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Nuh Aydin
Lakhdar Hammoudi

- -
Al-Kashı's
-
Miftah. al-H.isab,
Volume I:
Arithmetic
Translation
and Commentary
Nuh Aydin • Lakhdar Hammoudi

Al-Kāshı̄’s Miftāh. al-H.isab, Volume I:

Arithmetic
Translation and Commentary
Nuh Aydin Lakhdar Hammoudi
Department of Mathematics Department of Mathematics
Kenyon College Ohio University – Chillicothe
Gambier, OH, USA Chillicothe, OH, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-14949-9 ISBN 978-3-030-14950-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14950-5

Mathematics Subject Classification: 01Axx, 01-XX, 01-00, 01-01

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019

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Preface
It is unfortunate that one of the most important mathematics books of the medieval Islamic
civilization,1 namely Miftāh. al-H. isab written by al-Kāshı̄ in 1427, has not been fully translated
to English before. In fact, until the middle of the twentieth century it was unknown to modern
researchers [22]. According to Rashed [26], traditional history of mathematics was shaken by
Luckey’s discovery of this monumental work. Miftāh. Al-H . isab is written in Arabic and has never
been fully translated to another language except for Russian [29]. Also, two small sections of
Miftāh. are translated to English, one on root extraction [13], and another one on measuring the
areas of muqarnas [15]. Before Miftāh. was discovered by modern researchers, the discovery of
decimal fractions was incorrectly attributed to Simon Stevin [24]. Miftāh. contains a systematic
treatment of decimal fractions, yet al-Kāshı̄ is not the inventor of decimal fractions. According to
best available sources, decimal fractions were first introduced in the middle of the tenth century
2
by Abū al-H . asan Ah.mad ibn Ibrāhı̄m al-Uqlı̄disı̄ [31]. The story of Miftāh. and the discovery of
the contributions of al-Kāshı̄ to mathematics and astronomy by modern researchers is a reflection
of a larger story in the history of science that is called “the classical narrative” by Saliba [32].
One of the tenets of this narrative is the assumption that the scientific progress and production
in the Islamic world stopped well before the fifteenth century. By presenting this book, we hope
to contribute to the growing body of evidence that quells this narrative. For a long time, a Euro-
centric version of the history of science has been in the making with a huge deficit in research on
primary sources of scientific works in the Islamic civilization as well as other civilizations such
as Chinese and Indian. Since the second half of the twentieth century much research has been
conducted to remedy this situation and a lot of progress has been made. However, more work is
needed on two fronts. (1) There is still a wealth of primary sources waiting to be studied in many
parts of the world, and (2) more efforts are needed to disseminate accurate information about
Islamic science to counter and repair the damaging effects of the classical narrative. To illustrate,
the personal stories of the authors of this book are really instructive. The first author who was
born and raised in the capital of the Ottoman Empire3 was unaware of the profound contributions
of Islamic scholars to mathematics and science until a few years ago. It was disappointing for
him to learn that the unique copy of al-Uqlı̄disı̄’s Kitāb al-fus.ūl fı̄ al-H
. isāb al-Hindı̄ was in Yeni
Cami Library in his hometown, yet nobody studied it until the 1960s [30]. When it was finally
translated to English and made widely available [31], incorrect attributions about the origin of

1
We will be using the terms “Islamic civilization” and “medieval Islamic civilization” in a very broad sense.
We are particularly referring to the medieval Islamic civilization for which the time period extends approximately
from late seventh century to the sixteenth century (inclusive). Geographically, it spans a large region—from Spain
to the west to China, and India to the east. Therefore, it encompasses much diversity in terms of languages,
ethnicity, and cultures. It also contains many different political powers and organizations (such as Umayyads,
Abbasids, Fatimids, al-Andalus, Seljuks, Ottomans, Safavids, and others). It was ethnically and religiously highly
diverse in which individuals from many different backgrounds contributed to scientific knowledge and progress,
being a Muslim was not a prerequisite for this contribution. Arabic was the language of science during this time
period, and it has been the language of religious studies. Once again, we use the term in a very broad sense and
in no way do we imply a monolithic culture or civilization.
2
It is astonishing that false information about the invention of the decimal fractions is still repeated in books
published in the twenty-first century (e.g., [14]) and when the authors discuss the history of decimal fractions they
leave out the most relevant figures such as al-Uqlı̄disı̄ and al-Kāshı̄.
3
That is Istanbul in modern day Turkey.

v
vi PREFACE

decimal fractions had been, and are still, circulating. The second author was born and raised not
far from where the famous mathematician Leonardo of Pisa, otherwise known as Fibonacci, spent
time studying mathematics in Algeria. The contributions of Fibonacci are well documented, yet
nothing transpires about his teachers in Algeria. Therefore, studying primary sources, making
them available to a larger audience, and disseminating research findings to the general public are
very important activities. The first author found manuscript copies of Miftāh. in Süleymaniye
library in Istanbul and realized that they seem to be largely unknown in the literature. We use
some of these manuscripts in this translation. It is our belief that the full translation of Miftāh.
will contribute to the writing of a universal history of mathematics that is inclusive. We are
confident that a careful reading of Miftāh. Al-H. isab will provide us with a broader, more accurate
overview of the state of knowledge of mathematics in the eastern part of the Muslim world in the
fifteenth century. Further research that can be generated from this book will undoubtedly lead
to a better understanding of mathematical concepts and techniques used at the time. We hope
that publishing Miftāh. Al-H
. isab in three volumes, Arithmetic, Geometry, and Algebra, will serve
this purpose well.
The authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and staff of Birkhäuser for their
hard work and professionalism. Special thanks go to Chris Tominich for his help and constructive
feedback.
Part of this work was done while the authors were on sabbatical from their respective universi-
ties in the academic year 2015–2016. The authors would like to thank their respective universities
for that opportunity. The work of the first author in the early stages was supported by a grant
from GLCA New Directions Initiative program.
The first author is grateful to his parents Fatima and Ahmed Aydin for all of their sacrifices.
He is also grateful to his wife Asiye and children Betül, Beyza, and İsmail for their support
and understanding. His special thanks go to Professor Joan Slonczewski of Kenyon College who
first came up with an idea that led to his journey into the history of Islamic mathematics that
culminated in this publication. He is similarly thankful to Dr. Jennifer Nichols and Dr. Nahla
Al-Huraibi who helped him with learning Arabic.
The second author is particularly grateful to his wife Soumya Bouchachi and his kids Esam,
Ibrahim, and Yasmine for being supportive and understanding of his absences and shortcomings.
A special dedication to his late parents Benghadfa Hammoudi (1929–2012) and Aicha Messai
(1936–2017): may God bless them for their lifelong support of education and pursuit of knowledge.
Both authors greatly appreciate and acknowledge the work of Ghada Bakbouk for her metic-
ulous editing of the translation of this volume and correcting many errors. Any remaining errors
are due to the authors.
We dedicate this volume to the memory of Professor Fuat Sezgin, a prominent researcher in
the history of mathematics and science in the Islamic civilization who recently passed away. He
was a remarkable and leading scholar in the field who was a source of great inspiration for us. His
exceptional dedication and monumental work will continue to be important for future researchers.
We humbly hope that this volume will contribute to the purpose to which he dedicated his long
and productive life.

Gambier, OH, USA Nuh Aydin

Chillicothe, OH, USA Lakhdar Hammoudi
Contents
1 Introduction 1
1.1 A Biography of al-Kāshı̄ and a Brief History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1.1 Al-Kāshı̄’s Letters: Invaluable Source . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.1.2 Ulugh Beg in al-Kāshı̄’s Letters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.1.3 Samarkand in al-Kāshı̄’s Letters: Center of Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.2 List of al-Kāshı̄’s Known Works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.3 Manuscript Copies of Miftāh. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1.4 Pedagogical Aspects of Miftāh. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
1.5 Possible Future Projects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
1.6 Notes on Translation and the Purpose of This Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

