Heritage Challenges in Africa: Contestations and Expectations 5

the volume also includes contributions from non-Africans working in

different parts of the continent. So in answer to the question of with
what kind of legitimacy do we discuss Africa’s heritage, especially if we
do not all have practical involvement or responsibility for what happens,
nor could happen there, we propose that: African heritage practices
and experiences have significance at local, regional, and international
levels and that different voices and positions may all make worth-
while contributions towards pushing critical future-orientated heritage
agendas.
We assert that despite Africa’s diversity, there may be common ground
in terms of how some of the global heritage challenges are encountered
on the continent. Echoing the concerns of Daly and Winter, who faced
similar challenges editing the Routledge Handbook of Heritage in Asia
(2012), we are mindful of the inevitable gaps and omissions that arise
when addressing such a large geographical area. We make no claims of
analytical, thematic, or geographic comprehensiveness; but we suggest
that scrutinizing ongoing practices and learning from examples is a
worthwhile endeavor. The task that lies ahead for future scholars—is how
to continue to do so in a manner that does not undercut the African
shaping of its heritage and its management.

Heritage Challenges in Africa

The tourism industry uses images such as the Pyramids, Robben Island,
the Big Five, or ‘cultural villages’ to brand ‘Africa.’ The reductive focus
means that the subtlety and diversity of local cultures are lost, risking
African hosts becoming prisoners of clichés (Ashworth 2014: 14; Passano
2012: 1342). Such branding contrasts sharply with the 13 May 2000
cover of The Economist which labeled Africa ‘The Hopeless Continent.’
In the post-independence period, many well-intentioned governments,
donors, and NGOs persist in seeing Africa, ‘through the telescope of
one hundred years of crises from tum-of-the century rinderpest to turn-
of-the-century AIDS’ (Roe 1999: 7). Despite a post-millennium focus
on the ‘Africa Rising’ narrative, the continent continues to be portrayed
in the international media as being plagued by primeval irrationality,
6 B. Baillie and M. L. S. Sørensen

tribal anarchy, civil war, political instability, flagrant corruption, incom-

petent leadership, managerial ineptitude, hunger, famine, starvation, and
rampant diseases (Michira 2002). Collier (2007) argues that these char-
acteristics coupled with the continent’s rich (mineral) resources have led
to a ‘resource curse’ enhancing the internal fragmentation of African
countries. Yet, correlation is not the same as causation.
One must query what is going on when experts persistently frame
Africa within crisis narratives. Roe (1999: 6) asserts that this promotes
paternalism and becomes the primary means whereby development
experts, and the institutions for which they work, claim rights to stew-
ardship over resources they do not own. Ferguson (1994) goes further to
argue that this understanding of ‘development’ problematically defines
poverty as a technical problem with a technical solution, thereby de-
politicizing it. A twofold claim is put forth, namely, not only are insiders,
specifically local residents, not able to steward their resources, but those
who really know how to sustain those resources are outsiders, specif-
ically professionally trained resource managers or agents of the state.
In response, heritage managers and archaeologists are often perceived
by local communities as grave robbers, treasure seekers; or as being ‘in
the pocket’ of developers and/or government (Arazi 2009: 96; Chirikure
2014: 220; Ndlovu 2017: 156; Schmidt and Pikirayi 2016; Taha, this
volume). Yet, in other circumstances, heritage practitioners are regarded
as allies or advocates against large multinationals, developers, and the
state, or as advisors for (tourism) development (Abunga 2016; Apoh and
Gavua 2016; Nasir and Ndoro 2018).
All domains of heritage are currently informed by ‘notions of endan-
germent’ (Harrison 2015: 35). Certainly, a crisis narrative has been and
continues to be adopted by many heritage practitioners who regard
Africa’s heritage as being under threat from armed conflict, terrorism,
climate change, illicit trafficking, neglect, natural disasters, population
growth, and the cultural erosion which accompanies ‘modernisation and
development’ (Arazi 2009: 95; Ichumbaki and Mjema 2018; Moon
2005; Schmidt and McIntosh 1996; UNESCO 2017a). The damage
caused by the extractive industries, mega-projects, tourism develop-
ment, and urbanization can be singled out. The ‘undeveloped’ nature
of heritage management in the region is seen to have exasperated
 Heritage Challenges in Africa: Contestations and Expectations 7

