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An Examination of Black LGBT
Populations Across the United
States
Juan Battle • Antonio (Jay) Pastrana, Jr. • Angelique Harris
An Examination
of Black LGBT
Populations Across
the United States
Intersections of Race and Sexuality
Juan Battle Antonio (Jay) Pastrana, Jr.
Graduate Center John Jay College of Criminal Justice
City University of New York City University of New York
New York, USA New York, USA
Angelique Harris
Marquette University
Milwaukee, USA
1 Introduction 1
Naming and Labels 3
LGBT Communities 4
Black LGBT Communities 5
Black LGBTs Coming Out 6
Black LGBT Family Life 6
Black LGBT Spirituality 7
The Significance of Black LGBT Sexuality 7
Organization of the Book 8
References 9
2 Current Trends 17
Current Trends 18
Trans* Issues 18
Immigration 19
Marriage 20
Economics 21
Health 21
References 22
v
vi CONTENTS
Religion 32
Notes 33
References 33
5 Family Life 45
Support within Families 46
Relationships and Children 53
Note 55
References 55
Index 65
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
vii
viii ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Introduction
Abstract This chapter provides a context for the entire volume. First,
issues around language and labeling are presented. Next a general discus-
sion is provided concerning larger lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans*
(LGBT) communities. Then, more specific information is provided for
Black LGBT communities, with a particular focus on issues of coming out,
family life, and spirituality. This is followed by a discussion of the signifi-
cance of Black LGBT sexuality. Finally, the chapter ends with a presenta-
tion of how the rest of the book is organized.
“What? You’re gay? No child of mine is gay! Don’t you dare tell anyone.
And if anyone finds out, especially at church, you’re no longer welcome in
this family.”
These are some of the comments Jamal W. (a stocky young Black man
who grew up in a working-class family in Washington, DC) expected to
hear from his father (a deacon in their local church) when he decided that
at 16 it was time to come out to his family. And Jamal had good reason to
worry. Though he could point to no specific events or comments, he
somehow had “heard” that Black families, mainly because of the influence
of the Black church, were more homophobic than other families.
LGBT COMMUNITIES
Though there is more to be done, scholars have investigated lesbian and gay
experiences from a historical perspective (Chauncey 1994; D‘Emilio 2002;
Epstein 1999; Gamson and Moon 2004; Sedgwick 1990; Seidman 2006;
Vaid 1995). Further, others have highlighted the importance of race
(Ferguson 2007; Guzmán 2006; Sommerville 2000; Vidal-Ortiz 2008)
and racism (McBride 2005; Young and Meyer 2005) on that history.
By creating separate groups of people based on heterosexual and homo-
sexual identity, many have argued that the medical field was instrumental in
stigmatizing sexual minorities (Weeks 1996). In addition, the most powerful
institution informing the “racial morphology” within the United States has
been the law (Haney López 1996). Therefore, in resistance to that unique
oppression, researchers have linked experiences of sexual minorities of color
with issues of social justice (Cohen 1997; Teunis et al. 2006).
Because so much research focuses on disease and illness instead of
health and well-being, a strong bias exists in social science research
(Boehmer 2002; Keyes and Grzywacz 2005). As a result, there have
been explicit calls for more research highlighting a resilience over a deficit
model (Akerlund and Cheung 2000; Masten 1994; Shih 2004). Adrienne
Rich has encouraged more dynamic thinking when it comes to sexuality.
For example, she describes a lesbian continuum to convey that sexuality is
more fluid than fixed (1981). Social identity (whether racial or sexual
1 INTRODUCTION 5
The reasons for the paucity of research on LGBT families of color are
multifold. Bennett and Battle (2001), however, present a powerful cri-
tique of that lack of research:
Another reason for the lack of research on LGBT . . . black families is the belief
by many mainstream . . . scholars and researchers that it is not their job to
address the African American LGBT population if they themselves are not
part of that population. “What” they might ask, “gives us the right to speak
authoritatively on a subject position that we do not occupy?” This is a legit-
imate question, one that is related to other important questions about the role
of subjectivity in social science research and the dangers of misappropriating
the experience of research subjects. However, the implication that LGBTs
should be the only ones held responsible for research in this area is erroneous.