2 The Miftāh
. Translation 15

Glossary 237

References 239

vii
1 Introduction
1.1 A Biography of al-Kāshı̄ and a Brief History
On March 2, 1427 [6, p. 32] and [15], Ghiyāth al-Dı̄n Jamshı̄d bin Mas’ūd bin Mah.mood al-
Tabı̄b al-Kāshı̄ (or al-Kāshānı̄) completed a monumental book in Arabic on arithmetic called
Miftāh. al-H. isāb. The most commonly used translation of this title, the one which we prefer as
well, is “Key to Arithmetic.” Other possible translations include “Calculator’s Key” and “Key
to Calculation.” Henceforth we will be referring to it as Miftāh. and its author as al-Kāshı̄.
This encyclopedic work includes three general subjects: arithmetic, geometry, and algebra. It
comprises five treatises on arithmetic of integers, arithmetic of fractions, arithmetic of sexagesimal
numbers, geometry and measurement, and algebra. Al-Kāshı̄ dedicated the Miftāh. to Ulugh Beg
who was the ruler of Samarkand at the time and was a prominent scientist himself. In Berggren’s
assessment Miftāh. was “the crowning achievement of Islamic arithmetic, and truly a gift fit for
a king” [12, p. 22]. Saidan agrees by stating “Miftāh. represents the peak of Islamic arithmetic”
[31, p. 29].
Although we do not know all the details of al-Kāshı̄’s life, through his work and letters to his
father, one can affirm that he was born in Kāshān, in modern day Iran some 150 miles south of the
capital city Tehran. Therefore, he is also known—perhaps more accurately—as al-Kāshānı̄ but
al-Kāshı̄ is more commonly found in the literature. He was born in the later part of the fourteenth
century. Given al-Kāshı̄’s education and well-documented works at hand, some authors suggest
1380 as a plausible year of his birth (e.g., [37, 38, 24, 16]). According to Suter, al-Kāshı̄ died in
the year 1436 [36, 28]. However, based on a note on a manuscript copy of one of al-Kāshı̄’s works,
Kennedy proclaims the date of death to be June 22, 1429 (Ramadan 19, 832 AH) [39]. This is
the commonly accepted date of al-Kāshı̄’s death.
His given name is Jamshı̄d, his father’s name is Mas’ūd, and his grandfather’s name is
Mah.mood. He has several nicknames best known of which is al-Kāshı̄. Giyath al-Din means
the rescuer of the religion. Al-Tabı̄b means physician. This is due to the fact that he practiced
medicine as a profession before devoting his time totally to the study of mathematics and as-
tronomy later in his life. He is known as al-Kāshı̄ (or al-Kāshānı̄) because he is from Kāshān
(Fig. 1.1). Assuming a nickname based on the place of birth, tribe of origin, or profession was
common in the Arabic and Islamic culture. There are many other famous Islamic scholars who
are best known by such nicknames such as al-Khwārizmı̄ and al-T.ūsı̄.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 1

N. Aydin, L. Hammoudi, Al-Kāshı̄’s Miftāh. al-H
. isab, Volume I: Arithmetic,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14950-5 1
2 Introduction

Figure 1.1: Iranian stamp featuring an image of al-Kāshı̄ with an astrolabe in the background

During al-Kāshı̄’s early years, Timur (Tamerlaine, 1336–1405) was conquering and ruling
vast lands, including central Iran. Widespread turmoil and poverty afflicted the people of the
region [39, 15]. Despite the difficulties at the time, al-Kāshı̄ managed to study science in general,
including mathematics and astronomy. In fact, the first dated event that we know of about his life
is the observation of a lunar eclipse in his hometown of Kāshān on June 2, 1406, a date recorded
in his Khaqani Zij 1 as the first date of a series of lunar eclipses he observed. The conditions of
the people improved after Shah Rukh Mirza (1377–1447) took over the reign upon his father’s
death; yet al-Kāshı̄’s best times came only after the young prince Ulugh Beg (1394–1449) became
the governor of Samarkand, a city in Transoxiana in modern day Uzbekistan. Ulugh Beg was a
recognized scientist himself excelling in mathematics and astronomy who supported many scholars
and students. He attracted some of the finest scholars of his time to Samarkand where he first
founded a madrasa—a school for advance studies in theology and sciences—between 1417 and
1420, and then establishing the most advanced observatory ever built until that time [20], thus
turning Samarkand into a major center of research and learning [6, 5].
We know that al-Kāshı̄ joined the scientific circle of Ulugh Beg upon his invitation around
1420. Scholars reference several dates for this move, 1417 in [37, p. 6], 1418 in [12, p. 21], and
1421 in [9]. Ulugh Beg’s invitation of al-Kāshı̄ came after the latter had proven his scientific ability
by accomplishing several significant works between 1406 and the date of his move to Samarkand.
On June 2, 1406, al-Kāshı̄ observed and recorded the first of a series of lunar eclipses in Kāshān.
In 1407 he completed Sullam Al-Sama, Ladder of the Heaven on resolution of difficulties met by
predecessors in determination of distances and sizes. In 1410–1411, he wrote Mukhtasar dar ilm-i
hay’at–Compendium of the science of astronomy– dedicated to Sultan Iskandar, one of the rulers
of Timurid dynasty. In 1413–1414, al-Kāshı̄ wrote Khaqani Zı̄j and dedicated it to Ulugh Beg.
In the introduction of this book al-Kāshı̄ complains about his living conditions of poverty while
pursuing important work in mathematics and astronomy. He acknowledges Ulugh Beg’s support
that allowed him to successfully finish this work. Al-Kāshı̄ sought to attract patronage of a ruler,
and this might be his first success. In fact, al-Kāshı̄ did some of his best work in Samarkand under
the patronage of Ulugh Beg. This includes Miftāh. Al-H . isab, an encyclopedic book on elementary
mathematics, and his remarkable approximations to π [17] and sin(1◦ ) [27].

1
zı̄j is a book of astronomical tables.
Introduction 3

1.1.1 Al-Kāshı̄’s Letters: Invaluable Source

Two letters of al-Kāshı̄ in Persian to his father provide us with interesting facts and insights into
the scientific environment of Ulugh Beg’s court and personalities of some of the important scholars
there. From these letters and other sources we learn that Ulugh Beg tolerated al-Kāshı̄’s lack of
court etiquette, thanks to his excellent command of mathematics and astronomy [21, 34, 9].
Al-Kāshı̄’s letters were discovered in the second half of the twentieth century at different
times. The second letter was discovered first and published in 1960 independently by two different
scholars. Kennedy gave an English translation of the letter together with a commentary in [21],
and Sayili gave both a Turkish translation and an English translation in [34]. The first letter was
discovered later by Bagheri who published it with an English translation [9].
Al-Kāshı̄ explains that he wrote the second letter and repeated a lot of information in case the
first letter, which was sent via the merchants of Qum, might have been lost. A detailed analysis of
the letters suggests that al-Kāshı̄’s father was a learned man who knew mathematics and astron-
omy. The letters’ main topic though is al-Kāshı̄’s professional development, accomplishments,
and triumphs, assuring his father of his preeminence that clearly distinguishes him from other
scientists in the court. Additionally, he speaks highly of the character of his patron Ulugh Beg,
and the progress on the observatory that was being built at the time of the writing of the letters
(Fig. 1.2).

Figure 1.2: Ulugh Beg’s Statue in Samarkand, Uzbekistan (Image source: Wikipedia)

1.1.2 Ulugh Beg in al-Kāshı̄’s Letters

The letters depict Ulugh Beg more as an accomplished scientist and scholar who attended many
of the scientific meetings held at his court, than as a ruler or statesman. For example, he mentions
that Ulugh Beg is well versed in both religious sciences and mathematics (Translation from [34])
4 Introduction

Truth is that, first of all, he knows most of the holy Quran by heart, and he has
a ready knowledge of its exegeses. For each occasion he cites an appropriate verse
of the Quran, and he makes elegant quotations. Every day he reads fluently and in
the proper manner two sections from the sacred book in the presence of experts who
know the whole of the Quran by memory, and no mistakes occur. His knowledge of
grammar and syntax is very good, and he writes Arabic extremely well. Likewise,
he is well versed in jurisprudence, and he is acquainted with logic and the theory of
literary style, as well as with the principles of prosody.
His majesty has great skill in the branches of mathematics. His accomplishment
in these matters reached such a degree that one day, while riding, he wished to find
out to what day of the solar year a certain date would correspond which was known
to be a Monday of the month of Rajab in the year 818 and falling between the 10th
and the 15th of the month. On the basis of these data he derived the longitude of the
sun to a fraction of 2 minutes by mental calculation while riding on horseback, and
when he got down he asked this servant to check his result.
It is true that, as in mental calculation it is necessary to retain quantities in one’s
mind and to derive others from them, and because in the faculty of memory there is a
shortcoming, he [i.e. al-Kāshı̄ himself] could not find the result (correctly) in degrees
and minutes and was content with degrees only. But it is not given to any person of
our time to do the like; no one else is capable of it.

Ulugh Beg is also described, in these letters, as a kind and open-minded person who is keen
on rigorous investigation in science. He listens to all points of views, lets everyone express their
opinions, and makes their case, and then engages in arguments with students and experts. He
allows discussions to continue until the issues become clear to everyone. He does not approve
submission to the authority without convincing proofs [34].

He is indeed good-natured to the utmost degree of kindness and charity, so that,

at times, there goes on, at the madrasa, between His Majesty and the students of the
seeker of knowledge so much arguing back and forth on problems pertaining to any of
the sciences that it would be difficult to describe it. He has ordered, in fact, that this
should be the procedure, and he has allowed that in scientific questions there should
be no agreeing until the matter is thoroughly understood and that people should not
pretend to understand in order to be pleasing. Occasionally, when someone assented
to His Majesty’s view out of submission to his authority, His Majesty reprimanded
him by saying “you are imputing ignorance on me.” He also poses a false question, so
that if anyone accepts it out of politeness he will reintroduce the matter and put the
man to shame.