these issues (Breen 2007: 357; Stahl 2005; Nasir and Ndoro 2018;
Ndobochani and Pwiti 2018; Robertshaw 1990). Despite a series of
initiatives over the last three decades, national surveys, institutions, legis-
lation, and capacity are regarded as inadequate in many African states
(Arazi 2009: 96; Kankpeyeng and DeCorse 2004; McIntosh 1993). In
2006, UNESCO created the African World Heritage Fund in response
to the unique pressures on sites on the continent. A decade later, in 2016,
UNESCO launched the annual African World Heritage Day in an effort
to raise the profile of African World Heritage Sites. Despite these initia-
tives, the proportion of African World Heritage Sites has not changed
significantly, nor has the number of sites listed as being ‘in danger’ been
radically reduced (Ndoro 2017: 130). Problems remain, and these are
not just practical ones or due to lack of resources, or the underrepresenta-
tion of sub-Saharan Africans on relevant committees or advisory boards,
but are also about, and due to, disparities between the understanding of
heritage within different sectors of societies and a lack of trust. These
issues are clearly demonstrated by several of the case studies within the
volume.
It is important to be critical of the tendency of mechanical crisis narra-
tives; nonetheless, many parts of Africa face substantial and complex
challenges. Three aspects seem crucial for understanding the ways in
which the role and potentials for heritage may be particular to Africa.
These are the socioeconomic and political pressures on heritage, the
legacy of colonialism, and the roles of traditional connections with
heritage. From these emerge a need to better understand and plan for
the role of heritage in (sustainable) development and to find ways to
ensure that it may remain a meaningful presence in the everyday lives of
various communities.

The Socioeconomic and Political Pressures

Temporally, Africa’s heritage spans from the origins of humankind to a

staggering heterogeneity of contemporary iterations of traditional prac-
tices and rites. Yet, Africa remains underrepresented on the World
Heritage List. At the beginning of 2018, only 135 sites were listed on the
8 B. Baillie and M. L. S. Sørensen

continent (90 sites in sub-Saharan Africa and 41 sites in North Africa)

making up a mere 13% of the World Heritage list. It is also rather telling
of attitudes that 43 of these sites were designated as natural ones (with
another 6 being mixed). In comparison, of the 390 WHS in Europe, a
mere 6% are natural sites. Even more striking, 17 of the African WHS
(13% of all African WHS) are listed as in danger; in Europe, the ratio
is 1.5%; and globally, it is around 5%.1 This data suggests that Africa’s
contribution to world culture tends to be underestimated and that the
management of sites is often regarded as inadequate when compared with
international expectations and policies.
However, these figures may reveal more about expectations about what
heritage in Africa should look like and the effect of using outdated
assumptions about the value of particular forms of visibility, than it
tells about what Africa’s heritage is and in particular how its different
communities understand and value their heritage. The perceived lack of
important heritage, irrespective of whether it is based on an ‘external’
perception and outdated measures, does, however, point to a need to
articulate Africa-based understandings, whether driven by local commu-
nities or the state, of what they (in the most plural forms) want their
heritage to be (see Ndoro, this volume). It is not, and cannot be, the role
of international bodies to decide these matters.
Developmental and political pressures in parts of Africa mean that
such concerns about its heritage have become urgent challenges. In turn,
the continent, with its many constituent parts, needs to contemplate
the instrumentalization of heritage as not just an economic resource,
but also a crucial political one. This concern comes into sharp relief
when connected to sociopolitical and economic realities. Africa has just
been through two decades of unprecedented economic growth during
which the economy grew 4.7% per year (from 2000 to 2017) making
it the world’s second-fastest growing region (AU/OECD 2018). Yet, this
growth has often been ‘decoupled’ from formal job creation and has not
translated into ‘higher well-being’ (ibid). Despite the Millennium Devel-
opment Goals’ target to reduce poverty in Africa to 28% by 2015, it
remained at 48% (Nhamo 2017: 232). According to the World Bank,
Africa as of 2013 had the globe’s lowest human development indicators,
with one in 16 children dying before their fifth birthday (Diop 2013:
 Heritage Challenges in Africa: Contestations and Expectations 9

vii). While population growth slowed in much of the world, in Africa

the population has increased from 477 million in 1980 to 1.2 billion in
2017 and is expected to double to 2.4 billion by 2050 (United Nations
Populations Division 2017). As a result, the number of people living
in extreme poverty in Africa increased by more than 100 million over
the last two decades, and it is projected that the world’s extreme poor
will increasingly be concentrated in Africa (Beegle et al. 2016: v). After
a decade of ‘relative peace,’ conflict is on the rise and the continent’s
inequality gap continues to widen (ibid: 1). So, what is, or could be, the
role of heritage within this variegated context? To engage with this ques-
tion, we do need to bring into the equation some of the restrictions that
historically have been imposed upon Africa’s heritage and the means and
reasons for engaging with it.