It acts as a way of dodging the hard work necessary to thoroughly research and
fairly represent a research subject that is different from and perhaps even hostile
to the researcher (a not unusual situation). (61)
shaped by gender, race, and sexuality that frame all men and women’s
treatment of one another, as well as how individual men and women are
perceived and treated by others.”
Due to changes in immigration patterns, ethnic diversity within Black
populations has grown significantly in the past 20 years and will continue
to grow into the future. As a result, understanding ethnic diversity within
this community is crucial. Further, given the United States’ clear history
of regulating Black bodies, understanding that impact on sexuality is
warranted. Many a page has been written about the importance of family
to Black people in the United States; what’s needed, however, is more
thorough research on how the regulation of Black bodies manifests
across multiple family formations (e.g., single vs. married households,
same-sex vs. opposite-sex marriages, households with children vs. those
without, etc.). While models of resiliency are understudied, narratives of
pathology—from HIV/AIDS and obesity to high blood pressure and
depression—are plentiful and disproportionately applied to Black sexual
minorities.
As a result, Black LGBT people in the United States are more likely to
be the subject of assumptions (e.g., hypersexuality) than research. And for
the research that does exist, far too much of it emphasizes oppression and
marginalization. Additionally, there is the burden of navigating racism
(both inside LGBT communities and beyond), homophobia (both inside
Black communities and beyond), and the intersection of the two. More
specifically, all too often, while their larger heterosexual Black commu-
nities fight for racial justice and the larger White LGBT communities fight
for sexual justice, the unique experiences of Black LGBTs go unvoiced.
It has been argued that people are destroyed from a lack of knowledge.
Through sound research and reasoned thinking, this book addresses erro-
neous information and myths with the expectation that if ignorance kills,
then knowledge will empower.
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CHAPTER 2
Current Trends
Abstract This chapter presents current trends for Black LGBT commu-
nities. More specifically, five unique areas are explored: trans* issues,
immigration, marriage, economics, and health.
MYTH: All sexual and racial minorities use the same terms to identify
themselves.
REALITY: Throughout history, the categories for race, ethnicity, and
sexuality have changed. Even within groups, there is diver-
sity in the labels people like to use to refer to themselves.
MYTH: All trans* people are White.
REALITY: There is significant racial diversity within the trans*
community.
MYTH: Immigration is not an issue for LGBT communities.
REALITY: There are thousands of same-sex couples throughout the
United States where one or neither partner is a US citizen.
Further, immigration is often a means through which LGBT
individuals—regardless of relationship status—seek shelter
from legal and social stigmas in their countries of origin.
MYTH: All LGBT people identify marriage as a top issue.
CURRENT TRENDS
According to the Pew Research Center’s 2013 LGBT survey and the Pew
Research Center analysis of the 2011 American Community Survey, Black
Americans comprise 12% of all US adults, and 10% of all LGBT adults.
Arguably, the biggest current trend affecting Black LGBT people crystal-
ized on Friday, June 26, 2015. On that day, the United States’ Supreme
Court ruled that the Constitution guarantees a right to same-sex marriage.
Though that event was monumental it was by no means all-encompassing.
In short, Black sexual minorities have aspects of, and issues in, their lives
that may be related to, but also go beyond, same-sex marriage. In this
chapter, we examine a few of these. Among them, we provide specific
attention to: issues related to trans* people, immigration issues, marriage,
economic issues, and health.