Al-Kāshı̄ reveals that Ulugh Beg is very generous and supports a large number of students
seeking knowledge (Translation from [9])

His royal majesty [Ulugh Beg] had donated a charitable gift amounting to 30,000
kopaki dinars, of which 10,000 had been ordered to be given to students. [The names of
the recipients] were written down: [thus] 10,000 students steadily engaged in learning
and teaching, and qualifying for a financial aid, were listed.
Introduction 5

1.1.3 Samarkand in al-Kāshı̄’s Letters: Center of Knowledge

The above-mentioned numbers show that Samarkand was a major center of learning at the time.
This is supported by further facts mentioned in al-Kāshı̄’s letters. For example, he states that in
addition to the students studying with financial aid, there are about 500 persons among notables
and their sons who began studying mathematics at twelve different places. He says “there are 24
calculators some of whom are also astronomers and some began [studying] Euclid [’s Elements]”
[9]. He compares the situation with Kāshān where one or two individuals may be associated with
a given discipline, and concludes that the environment in Kāshān is a fortiori not conducive to
healthy scientific discussions.
We also learn that serious scientific studies at Samarkand had been undertaken for about
12 years, and that there were at least 60–70 mathematicians among Ulugh Beg’s staff in addition
to astronomers.
Not satisfied with zı̄j’s compiled before his time, Ulugh Beg decided to conduct fresh obser-
vations and built the Samarkand observatory. Furthermore, we learn that Ulugh Beg visited
Maragheh observatory in his childhood which probably made an impression on him. Given what
we know, it would be reasonable to infer that the building of the observatory was planned before
al-Kāshı̄’s arrival to Samarkand and started shortly thereafter. Astronomy was one of the most
important scientific disciplines in the Islamic tradition [32], and observatory was an essential part
of that. The significance of observatory in the Islamic world and its legacy in the modern science
are summarized by Berggren as “the observatory, as the scientific institution we know today, was
born and developed in the Islamic world” [12, p. 21]. The Samarkand observatory that was
established by Ulugh Beg turned out to be one of the most important observatories in the Islamic
world (Fig. 1.3) as stated by Sayili:

Figure 1.3: Ulugh Beg’s observatory in Samarkand, Uzbekistan (Image from Wikimedia commons)

From the standpoint of longevity and work therefore the Samarqand Observatory
was one of the most important observatories of Islam, and it probably was the most
important. . . Giyāth al-Din Jamshı̄d and Muin Al-Din-i Kāshı̄ prepared the plan for
the observatory. . . Giyath Al-Din was the first director of the Samarqand observatory
. . . [33, p. 265, 266, 271].
6 Introduction

We learn from al-Kāshı̄’s letters to his father that Ulugh Beg followed al-Kāshı̄’s recommenda-
tions on certain technical aspects of the building upon being convinced by al-Kāshı̄’s explanations.
This led to changes to the original plan during the construction. Al-Kāshı̄’s letters are an invalu-
able firsthand source of information on the instruments used at the Samarkand observatory.
As stated earlier, a major point al-Kāshı̄ makes in his letters is to reassure his father on al-
Kāshı̄’s own elevated status, and prominence among his peers. He conveys that he is the most
proficient and competent scientist in the court. Reading his letters, he might be perceived as
boastful, yet we believe it is rather a sign of competence mixed with confidence.
Al-Kāshı̄ narrates how on several occasions other scientists could not solve a given problem
even after spending a considerable time on it, yet when he tackles that given problem, he is able
to solve it easily. In other instances, when some scholars think that there is a missing information
in the problem statement, al-Kāshı̄ shows that this is not the case and solves the problem. Other
times, he publicly challenges other scholars on scientific issues and proves his point. He claims
this made him famous, and to support his claim he writes of strong words of praise for himself
by Ulugh Beg about his character and scientific competency [34].

As to the complimentary remarks of His Majesty, of which mention has been made
above, the situation is that no week passes without some friends reporting to this
servant that His Majesty made such and such remarks tonight or today concerning
me. They are as follows: “He has the knowledge of things ready at hand”; “He knows
extremely well”; “His knowledge is superior to that of others”; “His knowledge is more
readily at his disposal and more substantial than is the case with Qād.ı̄zāde”; ’His mind
works better in this science than that of Qād.ı̄zāde ”; “Mawlana Giyāth al-Dı̄n knows
all the parts of this science, and he solves at once or in a single day a difficulty which
takes Qād.ı̄zāde ten days to disentangle.”
He said, likewise, “He is a good and kind-hearted man. All those who have access to
our circle, whether they be of the notables or not, have not restrained themselves but
have quarreled with people and have transgressed their limits although I have shown
them little courtesy. On the other hand, although I have extended much courtesy
and many grants to Mawlana Giyath Al-Din and even though he is always honored
with access to our company, he has not had any quarrels with anybody and nor has
anyone complained about him.” “He has not, out of greed, resorted to speak and
gossip behind people’s backs”; “He conducts himself very well.” He has said things of
this nature many times.

On the other hand, in describing the majority of scientists in the court, al-Kāshı̄ often refers
to their incompetence in disdain [15]. This is certainly a point that he uses to set himself, his
patron Ulugh Beg along with Qād.ı̄zāde al-Rūmı̄ (1364–1436), and very few other scientists apart.
Al-Kāshı̄ holds Qād.ı̄zāde in high esteem and considers him as the most knowledgeable scholar in
the group. At the same time, al-Kāshı̄ narrates situations where he excelled better than Qād.ı̄zāde.
An obvious logical consequence of this is that al-Kāshı̄ is the very best scholar in the entire group
of Ulugh Beg’s scientific staff. He informs his father that he followed his advice to focus on only
one subject (in this case it is astronomy) and he understands the reason behind this advice. He
stated: “because occupation with another subject would indeed distract me from astronomical
observations; second, because of my occupation with another art in which I may be a beginner,
there may occur in my discussions or compositions some defect or error which people would bring
Introduction 7

to bear on the other arts [in which I am adept]” [9]. Evidently, another purpose of al-Kāshı̄’s
letters to his father was to counter and refute some rumors his father heard through a person
named Shams al-Din. He makes it clear that Shams al-Din’s statements about him are in fact
false.
Al-Kāshı̄ had a productive time in Samarkand and was the first director of the astronomical
observations at the observatory [34]. Unfortunately, he passed away on June 22, 1429 at the
observatory in which he was deeply involved, before the full study came to fruition. Qād.ı̄zāde
al-Rūmı̄ took over but sadly, his life was not long enough either to complete the project. Finally,
the project was completed under the direction of Ali Qushji (1403–1474).
In the preface of his own zı̄j written some years after al-Kāshı̄’s death, Ulugh Beg wrote the
following testimony for al-Kāshı̄: “the remarkable scientist, one of the most famous in the world,
who had a perfect command of the sciences of the ancients, who contributed to its development,
and who could solve the most difficult problems” [39].
In the twentieth century, many scholars recognized al-Kāshı̄’s work in general and Miftāh. in
particular. For example, Fuat Sezgin, one of the prominent researchers in the history of Islamic
science, summarized it all as:

The achievements of al-Kāshı̄ represent the culmination of Islamic civilization’s

progress in mathematics. Some of these achievements reappeared or rediscovered
later in Europe. [35, p. 66]

1.2 List of al-Kāshı̄’s Known Works

In addition to Miftāh. which is the most comprehensive work of al-Kāshı̄, we know of the following
works of al-Kāshı̄. They were collected in Majmu’ (Collection), Tehran 1888. The following list
of al-Kāshı̄’s works can be found in [6, 39].

• Zij Khaqani
Zı̄j’ is a Persian word used for astronomy books containing tables that are important for
astronomical calculations. This work was written around 1413–1414 before al-Kāshı̄ moved
to Samarkand. Written in Persian, it was an update and completion of the Zij Ilkhani
compiled by famous Nasir al-Din Al-Tusi about 150 years earlier. Bartold believed that
al-Kāshı̄ dedicated this work to Shah Rukh who was a patron of science in Herat [10].
However, Kennedy established that the zij was dedicated to Ulugh Beg, son of Shah Rukh
and ruler of Samarkand [39]. This may be al-Kāshı̄’s first attempt to secure funding under
Ulugh Beg’s patronage. This zij contains six treatises and the tables in it are in sexagesimal
system [39]. Al-Kāshı̄ used iterative methods to obtain approximate value of the third of
each arc [6]. He also states that he collected data from the works of earlier astronomers
(astrologers) that did not show up in other tables, along with geometric proofs [6]. Arabic
manuscripts are available in London, Oxford, and Istanbul [39].

• The Treatise on Circumference

One of al-Kāshı̄’s most remarkable achievements is his approximation of π accurate to 9
sexagesimal places, or 16 decimal places. According to Hogendijk [17], this is one of the
highlights of the medieval Islamic mathematical tradition. Before al-Kāshı̄, the previous
record was 6 decimal place approximation by Chinese mathematicians. It took nearly two
8 Introduction

centuries before the Dutch mathematician Ludolf Van Ceulen surpassed al-Kāshı̄’s accuracy
with 20 decimal places. Written in 1424, the original title of this work is Al-risala al-
muhitiyya. His motivation to compute π so accurately was to calculate the circumference
of the universe so that the round-off error in the approximation would be no more than the
width of a horse’s hair. He set the accuracy of his approximation in advance and he used a
polygon with 3 × 228 = 805, 306, 368 sides. Hogendijk states that since al-Kāshı̄’s text was
not available in English translation until recently, incorrect or confused statements on the
history of π often appeared in the western literature [17]. For example, al-Kāshı̄ was not
mentioned in A History of Pi [17], a popular book on the subject. Arabic manuscripts are
available in Istanbul, Tehran, and Meshed [39].