Legacies of Colonialism

Beyond the continent, the perception of ‘Africa’ has been heavily influ-
enced by the ways in which Europe has imagined it, including its
history and heritage. The Greek and Roman portrayals of Africa by
Herodotus, Diodorus of Sicily, and Pliny populated the continent with
strange beings. The slave trade meant that Europeans needed to develop
a better knowledge of Africa and Africans—both of those whom they
enslaved and those whom they traded with. Colonialism was inextri-
cably intertwined with the notion of exploring Africa and establishing
what Said (1978) calls the ‘positional superiority’ of the colonizers. The
more Europeans dominated Africans, the more savage their portrayals of
Africans became (Brantlinger 1985: 184). African culture and heritage
were used to order the continent, to enforce boundaries between the
‘civilised’ and the ‘savages,’ and to fetishize the latter (Tilly 2007). In
the nineteenth century, (evolutionary) anthropology strengthened the
stereotypes offered by missionaries and the imperial apparatus. As the
colonizers held a monopoly on discourse, Africans were stripped of
articulation. African customs and beliefs were condemned as supersti-
tious, their social organizations were despised and demolished, their land,
belongings, and labor appropriated (Brantlinger 1985: 198). It was only
Another random document with
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of A memoir of

Sir John Drummond Hay, P.C., K.C.B.,

G.C.M.G., sometime minister at the court of

Morrocco
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
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Title: A memoir of Sir John Drummond Hay, P.C., K.C.B.,

G.C.M.G., sometime minister at the court of Morrocco

Author: Louisa Annette Edla Drummond-Hay Brooks

Alice Emily Drummond-Hay

Release date: October 12, 2023 [eBook #71860]

Language: English

Original publication: London: John Murray, 1896

Credits: Galo Flordelis (This file was produced from images

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the HathiTrust Digital Library)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A MEMOIR

OF SIR JOHN DRUMMOND HAY, P.C., K.C.B., G.C.M.G.,
SOMETIME MINISTER AT THE COURT OF MORROCCO ***
 A MEMOIR OF

SIR JOHN HAY DRUMMOND HAY

 Oxford
HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
Barraud’s Photo. Walker & Boutall Ph. Sc.

J. H. Drummond Hay
 A MEMOIR OF

SIR JOHN DRUMMOND HAY

P.C. K.C.B. G.C.M.G.

S O M E T I M E M I N I S T E R AT T H E C O U RT O F
MOROCCO BASED ON HIS JOURNALS
AND CORRESPONDENCE

WITH A PREFACE BY
SIR FRANCIS W. DE WINTON K.C.M.G.

PORTRAITS & ILLUSTRATIONS

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY ALBEMARLE STREET
1896
 P R E FA C E

On his retirement from public service in 1886, Sir John Hay

Drummond Hay, at the instance of many friends, undertook to set
down the recollections of his life. Some of these notes were
published in Murray’s Magazine in 1887 under the title of ‘Scraps
from my Note-book’; others were laid by to be incorporated in a
complete volume. The work was, however, interrupted by an
accident to one of his eyes which rendered it impossible for him to
write. For a time he confined himself to dictating to my sister, who
acted as his amanuensis, quaint stories and detached incidents
connected with the Moors, intending to resume the continuous tale of
his life when his sight grew stronger. But, shortly after the recovery of
his eyesight, and before he had proceeded much further in
‘unwinding the skein of his memories,’ he was prostrated by a severe
illness, followed by influenza, of which he died in 1893.
It has fallen therefore to my sister, Miss Drummond Hay, and
myself, his two daughters, to endeavour to unite, to the best of our
ability, these scattered notes and memoranda, and to add to them
such details as could be supplied from our own recollections. In this
task we have been naturally somewhat restricted. In the first place,
we have been obliged to omit from the memoirs of one who lived and
died so recently much that might have been published twenty years
hence. In the second place, as we have been necessarily debarred
from using any official documents except those published in the Blue
Books, our work can scarcely do full justice to the life of a public
servant. These restrictions have not lightened our task; and, had it
not been for the kindly help and advice of friends, we should have
had still greater difficulty in tracing, from my father’s notes and
private correspondence, the course of his lifelong labours in
Morocco.
The main portion of Sir John’s letters are addressed to his mother
—to whom he was a devoted son—and, later, to his eldest sister,
Mrs. Norderling, who was during her lifetime the sympathetic and
intelligent sharer of his confidences. Except with his mother and
sister he carried on but little private correspondence, principally on
account of his sight, which was enfeebled after an illness in 1859.
But he wrote occasionally to friends, several of whom preserved and
have kindly lent us his letters. Some of these have been utilised, and
for all of them our thanks are most gratefully tendered.
On my father’s account of his school days at the Academy in
Edinburgh and at the Charterhouse in London, on his early life at
Tangier, or on his apprenticeship to diplomacy at Constantinople
under Lord Ponsonby and the great Elchi, it is unnecessary to dilate.
The recollections and impressions of boyhood and youth break off
when more serious work presses on him after his appointment as
Consul General in Morocco in 1845. Though considered very young
for such a post, for he was only twenty-eight, his training in Egypt
and Turkey well qualified him for a position which was destined to
give scope to a character eulogised by one of his chiefs as vigorous,
temperate, and straightforward. He was aided by his great facility in
writing and speaking foreign languages, as at that time he had
perfect command of Turkish, Italian, Spanish, French, and Arabic;
and to the end he retained his fluency in the last three.
 From the moment that he was appointed Consul General in
Morocco, his letters are animated by the one great aim on which his
public career was concentrated—the increase and consolidation of
British influence in Morocco. British interests, he believed, could best
be furthered by the encouragement of commerce, by the
amelioration of the condition of the Moors, and also by personally
gaining the respect of the people. Extracts from his diary of 1846
tend to show how he set himself to attain these objects; and his
endeavours bore good fruit. The account of the arrest of piracy in Rif,
through his intervention, may be taken as an instance of his direct
personal influence in dealing with the wild mountain tribes.
His power of talking familiarly in their own tongue with natives of
every degree was of great advantage to him in gaining a personal
hold on the people, and many illustrations might be quoted from the
stories which he tells of his meetings with various governors of the
provinces through which he travelled in the course of his frequent
journeys to the Court at the cities of Marákesh, Fas, Meknes, or
Rabát. In fact his purity of motive, tenacity of purpose, his ever ready
and shrewd advice, won the respect and good opinion of the people
of Morocco. Implicit confidence was placed in him by high and low
alike.
On his influence with successive Sultans it is unnecessary to
enlarge. The offer of Sultan Sid Mohammed to place in his hands the
entire control of the foreign affairs of Morocco speaks for itself. The
story of Benabu, again, relates how the latter entrusted untold gold
to my father’s keeping, assured that his treasure would reach its
destination, though no witness or written paper attested to the
transaction. Lastly, to take an instance in humble life, we may point
to the pitiful faith placed in him by a wretched Rifian criminal when
on the point of surrendering himself to the authorities.
 Nor were this reliance in his uprightness and this respect for his
judgment confined to the Moors. During the war between Spain and
Morocco, when he alone of all the Foreign Representatives
remained at his post, he was appealed to by the Spanish friars to
protect their church and its sacred contents from the insults of the
angry Moslems. Their confidence was not misplaced: his protection
secured the sacred building from the slightest injury.
The Spanish war at first seemed likely to check the development
of trade in Morocco at the moment when it was on the point of
revival. The promise of prosperity was due to the Commercial
Convention negotiated by my father in 1856, a convention which an
old resident in Morocco, one well qualified to appreciate its value,
has termed the Magna Charta of that country. But when peace was
declared, the result of the contest proved eventually to be rather a
blessing than a curse. The necessity of raising a loan to pay the war
indemnity impelled the Sultan to ask help from Great Britain, thus
enabling my father the more forcibly to impress upon H.S.M. the
necessity of introducing into the administration of the Customs
reforms which immediately and substantially increased the revenues
of Morocco.
Yet in spite of the good results which in this instance followed the
acceptance of his advice, the apathetic and ignorant Moors could
rarely be induced to take active steps in the path of reform. It was
only under the pressure of necessity that any advance was made.
This lethargy did not, however, proceed from any want of plain
speaking on my father’s part. As is shown by the account of his
private interview with Sultan Sid Mohammed at Marákesh in 1872,
he indicated to that potentate, in the clearest and most emphatic
language, the debased condition of his realm, and the iniquities of
the system under which his subjects were governed.
 But it was not with the recalcitrant Moorish Government alone that
my father had to contend. His later letters recount his failure to put a
check on the abuses caused by the protection of natives by
foreigners, and the consequent downfall of his hope that the end of
his career might be signalised by another and more extended
commercial treaty. The Moorish Government was not inclined to
promote foreign trade, contending that greater facilities for
commerce would inevitably cause an influx of alien traders, each of
whom would have his native agents and servants under the
protection of a foreign flag, and that such protected subjects, not
being immediately amenable to the native authorities, would only
increase friction, lessen the Sultan’s authority, and diminish the
exchequer.
Her Majesty’s Government recognised my father’s value by
repeated promotion, and honours were bestowed on him under
various administrations; but he was given to understand that his
services could not be spared from the country where, it may be said,
he was an acknowledged power. Indeed, the principal aim of my
father’s life during his long career in Morocco—the preponderance of
British influence over that of all other nations—may be said to have
been attained and maintained during his tenure of office. In 1885, the
last year of his official life, he writes with reference to his unceasing
anxiety that neither France nor any other country should by any
means obtain a footing in Morocco, ‘As a sentinel of the Straits, I fire
my gun, as a warning, when I know of a move to obtain that object.’
Sir Francis de Winton, in his kindly and graceful introduction,
touches on the expedition to the lower slopes of the Atlas made by
the Mission, of which he was a member, in 1872, when the heights to
the eternal snow were climbed by Capt. Sawle and Mr. Drummond
Hay, and when the cordial reception offered by the wild natives left a
pleasant impression on my father and his party. He also refers to my
father in the light of a sportsman. The latter’s recollections of many
of the happiest days of his life spent in pursuit of wild boar and other
game were noted by himself, and some of them have been
embodied in this work. A keen and hard rider, an unerring shot in his
earlier days, before his eyesight was impaired, and of almost
reckless courage, he was well fitted to become the elected leader
and head of the native hunters. Under his rule sport flourished in the
environs of Tangier, the ground allotted for the purpose by the Sultan
was properly guarded, and the close season strictly observed: it was
then that pigsticking in Morocco reached its highest perfection, and
gave pleasure to many of every rank and condition, whether
Europeans or natives.
It is doubtful whether sport could again flourish in the environs of
Tangier as it did in my father’s day. An increasing armed European
population, the introduction of weapons of precision, and the
denudation of the woods, render such a prospect unlikely. His stories
therefore of narrow escapes and exciting days may prove of interest
to the lover of the chase; and to some, who in those bygone years
shared his sport, may perhaps recall the memory of pleasant times
spent with him in the field.
L. A. E. BROOKS.
 INTRODUCTION