• The Treatise on Chord and Sine

Given al-Kāshı̄’s dissatisfaction with earlier zijs, he calculated accurate values for sines and
chords in this work to help with astronomical tables. He also calculated sin(1◦ ) to the same
degree of accuracy of his computation of π. Unfortunately, the original text of this work is
lost; however, Qād.ı̄zāde al-Rūmı̄’s account of this treatise is available in the national library
of Iran [8] and is translated to Russian as well. The outline of al-Kāshı̄’s main method in
this approximation is as follows. He first used the trig identity sin(3θ) = 3 sin(θ) − 4 sin3 (θ)
which he transformed to a cubic equation of the form x = a + bx3 . He then used an iterative
method to obtain successive approximations to sin(1◦ ) that get more accurate at each step.
His beautiful approach is still important in modern mathematics and is usually covered
under the name of “fixed point iteration” in numerical analysis courses. See [1] for more
details on the computation of sin(1◦ ). There is an edition of this manuscript in Majmu’
[39].

• The Zı̄j at-Tashilat (The Zı̄j of Simplifications)

Al-Kāshı̄ refers to this work in Miftāh. among his works but it is nonexistent. It probably
included a simplified method of computing the positions of celestial bodies [20].

• Risala dar Sharh-i Alat-i Rasad (Treatise on the Explanation of Observational

Instruments)
Written for Sultan Iskandar (Kara Yusuf of Black Sheep Turks (Karakoyunlu) dynasty) in
1416, al-Kāshı̄ gives brief yet accurate descriptions of the constructions of eight astronomical
instruments. A manuscript copy of this work is available in Leiden, which, according to F.
F. Bartold, was written by al-Kāshı̄ himself [6]. Moreover, Persian manuscripts are available
in Leiden and Tehran[39].

• Nuzha Al-Hadaiq (Delight of Gardens)

Al-Kāshı̄ wrote this treatise in 1416 (February 10, 1416) in Kāshān to which he made ad-
ditions in Samarkand in 1426. A revised Persian version was written by an anonymous
astronomer in Istanbul around 1490 [18]. It gives an explanation of how to build an in-
strument invented by al-Kāshı̄ which he called “The Plate of Conjunctions” [6]. According
to al-Kāshı̄, it is an instrument from which one can retrieve the calendars of planets, their
widths, dimensions, distances from earth, eclipses, and other related matters. One can
describe this instrument, which has a similar shape as the astrolabe, as the diagram for
the approximate graphical solutions of many problems related to the movement of the stars
Introduction 9

based on the mean values of their coordinates. Al-Kāshı̄’s later additions include ten appen-
dices which describe additional techniques to utilize the instrument [20]. Arabic manuscripts
are available in London, Dublin, and Bombay [39].

• Sullam Al-Sama (The Ladder of the Sky or The Stairway of Heaven)

al-Kāshı̄ completed this work in his hometown in 1407. It is the earliest known work of
al-Kāshı̄.The full title of this text in the area of astronomy is “on Resolution of Difficulties
Met by Predecessors in Determination of Distances and Sizes (of Heavenly Bodies)” [24].
Al-Kāshı̄ mentions this treatise in the preface of Miftāh.. He implies that scholars before him
had difficulties and disagreements about distances and sizes of the heavenly bodies. So, he
decided to write this book in order to help future scholars. Arabic manuscripts are available
in London, Oxford, and Istanbul [39]. There is an Iranian TV series with the same title, the
Ladder of the Sky, about al-Kāshı̄’s life which was broadcast during the month of Ramadan
of 2009. Full episodes are available at http://www.shiasource.com/ladder-of-the-sky

• Talkith Al-Miftāh. (Abridged Key [to Arithmetic])

Written before the Miftāh. itself (in 1421), it was an early and abbreviated version which
contains three treatises and about one-eighth of the material in Miftāh. [8]. Qurbani provided
Persian translations of the chapters of Talkhith [25]. Arabic manuscripts are available in
London, Tashkent, Istanbul, Baghdad, Mosul, Tehran, Tabriz, and Patna [39].

• Miftāh. al Asbab-fi al-Ilm al-Zı̄j (The Key of Reason in the Science of Astro-
nomical Tables)
There is an Arabic manuscript in Mosul (120/306) [39, 28].

• Risala dar Sakht-i Asturlab (The Treatise on the Construction of an Astrolabe)

There is a Persian manuscript in Mosul [39].

• Ta’rib Al-Zı̄j (Arabization of the Zı̄j)

This is an Arabic translation of the introduction of Ulugh Beg’s zı̄j which was in Persian.
Manuscripts are available in Leiden and Tashkent [39].

• Ilh.āqāt an-Nuzha (Supplement to the Excursion, 1427)

There is an edition of a manuscript in Majmu’ [39].

• Wujūh al-Amal al-Darb fı̄’l-Takht wa’l-Turāb (Ways of Multiplying Using a

Dust Board)
There is an edition of an Arabic manuscript in Majmu’ [39].

• Natāij al-H. aqāiq (Consequences of Truths)

There is an edition of an Arabic manuscript in Majmu’ [39].

• Risāla fı̄ Ma’rifa Samt al-Qibla min Dāira Hindiyya Ma’rufa (Treatise on the
Determination of Direction of the Qibla from a Circle Known as Indian Circle)
There is an edition of an Arabic manuscript in Meshed (84) [39] [28].
10 Introduction

• Tuh.fat al Sultān fı̄ Asbab al-Irfān (Gift to Sultan on Causes of the Science)
Oxford (1514). Treatise on astronomy dedicated to Amir-zade Ibrāhı̄m Sultan, son of
Shahruh [28].

• Risala dar Hay’at (Treatise on Astronomy)

P-London (Sup. 27261), Yazd (Jami 439/5) [28].

• Mukhtasar dar Ilm-i Hay’at (Concise Treatise on the Science of Astronomy)

P-London (869b), Treatise dedicated to Amir-zade Sultan Iskandar Bahadur [28].

• Risālat h.all ashkāl Utārid (Treatise on Solution of Propositions on Mercury)

Meshed (5527) [28].

• Risala-yi Kamaliyya (Treatise for Kamal al-Din)

P-Hyderabad (riyada 125–126), Astronomical treatise in seven books and a conclusion writ-
ten in Kashan in 1406, dedicated to vizier Kamal al-Din Mahmud [28].

• Risāla fı̄ Tashı̄h Awsat al-Qamar min al-Arsad al-Khusufiyya (Treatise on Closer
Definition of the Center of the Moon from Observations of Eclipses)
Cairo (riyada 898/23) [28].

• Zı̄j al-Kāshı̄-Meshed (5321) [28]

• Notes on Linear Interpolation—Cairo (Zaki 917/14) [28]

1.3 Manuscript Copies of Miftāh

.
Two different typeset and printed books of Miftāh. that include the original Arabic manuscript
together with some commentary and explanations are available. The first one is by Ahmad Sa’id
Al-Dimirdash and Muhammad Hamdi Al-Hifni al-Shaykh, published in Cairo in 1969 [5] in which
commentaries are in Arabic. The other one was published in 1977 in Damascus by Nabulsi [6].
Nabulsi edition has most commentaries in Arabic and some in French as well. It lists the following
known manuscript copies of Miftāh. at the time of its publication.

1. Original book of Miftāh. Al-H

. isab, written by Jamshı̄d bin Mas’ud bin Mahmoud al-Kāshı̄
March 3rd, 1427 (830 h.), but it is missing.

2. Al Burgandy’s manuscript, which is also missing. According to Muhammad Al-Sadiq Al-

Arassengi in the Zahiri manuscript, it is written by Abdul Ali Al-Burgandy on Tuesday,
17th day of Dhu Al-Hijja in 889 H., which corresponds to January 5, 1485.

3. The Leiden manuscript, written in 1558 (965 h).

4. The British Museum manuscript, written in 1589 (887 h).

5. The Zahiri manuscript written in 1691 (1102 h).

6. The Leningrad manuscript, written in 1789 (1204 h).

Introduction 11

7. The Scientific Library of Prussia manuscript in Berlin, written in 1886 (1303–1304 h).

8. The Public Scientific Library in Berlin manuscript (spr 1824)

9. The Berlin Institute for History of Medicine and Science, number 1 and 2.

10. The National Library of Paris, number 5020.

Dimirdash and Muhammad Hamdi edition also mentions the manuscripts 3,4,6–10. They state
that they relied on Leiden manuscript [5]. Their list does not include the Zahiri manuscript but
includes one that does not appear in the list above, namely, a stone-print copy in Tehran, located in
the Tayomrian cabinet number 255-Math. Nabulsi says he used the following manuscripts: Zahiri,
London, and Leiden as well as the print book [5] and the Russian translation by Rosenfeld and
Youschkevitch published 1956 [29]. The Zahiri manuscript is the main source of his investigation.
Nabulsi regards Zahiri manuscript as the oldest known one, gives the following information about
it [6, p. 31], and includes a picture of the first and last pages.

The Zahiri manuscript, number 7795 amongst the collection of books in the Zahiri
library in Damascus. It is written on 128 sheets of paper of dimensions 21 · 12 cm, the
handwriting is nice, the titles are written in red, has commentaries, it has eroded from
the sides, embroidered with gold (written by Abd Al Ali bin Muhammad Al Burgandi
in 889 then copied by Ibn Muhammad Jafar Sadiq Al Arasinji in 1103).

Nabulsi notices that time intervals between the original work and its subsequent manuscripts
listed above are 73 years, 31 years, 102 years, 98 years, and 97 years. He concludes that there must
be several other manuscripts of Miftāh. that are still missing to this day. The manuscript we are
using is not in Nabulsi’s list, and it appears to be one of the manuscripts he suspected was missing.
This manuscript is in Süleymaniye library in Istanbul in its Nuruosmaniye branch with new record
number 2532 and old record number 2967. It was written in Ramadan 854 H., which corresponds
to October 1450. There are several other manuscripts of Miftāh. in Süleymaniye library which are
labeled as Atıfefendi1719, Esadefendi13175, Fatih5421, Hamidiye883, and Hüsnüpaşa1268. Some
of them appear to be incomplete and some of them do not seem to contain a date of completion.
The manuscript that we are using, Nuruosmaniye2967, is the oldest one in the collection, and
it is complete. Based on available data in the literature, Nuruosmaniye2967 manuscript seems
to be one of the oldest, possibly the oldest, available manuscript copy of Miftāh. to this date.
Note that the Zahiri manuscript that Nabulsi considers “the oldest known manuscript of Miftāh.
so far” was originally written in 889 H. (1484 CE) which is later than the date of Nuruosmaniye
manuscript we use (854 H-1450 CE). The only reference in the literature to the Nuruosmaniye
manuscript that we are aware of is in [31]. The translators of section 5 of treatise 3 of Miftāh. (on
root extraction in sexagesimal system) used the following three manuscript copies.

• Princeton University MS ELS 1189

• India Office Arabic MS L756

• University of Leiden MS Or. 185.

12 Introduction

1.4 Pedagogical Aspects of Miftāh

.
It is clear that Miftāh. was written as a textbook and a practical guide for people in various
professions that need arithmetic and elementary mathematics as mentioned by al-Kāshı̄ himself
in the introduction:

I solved many problems I was asked by expert mathematicians either for testing
me or for their own learning. Some of those problems could not be solved by one of
the six algebraic forms. Through these works I acquired a lot of knowledge to solve
elementary mathematical problems in the easiest, most beneficial and most efficient
ways using clear methods. I wanted to clarify and compile them so that it becomes
a guide to anyone interested. Therefore, I wrote this book and collected all that
professional calculators need, avoiding tiring length and annoying brevity. I presented
rules for most operations in tables to make them accessible for engineers.

It is also clear that Miftāh. is not a theoretical book as the author did not make any effort
to prove or justify the algorithms or procedures even by the standards of that time. The title
suggests that arithmetic is viewed as the key in solving any problem that requires calculations.
In the introduction of Miftāh., al-Kāshı̄ describes arithmetic as follows: “Arithmetic is the science
of rules to determine numerical unknowns from specific known quantities.” Youschkevitch and
Rosenfeld summarized the essence of the book by stating:

In the richness of its contents and in the application of arithmetical and algebraic
methods to the solution of various problems, including several geometric ones, and
in the clarity and elegance of exposition, this voluminous textbook [that is, Miftāh.]
is one of the best in the whole of medieval literature; it attests to both the author’s
erudition and his pedagogical ability. Because of its high quality the Miftāh. was often
recopied and served as a manual for hundreds of years. [39, p. 256]

Taani picked on the pedagogical ability and further studied the content and pedagogy of Miftāh.
[37, 38]. His main findings about al-Kāshı̄’s pedagogy in Miftāh. are what he calls “multiple
paths to practice mathematics” and his “exhaustive exclusive classification methods.” Taani’s
formulation of “multiple paths” include the following features: multiple definitions, multiple
algorithms, multiple formulas, and multiple solutions [38]. He explains that what inspired him to
consider investigating multiple paths in al-Kāshı̄’s pedagogy was student comments. He initially
used some excerpts from al-Kāshı̄ in his precalculus class and his goal was to “get data from
students about using historical sources in the classroom.” When he administered a questionnaire
about the lesson, student comments on al-Kāshı̄’s method of using multiple methods/approaches
to solve a given problem captured his attention and that became a major topic in his dissertation.
As an example of multiple definitions of mathematical concepts, consider these two definitions
of division by al-Kāshı̄ in Miftāh.

1. In integers, it is partitioning of the dividend in units of the divisor into a number of equal
parts so that each share from the divisor is fixed. Such a share is called the quotient.

2. Its general definition is to obtain the number whose ratio to one is the same as the ratio of
the dividend to the divisor.
Introduction 13

Al-Kāshı̄ often presents multiple methods to perform mathematical calculations. For example,
he presents five different ways of performing multiplication of integers. He gives three different
formulas to compute the area of a generic triangle, and four different formulas specifically for
computing the area of an equilateral triangle. The last treatise of Miftāh. contains a number
of word problems and problems in inheritance (determining the share of each heir according to
Islamic inheritance laws). He shows multiple ways of solving these problems.
Taani suggests that his work may be used in a classroom in two different ways [38]. The first is
directly using the primary text of al-Kāshı̄ will let the students live the experience of discovering
mathematics in the fifteenth century. The second is to follow al-Kāshı̄ in presenting certain
topics from multiple perspectives. He comments that the benefits of using multiple paths include:
providing flexibility of thinking, providing opportunities for comparison, creating a network of
ideas, and improving creativity [38].
Therefore, in addition to its profound significance in the history of mathematics due to its
content, Miftāh. Al-H. isab is also worthy of attention for its pedagogical aspects.

1.5 Possible Future Projects

As mentioned earlier, not only does al-Kāshı̄ not give proofs or justifications for his algorithms
and procedures, but he does not give any information about their origins either. It is not clear
what parts are his inventions or contributions and what parts are considered established results.
A possible future work could be to research the history of the algorithms (such as finding square
roots and higher degree roots) described in Miftāh. to determine what exactly the contributions
of al-Kāshı̄ might be. On a different direction, it is quite likely that al-Kāshı̄’s work may have
influenced mathematicians who came after him. In a recent article [7] we pointed out one such
possible connection. We observed that the famous Flemish mathematician Simon Stevin (1548–
1620) presented root finding algorithms in his well-known book L’arithmétique” (“Arithmetic”),
published in 1585. On the surface, Stevin’s algorithms look much different from al-Kāshı̄’s.
However, after careful examination, we observe that the underlying algorithm is the same, though
there are some curious differences in details and implementation (see [7] for more info). To the
best of our knowledge, no direct connection between the two mathematicians is known. Given al-
Kāshı̄’s influence on Ottoman mathematicians and the education system [19], one might imagine
flow of ideas from Central Asia to Europe through the Ottoman land. This is definitely an area
that requires further research.

1.6 Notes on Translation and the Purpose of This Work

This work is a translation with commentaries of the book Miftāh. Al-H . isab written by al-Kāshı̄ on
March 2, 1427. We are using what we believe to be the oldest manuscript so far at hand, namely
the Nuruosmaniye2967 manuscript which was originally written in 854 H.-1450 CE [2]. Believing
that this book would be a reference to researchers and students of history of Islamic Mathematics
alike, we tried to strike a balance between a literal translation and a smooth translation in modern
English for the convenience of the reader. On one hand, we strove to preserve the authenticity of
the manuscript with a faithful translation that conveys all possible meanings that al-Kāshı̄ might
have had in mind, and on the other hand, we tried to provide a meaningful text to a modern
reader. So, we resorted to footnotes and square brackets in the text to further explain some of
the ambiguities and odd to read sentences. Any inserted text from the margins of the manuscript
14 Introduction

are included in square brackets with footnote assertion to that effect. Also, we underlined some
terms to indicate they are further explained in the glossary. Since Arabic is a language written
and read from right to left, some tables have been reverted to read from left to right, except when
there are no ambiguities the tables are left as they are. For example, in tables about addition or
multiplication, numbers are written and operated in Arabic the same way as in English. Hence,
they are left as they are. However, tables and numbers with sexagesimal digits are reverted
when degrees, minutes, and seconds are not explicitly mentioned since they are in reverse order
in Arabic and English. When the degrees, minutes, and seconds are explicitly written with no
confusion we leave the numbers and tables as they are. Moreover, many of the numbers and
tables in the manuscript have been checked against several other manuscripts for accuracy. We
indicate that in footnotes. Still, we recommend caution when dealing with complex computations
as some differences and ambiguities might rise between different manuscripts or even in different
places within the same manuscript as the handwritten letters and numbers might lead to some
confusions.
Our goal in this work is to present the raw material of Miftāh. Al-H . isab with some directions
that could possibly enrich further studies by students and researchers. We purposely refrained
from making any judgments on the nature, origin, or the originality of the subject matter found in
the Miftāh.. Some of al-Kāshı̄’s work was in fact original, others were known to previous authors
centuries ago. We leave the critical in-depth historical study to the invested reader to interpret,
position, and effectively study al-Kāshı̄’s work in its own right and/or in a historical context.
2 The Miftāh
. Translation

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 15

N. Aydin, L. Hammoudi, Al-Kāshı̄’s Miftāh. al-H
. isab, Volume I: Arithmetic,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14950-5 2
The Miftāh. Translation 17
18 The Miftāh. Translation
The Miftāh. Translation 19

In the Name of God, Most Gracious Most merciful. Lord make it easy, not hard.