To this memoir of the late Sir John Hay Drummond Hay I have
been asked by his daughters to write a few introductory lines.
My acquaintance with Sir John began in the year 1870. At that
time I was quartered at Gibraltar, being on the staff of Sir William
Fenwick Williams of Kars, who was then Governor of the fortress.
They were old comrades, Sir John and Sir Fenwick, having
served together in Constantinople, and the friendship begun in
Turkey was continued at the gates of the Mediterranean. Often and
often Sir John and Lady Drummond Hay, with their two daughters,
visited the Convent at Gibraltar; and in return the doors of the
Legation at Tangier were ever open, and always gave us a hearty
welcome.
It was between 1870 and 1875 that this intercourse took place,
and to me it is filled with happy recollections. The quaint old town of
Tangier, full of the decaying influences of Moslem rule, yet keeping
up the struggle of life after an existence of over a thousand years;
racial and religious differences, civilisation and barbarism, struggling
along together, while Jews and Arabs, unchanged for five hundred
years, jostled with Christendom of the present day. It was a strange
medley: and out of it all stands one figure prominent, nay pre-
eminent, in the history of Morocco during the past forty years.
 I do not think Sir John’s reminiscences sufficiently convey the
enormous influence he wielded in the empire, so called, of Morocco.
Throughout the Sherifian dominions his name was known and
respected; and after the Emperor and the Sheríf of Wazan, his was
the most powerful influence in the state. His long residence in the
country; his intimate acquaintance with the manners and customs of
the people; his perfect knowledge of Arabic; his love of justice; his
absolute fearlessness; his keen appreciation of their sports and
amusements, in which he often joined; not only made him the trusted
friend of the late Emperor and his predecessors, but also the chosen
friend of the people.
In the many expeditions in which I had the good fortune to be one
of Sir John’s companions, I had abundant opportunities of observing
the power he possessed over the different tribes with whom we
came in contact; and especially among the hill tribes of Jebel Musa,
who occupy the country between Tangier and Tetuan. These people
held him in great esteem, and often sought his advice and counsel in
their tribal differences; thus enabling him to be of service to the
Emperor in the constant struggles between that ruler and his people.
A description of Morocco and its government has often been
essayed by various writers; but no one could give an adequate idea
of Sir John’s influence who had not personally witnessed his
intercourse with the discordant elements which constitute the
government of that country.
On one occasion I had the pleasure of being on Sir John’s staff
when he paid a visit to the Emperor, who was then residing at
Marákesh. What a pleasant journey it was! The daily ride, the
evening camp, our first view of the great Atlas range of mountains,
the entry into Marákesh, our reception by the Sultan, and the six
weeks we spent in the city but little known to Europeans; and it was,
perhaps, the events of that journey which impressed one more than
anything as to the individuality and power of the British
Representative.
By many Sir John will also be remembered as an ardent
sportsman. Whether he was organising a boar-hunt, or a day after
partridge, or enjoying a run with the Calpe hounds, there was always
the same keen interest, the thorough enjoyment of sport, which
characterised the man. Under his guidance you were always sure of
finding boar, or of getting a good bag of partridge; and it was through
Sir John that, some twelve miles South of Tangier, where the ground
was favourable, the exciting sport of pigsticking was introduced into
Africa. Well do I remember after a day’s sport the evening camp fire,
round which we gathered after dinner, when Sir John would tell us of
some of his earlier hunting recollections. He was an excellent story-
teller, keeping his audience in a state of the deepest interest to the
end; and then, with a merry twinkle in his eye, he would finish his
narrative by a description of some ludicrous incident in which he was
often the chief actor, and no one joined more heartily in the laughter
which followed than he himself.
It is not possible, within the short space of an introduction, to give
more than a mere outline of the personality of Sir John Drummond
Hay. His recollections furnish the true index to his character. In them
are reflected the sterling honesty, the integrity, and the courage and
capacity of the man who, though working in a country but little known
and full of prejudice and fanaticism, made England respected and
trusted. He belonged to that band of the men of Great Britain who
serve their country wherever they are placed, and who, while mindful
of her interests and her honour, gain the good will of the rulers and
the people to whom they are accredited.
 In conclusion, I shall ever remember him as a friend whom I
respected, and for whom I always had a true affection; and when
asked to write these few lines, while wishing the duty had fallen to an
abler pen than mine, I felt that, having been honoured with his
friendship, I might, in affectionate remembrance of that friendship,
write this brief tribute to his memory.
F. DE WINTON.
 CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