Praise due to God who is the only one who created units and who is unique in forming the
categories of numbers. Prayers on the best of His creation, Muh.ammad, the best of intercessors
on the Day of Judgment. Prayers also, on his family and offspring, the guiders to the path of
salvation and righteous guidance. Following on: The one who needs forgiveness of God the most
among what he created is Jamshı̄d Bin1 Mas’ūd Bin (Mah.mud)2 T.ayyib3 Al-Kāshı̄ nicknamed
Ghiyāth, may God improve his conditions. He says: When I practiced arithmetic operations and
geometric rules until I reached their truths, got into their intricacies, revealed their mysteries
and their dilemmas, solved their problems, deduced many of their rules and principles, I deduced
what was difficult to construe by many who tackled them. Moreover, I continued the extraction
of all of the Ilkhani astronomical tables4 with fine work and produced the astronomical tables
called Khaqani in completion of Ilkhani astronomical tables. I gathered in it all that I deduced
from the works of astronomers with geometrical proofs and which has not been in any other book
of astronomical tables. I also produced the astronomical tables Tashilat 5 and various tables. I
produced other treatises such as the treatise named the Ladder of Heaven [Sullam Al-Sama] on
the resolution of problems that occurred to predecessors on dimensions of celestial bodies, the
“Circumferential” treatise on the proportion of the circumference to the diameter, and the treatise
on chord and sine on obtaining them for the third of an arc with known chord and sine which
was difficult for predecessors as the author of Almagest6 said there is no way7

1
Means “son of” and commonly used in Arabic names.
2
Found in the right margin. Also, underneath in that right margin, there is a text which is independent from
the name. The text is open to a few interpretations but what is clear is “Mortmain property ‘Waqf’ of the pole
of the department of justice and center of governance. Written to the Sultan, son of Sultan, the Sultan Abu Said
Othman Khan, son on the Sultan Mustafa Khan may his fortune and his hopes last. May God The Provider give
him long life and honer and surround the name of Haj Amine the inspector of the two holy noble mosques.” The
italic parts of the text are not definite as they are hard to read.
3
It is T.ayyib as name here, but it is “T.abı̄b” as medical doctor in [3, 4].
4
Here it is“Zij Ilkhani” which is from zij, the astronomical tables and “Ilkhani” the “subordinate Khan” which
is most likely referring to Hulagu Khan, the Mongol ruler, who was the patron of the author of the astronomical
tables in his time.
5
Tashilat literally means ease or shortcuts and the title Zij al-Tashilat may just mean the book that is of
shortcuts in computing the astronomical tables.
6
Written by Claudius Ptolemy in the second century CE, Almagest was the main astronomy book in the Greek
scientific tradition. It received much attention from the scholars in the medieval Islamic scholars. See [32] for more
on the importance of Almagest in the medieval Islamic science.
7
At the bottom of some pages, the first word of the next page is written.
20 The Miftāh. Translation
The Miftāh. Translation 21

to obtain it. I invented a device called Plate of Heavens.8 I described how to make it and how to
use it in the book “The Planetary Equatorium.”9 It is a device to calculate positions of planets,
their latitudes and distances from the earth, their recurrence, the lunar eclipse, solar eclipse, and
whatever is related to them. I obtained answers to many problems skilled mathematicians asked
me to solve either as a test or as an inquiry. Even though some of them are not solved with one of
the six algebraic forms, in the process I discovered many rules by which the elementary operations
of arithmetic are performed in the easiest way, with the best methods, least effort, greatest benefit,
and clearer expressions. So, I decided to record and explain them so that they become a note
for cherished ones and a vision for the intelligent. Thus, I wrote this book and compiled in it all
that is needed by a calculator, avoiding any unnecessary pleonasm and incomplete summary. For
most operations, I put down rules in tables so that it becomes easy to grasp for engineers. All
the tables in this book are my original work except for seven tables. (A) The one containing the
results of the multiplications of [integers] smaller than ten. (B) The multiplication grid. (C) The
one containing the place values. (D) Examples of common denominators. (E) Knowing the place
of results of multiplications and divisions. (F) Table of Sine. (G) Knowing the nature of the result
of multiplication and division. I dedicated this to the great sultan, the just, the knowledgeable,
the kind, the sovereign over nations, the chieftain of the rulers of Arabs and non-Arabs, the Sultan
of east and west, ruler of the two borders,

8
“Tabaq Al-Manatiq” is a mechanical planetary computer.
9
The 1416 “Nuzhat Al-Hada’iq” book has been translated by E. S. Kennedy in 1960 as “The Planetary
Equatorium.”
22 The Miftāh. Translation
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upon such and such Sorts; so that the Boxes that holds those Sorts
ought to be most capacious.
His care in the choice of these Cases is, That the Wood they are
made of be well-season’d Stuff.
That the Partitions be strong, and true let into one another, and that
the ends fill up and stand firm in the Grooves of the Frame and
middle Rail of the Case.
There is an inconvenience that often happens, these thin Partitions,
especially if they be made of unseason’d Stuff, viz. as the Stuff dries
it shrinks in the Grooves of the Frame, and so not only grows loose,
but sometimes starts out above the top of the Frame. To prevent this
inconvenience, I have of late caused the ends of these thin partitions
to be made Male-Duf-tails, broadest on the under-side, and have
them fitted into Female-Duf-tails in the Frame of the Case, and
middle Rail before the bottom Boards are nailed on.
That the Partitions be full an English Body thick.
That the Partitions lye close to the bottom of the Case, that so the
Letters slide not through an upper into an under Box, when the
Papers of the Boxes may be worn.

§. 4. Of Frames to set the Cases on.

Frames are in most Printing-Houses made of thick Deal-board
Battens, having their several Rails Tennanted into the Stiles: but
these sorts of Frames are, in respect of their matter (viz. Fir) so
weak, and in respect of their substance (viz. little above an Inch
thick) so slight, that experience teaches us, when they are even new
made, they tremble and totter, and having lasted a little while, the
thinness of their Tennants being a little above a quarter of an Inch
thick, according to the Rules of Joynery, as I have shewn in Numb.
5. §. 17. They Craze, their Tennants break, or Mortesses split, and
put the Master-Printer to a fresh Charge.
It is rationally to be imagined that the Frames should be designed to
last as long as the Printing-house; and therefore our Master-Printer
ought to take care that they be made of matter strong enough, and of
substance big enough to do the Service they are intended for; that
they stand substantial and firm in their place, so as a small Jostle
against them shake them not, which often reiterated weakens the
Frame-work, and at that present is subject to shake the Letter in the
Galley down.
I shall not offer to impose Rules upon any here, especially since I
have no Authority from Prescript or Custom; yet I shall set down the
Scantlings that I my self thought fit to use on this occasion. A
Delineation of the Frames are in Plate 1. at C.

a a a a The Fore-Rails.
b b b b The Hind-Rails.
c The Top Fore-Rail.
d The Bottom Fore-Rail.
e The Top Hind-Rail.
f The Bottom Hind-Rail.
g g g g The End-Rail.
h h h h Cross-Bearers.

I made the Rails and Stiles of well-seasoned fine Oak, clean, (that is
free from Knots and Shakes) the Stiles and Rails two Inches and an
half square, the Top and Bottom Fore-Rails and the Bottom Hind-Rail
four Foot three Inches long, besides their Tennants; And the Top
Hind-Rail five Foot three Inches long. The two Fore-Rails and
Bottom Hind-Rail had Iron Female-Screws let into them, which,
through an hole made in the Stiles, received a Male-Screw with a
long shank, and a Sholder at the end of it to screw them tight and
firm together, even as the Rails of a Bedsted are screwed into the
Mortesses of a Bed-Post.
Each Back-Stile was four Foot one Inch and an half high besides
their Tennants, and each Fore-Stile three Foot three Inches high,
each Fore and Back-Stile had two Rails one Foot seven Inches long,
besides their Tennants Tennanted and Pin’d into them, because not
intended to be taken assunder.
It must be considered, that the Fore-stiles be of a convenient height
for the pitch of an ordinary Man to stand and work at, which the
heighth aforesaid is; And that the Hind stiles be so much higher than
the Fore-stiles, that when the Cross-Bearers are laid upon the upper
Fore and Hind-Rail, and the Cases laid on them, the Cases may
have a convenient declivity from the upper-side the Upper-Case, to
the lower side the Lower-Case.
The Reason of this declivity is, because the Cases standing thus
before the Workman, the farther Boxes of the Upper-Case are more
ready and easie to come at, than if they lay flat; they being in this
position somewhat nearer the hand, and the Letters in those Boxes
somewhat easier seen.
If the Workman prove taller than Ordinary, he lays another or two
pair of Cases under the Cases he uses, to mount them: If the
Workman be short, as Lads, &c. He lays a Paper-board (or
sometimes two) on the floor by the Fore-side of the Frame, and
standing to work on it, mounts himself.
The Bearers are made of Slit-Deal, about two Inches broad, and so
long as to reach from the Fore-Rail through the Upper-Rail, and are
let in, so as to lye even with the superficies of the Fore and Hind-
Rail, and at such a distance on both the Rails, as you may see in the
Figure.
 Plate 2.