Preface v
Introduction xiii
I. Boyhood. 1816-1834 1
II. Waiting for Employment—José Maria. 1834 11
III. Alexandria. 1840 20
IV. Constantinople and Lord Ponsonby. 1840 30
V. Constantinople with Sir Stratford Canning. 1841 49
VI. Mission to Tangier 66
Political Agent at Tangier and First Mission to
VII.
Marákesh. 1845-1846 76
VIII. Visit to Salli and Departure for Marákesh. 1846 97
IX. Residence at Marákesh and Return to Tangier. 1846 108
X. Difficulties of Mr. Hay’s Position at Tangier. 1846-1854 133
XI. Life at Tangier 142
XII. Second Mission to Marákesh. 1855 167
XIII. Benabu. 1857 184
XIV. Mr. Hay’s Position at Tangier. 1858 198
XV. The War with Spain. 1859-1862 205
XVI. Sir John Hay’s Home at Tangier. 1862 221
XVII. Third Mission to Marákesh. 1863 230
XVIII. João, the Portuguese Gunsmith 241
XIX. Fourth Mission to Marákesh. 1872 264
 XX. Ascent of the Atlas Mountains 288
XXI. Mission to Fas in 1875 307
XXII. 1876-1879 318
XXIII. Third Mission to Fas. 1879-1880 329
XXIV. 1881-1884 338
XXV. Last Year of Official Life. 1885 354
XXVI. Out of harness 365
INDEX 399