On the Superficies of the Fore-Rail, even with its Fore-Edge is nailed

a small Riglet about half an Inch high, and a quarter and half quarter
of an Inch thick, that the Cases set on the Frame having the
aforesaid declivity, may by it be stop’t from sliding off.

§. 5. Of the Galley.
Our Master-Printer is also to provide Galleys of different sizes, That
the Compositer may be suited with small ones when he Composes
small Pages, and with great ones for great Pages.
The Galley is marked A in Plate 2.

a b c The Sides or Frame of the Galley.

d The Slice.

These Galleys are commonly made of two flat Wainscot Boards,

each about a quarter and half quarter of an Inch thick, the uppermost
to slide in Grooves of the Frame, close down to the undermost,
though for small Pages a single Board with two sides for the Frame
may serve well enough: Those Wainscot Boards are an Oblong
Square, having its length longer than its breadth, even as the form of
a Page hath. The three Sides of the Frame are fixed fast and square
down on the upper Plain of the undermost Board, to stand about
three fifth parts of the height of the Letter above the superficies of
the Slice. The Sides of the Frame must be broad enough to admit of
a pretty many good strong Oaken Pins along the Sides, to be drove
hard into the Bottom Board, and almost quite through the Sides of
the Frame, that the Frame may be firmly fixed to it: But by no means
must they be Glewed on to the Bottom Board, because the
Compositer may sometimes have occasion to wet the Page in the
Galley, and then (the Galley standing aslope upon the Case) the
Water will soak between the sides of the Frame, and under Board,
and quickly loosen it.

§. 6. Of the Correcting-stone.
The Correcting-Stone marked B in Plate 2. is made of Marble,
Purbeck, or any other Stone that may be made flat and smooth: But
yet the harder the Stone is the better; wherefore Marble is more
preferable than Purbeck. First, Because it is a more compact Stone,
having fewer and smaller Pores in it than Purbeck. And Secondly,
because it is harder, and therefore less subject to be prick’d with the
corners of a Chase, if through carelessness (as it sometimes
happens) it be pitch’d on the Face of the Stone.
It is necessary to have it capacious, viz. large enough to hold two
Chases and more, that the Compositer may sometimes for his
convenience, set some Pages by on it ready to Impose, though two
Chases lye on the Stone: Therefore a Stone of about Four Foot and
an half long, and Two Foot broad is a convenient size for the
generality of Work.
This Stone is to be laid upon a strong Oaken-wood Frame, made like
the Frame of a common Table, so high, that the Face of the Stone
may lye about three Foot and an Inch above the Floor: And under
the upper Rail of the Frame may be fitted a Row or two of Draw-
Boxes, as at a a a a a a and b b b on each of its longest Sides to
hold Flowers, Brass-Rules, Braces, Quotations, small Scabbords,
&c.

§. 7. Of Letter-Boards, and Paper-Boards.

Letter-Boards are Oblong Squares, about two Foot long, eighteen
Inches broad, and an Inch and a quarter thick. They ought to be
made of clean and well-season’d Stuff, and all of one piece: Their
upper-side is to be Plained very flat and smooth, and their under-
side is Clamped with pieces about two Inches square, and within
about four Inches of either end, as well to keep them from Warping,
as to bear them off the Ground or any other Flat they stand on, that
the Fingers of the Compositer may come at the bottom of the Board
to remove it whither he will: They are commonly made of Fir, though
not so thick as I have mentioned, or all of one Piece: Deal-Boards of
this breadth may serve to make them of; but Joyners commonly put
Master-Printers off with ordinary Deal-Boards, which not being broad
enough, they joyn two together; for which cause they frequently
shrink, so as the joynt comes assunder, and the Board becomes
useless, unless it be to serve for a Paper-Board afterwards: For
small and thin Letters will, when the Form is open, drop through, so
as the Compositer cannot use the Board.
I us’d to make them of Sugar-Chest; That Stuff being commonly well-
season’d, by the long lying of the Sugar in it, and is besides a fine
hard Wood, and therefore less subject to be injured by the end of the
Shooting-Stick when a Form is Unlocking.
Paper-Boards are made just like the Letter-Boards, though seldom
so large, unless for great Work: Nor need such strict care be taken in
making them so exactly smooth: their Office being only to set Heaps
of Paper on, and to Press the Paper with.

§. 8. Of Furniture, Quoyns, Scabbord, &c.

By Furniture is meant the Head-sticks, Foot-sticks, Side-sticks,
Gutter-sticks, Riglets, Scabbords and Quoyns.
Head-sticks and all other Furniture, except Scabbord, are made of
dry Wainscot, that they may not shrink when the Form stands by;
They are Quadrat high, straight, and of an equal thickness all the
length: They are made of several thicknesses for several Works, viz.
from a Brevier which serves for some Quarto’s to six or eight Pica
thick, which is many times us’d to Folio’s: And many of the Head-
sticks may also serve to make Inner Side-sticks of; for the Master-
Printer provides them of lengths long enough for the Compositer to
cut to convenient Scantlins or Lengths, they being commonly about a
Yard long when they come from the Joyners. And Note, that the
Head and Side-sicks are called Riglets, if they exceed not an English
thick.
Outer Side-sticks and Foot-sticks marked C in Plate 2. are of the
same heighth of the Head-sticks, viz. Quadrat high, and are by the
Joyner cut to the given length, and to the breadth of the particular
Pages that are to be Imposed: The Side-sticks are placed against
the outer-side of the Page, and the Foot-sticks against the foot or
bottom of the Page: The outer-sides of these Side and Foot-sticks
are bevil’d or sloped from the further to the hither end.
Gutter-sticks marked D in Plate 2. are as the former, Quadrat high,
and are used to set between Pages on either side the Crosses, as in
Octavo’s, Twelves, Sixteens, and Forms upwards; They are made of
an equal thickness their whole length, like Head-sticks; but they have
a Groove, or Gutter laid on the upper-side of them, as well that the
Water may drain away when the Form is Washed or Rinced, as that
they should not Print, when through the tenderness of the Tinpan,
the Plattin presses it and the Paper lower than ordinary.
Scabbord is that sort of Scale commonly sold by some Iron-mongers
in Bundles; And of which, the Scabbords for Swords are made: The
Compositer cuts it Quadrat high, and to his Length.
The Master-Printer is to provide both Thick and Thin Scabbord, that
the Compositer may use either when different Bodied Letter happens
in a Page, to justifie the Page to a true length; And also that the
Press-man may chuse Thick or Thin to make truer Register, as shall
be shewed in proper place.
Quoyns are also Quadrat high, and have one of their sides Bevil’d
away to comply with the Bevil of the Side and Foot-sticks; they are of
different Lengths, and different Breadths: The great Quoyns about
three Inches square, except the Bevil on one side as aforesaid; and
these sizes deminish downwards to an Inch and an half in length,
and half an Inch in breadth.
Of these Quoyns our Master-Printer provides several hundreds, and
should provide them of at the least ten different Breadths between
the aforesaid sizes, that the Compositer may chuse such as will best
fit the Chase and Furniture.
The Office of these Quoyns are to Lock up the Form, viz. to wedge it
up (by force of a Mallet and Shooting-stick) so close together, both
on the sides and between Head and Foot of the Page, that every
Letter bearing hard against every next Letter, the whole Form may
Rise; as shall be shewed hereafter.
Their farther Office is to make Register at the Press.

§. 9. ¶. 1. Of the Mallet, Shooting-stick and

Dressing-Block, Composing-sticks, Bodkin, and
Chase. &c.
Printers Mallets have a Cilindrick Head, and a round Handle; The
Head somewhat bigger, and the Handle somewhat longer than those
Joyners commonly use; Yet neither shape or size different for any
reason to be given: But only a Custom always used to have them so.
The Head is commonly made of Beech.

¶. 2. Of the Shooting-stick.

The Shooting-stick must be made of Box, which Wood being very

hard, and withal tough, will best and longest endure the knocking
against the Quoyns. Its shape is a perfect Wedge about six Inches
long, and its thicker end two Inches broad, and an Inch and an half
thick; and its thin end about an Inch and an half broad, and half an
Inch thick.
 ¶. 3. Of the Dressing-Block.

The Dressing-Block should be made of Pear-tree, Because it is a

soft wood, and therefore less subject to injure the Face of the Letter;
it is commonly about three Inches square, and an Inch high. Its
Office is to run over the Face of the Form, and whilst it is thus
running over, to be gently knock’t upon with the Head of the Shooting
stick, that such Letters as may chance to stand up higher than the
rest may be pressed down.
Our Master-Printer must also provide a pair of Sheers, such as
Taylors use, for the cutting of Brass-Rules, Scabbords, &c.
A large Spunge or two, or more, he must also provide, one for the
Compositers use, and for every Press one.
Pretty fine Packthread to tye up Pages with; But this is often chosen
(or at least directed) by the Compositer, either finer or courser,
according to the great or small Letter he works upon.

¶. 4. Of the Composing-stick.

Though every Compositer by Custom is to provide himself a

Composing-stick, yet our Master-Printer ought to furnish his House
with these Tools also, and such a number of them as is suitable to
the size of his House; Because we will suppose our Master-Printer
intends to keep some Apprentices, and they, unless by contract or
courtesie, are not used to provide themselves Composing-sticks:
And besides, when several Compositers work upon the same Book,
their Measures are all set alike, and their Titles by reason of Notes or
Quotations broader than their common Measure, So that a
Composing-stick is kept on purpose for the Titles, which must
therefore be common to all the Compositers that work upon that
Work; And no one of them is obliged to provide a Composing-stick in
common for them all: Therefore it becomes our Master-Printers task
to provide them.
It is delineated in Plate 2. at E.

a The Head.
b b The Bottom.
c c The Back.
d The lower Sliding-Measure, or Cheek.
e The upper Sliding-Measure, or Cheek.
f f The Male-Screw.
g The Female-Screw.

These Composing-sticks are made of Iron Plate about the thickness

of a thin Scabbord, and about ten Inches long doubled up square; so
as the Bottom may be half an Inch and half a quarter broad, and the
Back about an whole Inch broad. On the further end of this Iron Plate
thus doubled up, as at a is Soldered on an Iron Head about a Long-
Primmer thick; But hath all its outer-edges Basil’d and Fil’d away into
a Molding: This Iron Head must be so let into the Plate, and
Soldered on to it, that it may stand truly square with the bottom, and
also truly square with the Back, which may be known by applying the
outer-sides of a square to the Back and Bottom; as I shewed, Numb.
3. Fol. 38, 39. About two Inches from the Head, in the Bottom, is
begun a row of round holes about an Inch assunder, to receive the
shank of the Male-Screw that screws the Sliding-Measures fast
down to the Bottom; so that the Sliding-Measures may be set nearer
or further from the Head, as the Measure of a Page may require.
The lower Sliding-Measure marked d is an Iron Plate a thick
Scabbord thick, and of the Breadth of the inside of the Bottom; It is
about four Inches long, and in its middle hath a Groove through it
within half an Inch of the Fore-end, and three quarters of an Inch of
the hinder end. This Groove is so wide all the way, that it may
receive the Shank of the Screw. On the Fore-end of this Plate stands
square upright another Iron Head about a Brevier thick, and reaches
so high as the top of the Back.
The upper Sliding-Measure is made just like the lower, only it is
about three quarters of an Inch shorter.
Between these two Sliding-Measures, Marginal Notes are
Composed to any Width.
Compositers commonly examine the Truth of their Stick by applying
the head of the Sliding-Measure to the inside of the Head of the
Stick; and if they comply, they think they are square and true made:
But this Rule only holds when the Head it self is square. But if it be
not, ’tis easy to file the Sliding-Measures to comply with them:
Therefore, as aforesaid, the square is the only way to examine them
by.

¶. 5. Of the Bodkin.

The Bodkin is delineated in Plate 2. at F Its Blade is made of Steel,

and well tempered, its shape is round, and stands about two Inches
without the Shank of the Handle. The Handle is turned of soft wood
as Alder, Maple, &c. that when Compositers knock the Head of the
Bodkin upon the Face of a Single Letter when it stands too high, it
may not batter the Face.

¶. 6. Of Chases, marked G on the Correcting-Stone, Plate 2.

A Chase is an Iron Frame about two and twenty Inches long,

eighteen Inches broad, and half Inch half quarter thick; and the
breadth of Iron on every side is three quarters of an Inch: But an
whole Inch is much better, because stronger. All its sides must stand
exactly square to each other; And when it is laid on the Correcting-
Stone it must lye exactly flat, viz. equally bearing on all its sides and
Angles: The outside and inside must be Filed straight and smooth. It
hath two Crosses belonging to it, viz. A Short-Cross marked a a and
a Long-Cross marked b b: These two Crosses have on each end a
Male Duftail Filed Bevil away from the under to the upper-side of the
Cross, so that the under-side of the Duftail is narrower than the
upper-side of the Duftail. These Male-Duftails are fitted into Female-
Duftails, Filed in the inside of the Chase, which are also wider on the
upper side of the Chase than on the under-side; because the upper-
side of the Cross should not fall through the lower side. These
Crosses are called the Short and the Long-Cross.
The Short-Cross is Duftail’d in as aforesaid, just in the middle of the
Chase as at c c, and the Long-Cross in the middle of the other sides
the Chase, as at d d. The Short-Cross is also Duftail’d into Female-
Duftails, made as aforesaid, about three Inches and an half from the
middle, as at e e: So that the Short-Cross may be put into either of
the Female-Duftails as occasion serves. The middle of these two
Crosses are Filed or notched half way through, one on its upper, the
other on its under-side to let into one another, viz. the Short-Cross is
Filed from the upper towards the under-side half way, and the Long-
Cross is Filed from the lower towards the upper-side half way: The
Crosses are also thus let into each other, where they meet at f, when
the Short-Cross is laid into the other Female-Duftails fitted to it at e
e.
In the middle, between the two edges of the upper side of the Short-
Cross, is made two Grooves parallel to the sides of the Cross,
beginning at about two Inches from each end, and ending at about
seven Inches from each end: It is made about half an Inch deep all
the way, and about a quarter of an Inch broad, that the Points may
fall into them. The Short-Cross is about three quarters of an Inch
thick, and the Long-Cross about half that thickness. All their sides
must be Fil’d straight and smooth, and they must be all the way of an
equal thickness.
Hitherto our Master-Printer hath provided Materials and Implements
only for the Compositers use; But he must provide Machines and
Tools for the Press-mans to use too: which (because I am loath to
discourage my Customers with a swelling price at the first reviving of
these Papers) I shall (though against my interest) leave for the
subject of the next succeeding Exercises.

ADVERTISEMENTS.
THe first Volumne of Mechanick Exercises, Treating of the Smiths,
the Joyners, the Carpenters, and the Turners Trades, containing
37½ sheets, and 18 Copper Cuts, are to be had by the Author.
Joseph Moxon. Price 9s. 3d. in Quires.
THe first Volumne of the Monthly Collection of Letters for
Improvement of Husbandry and Trade, containing Twenty four
Sheets with an Index, is now finished, and the second is carrying on:
By John Haughton,
Fellow
of the Royal
Society.
Plate 3.
 MECHANICK EXERCISES:
Or, the Doctrine of

Handy-works.
Applied to the Art of

Printing.
§. 10. Of the Press.
THere are two sorts of Presses in use, viz. the old fashion and the
new fashion; The old fashion is generally used here in England; but I
think for no other reason, than because many Press-men have
scarce Reason enough to distinguish between an excellently
improved Invention, and a make-shift slovenly contrivance, practiced
in the minority of this Art.
The New-fashion’d Presses are used generally throughout all the
Low-Countries; yet because the Old-fashion’d Presses are used
here in England (and for no other Reason) I have in Plate 3. given
you a delineation of them; But though I give you a draft of them; yet
the demensions of every particular Member I shall omit, referring
those that think it worth their while, to the Joyners and Smiths that
work to Printers: But I shall give a full description of the New-
fashion’d Press, because it is not well known here in England; and if
possible, I would for Publick benefit introduce it.
But before I proceed, I think it not amiss to let you know who was the
Inventer of this New-fashion’d Press, accounting my self so much
oblig’d to his Ingeniety for the curiosity of this contrivance, that
should I pass by this oppertunity without nameing him, I should be
injurious to his Memory.
It was Willem Jansen Blaew of Amsterdam: a Man as well famous
for good and great Printing, as for his many Astronomical and
Geographical exhibitions to the World. In his Youth he was bred up
to Joynery, and having learn’d his Trade, betook himself (according
to the mode of Holland) to Travel, and his fortune leading him to
Denmark, when the noble Tycho Brahe was about setting up his
Astronomical Observatory, was entertain’d into his service for the
making his Mathematical-Instruments to Observe withal; in which
Instrument-making he shew’d himself so intelligent and curious, that
according to the general report of many of his personal
acquaintance, all or most of the Syderal Observations set forth in
Tycho’s name, he was intrusted to make, as well as the Instruments.
 Plate 4.
And before these Observations were publish’d to the World, Tycho,
to gratify Blaew, gave him the Copies of them, with which he came
away to Amsterdam, and betook himself to the making of Globes,
according to those Observations. But as his Trade increased, he
found it necessary to deal in Geographical Maps and Books also,
and grew so curious in Engraving, that many of his best Globes and
Maps were Engraved by his own Hands; and by his conversation in
Printing of Books at other Printing-houses, got such insight in this
Art, that he set up a Printing-house of his own. And now finding
inconveniencies in the obsolete Invention of the Press, He contrived
a remedy to every inconvenience, and fabricated nine of these New-
fashioned Presses, set them all on a row in his Printing-house, and
call’d each Press by the name of one of the Muses.
This short History of this excellent Man is, I confess forraign to my
Title; But I hope my Reader will excuse the digression, considering it
tends only to the commemoration of a Person that hath deserved
well of Posterity, and whose worth without this small Monument,
might else perhaps have slid into Oblivion.
The Press is a Machine consisting of many Members; it is delineated
in Plate 4.

a a The Feet.
b b The Cheeks.
c The Cap.
d The Winter.
e The Head.
f The Till.
g g The Hose. In the Cross-Iron of which, encompassing
the Spindle, is the Garter.
h h h h The Hooks on the Hose the Plattin hangs on.
i k l m n The Spindle.
i Part of the Worm below the Head, whose upper part lies in
the Nut in the Head.
k l The Eye of the Spindle.
m The Shank of the Spindle.