TRANS* ISSUES
According to a report jointly published by the National Black Justice
Coalition (NBJC), the National Center for Transgender Equality
(NCTE), and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force (NGLTF) “the
combination of anti-transgender bias with structural and interpersonal
racism [means] that transgender and gender non-conforming people of
color, including those who are Black, experience particularly devastating
levels of discrimination” (National Center for Transgender Equality
2010). For example, far too often, Black trans* people live in extreme
poverty, with 34% reporting a household income of less than $10,000 a
year, which, according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2008), is more than
2 CURRENT TRENDS 19
twice the rate for trans* people of all races (15%), almost four times the
general Black population rate (9%), and over eight times the general U.S.
population rate (4%).
Even in the presence of devastating levels of discrimination, how-
ever, there are powerful glimmers of hope. For example, Black trans*
people who are out to their families find higher rates of acceptance than
do trans* people of other races; and they are less likely to face dis-
crimination than those who are not out to their families (National
Center for Transgender Equality 2010). Further, 55% of Black trans*
respondents said their family ties were as strong today as before they
came out. This level of family acceptance was higher than for any other
racial group studied. Additionally, for Black trans* people, family
acceptance correlates with lower rates of negative outcomes such as
suicide, homelessness, and becoming HIV positive (National Center for
Transgender Equality 2010).
Also encouraging is the number of national (e.g., NBJC 2015) and
local (e.g., MTPC 2015) agencies implementing campaigns that highlight
the lives and accomplishments of Black trans* people.
IMMIGRATION
According to the NGLTF (NGLTF 2014), almost 80 countries have laws
that discriminate against LGBT people; and in seven countries, there is
capital punishment for having sex with someone of the same sex. In the
United States, thousands of LGBT people apply for asylum, but only
about 1,000 are admitted annually; and the US has over 267,000 LGBT
adults who are undocumented immigrants. Almost three-quarters (72%)
of people in the United States, however, feel that undocumented immi-
grants should be able to remain in the US legally (Pew 2015a).
Just as there is a military industrial complex and a prison industrial
complex, some have argued that the United States has an immigration
detention industrial complex as well (Kalhan 2010). With an annual
budget of over 3.3 billion dollars and with about 33,000 people in
detention on any given day, the US Immigration and Customs
Enforcement (ICE) is quite a substantial federal agency. Further,
almost half of those detained by ICE are held by private corporations,
who get millions of dollars from the federal government for their
services. Caught in this web are detained LGBT immigrants who,
20 AN EXAMINATION OF BLACK LGBT POPULATIONS ACROSS THE UNITED STATES
MARRIAGE
In 2001, about 57% of people in the United States opposed same-sex
marriage; by 2015, the same percentage (57%) favored it (Pew 2015b).
Though there were some racial differences, they were not at all dramatic.
Racial difference and patterns are dramatic, however, when examining mar-
riage patterns—for both opposite-sex and same-sex couples. For example,
among Black adults aged 25 and older, the share who has never been
married has quadrupled over the past half century—from 9% in 1960 to
36% in 2012. For Whites, the share has doubled (from 8% to 16%) (Pew
2014). Though the Census Bureau collects data on same-sex couples, it does
not include information on unpartnered—or single—gay men or lesbians.
Nor does it track same-sex couples who do not live together in the same
household. Therefore, Census Bureau tabulations should be read cautiously.
According to the Pew Research Center (2013a), nearly 650,000 same-
sex couple households of all races were counted in the 2010 Census. They
included nearly 515,000 unmarried-partner couples and nearly 132,000
couples who identified themselves as married. Though there are some
similarities, differences exist in patterns for Black householders compared
to their White counterparts:
ECONOMICS
According to Black LGBT respondents of the Social Justice Sexuality (SJS)
Project, economic issues are THE most important concerns they face
(Battle et al. 2012). This is not a surprising finding given differential
experiences with poverty and employment discrimination. For example,
according to the Pew Research Center 2013 LGBT survey and the Pew
Research Center analysis of the 2011 American Community Survey,
LGBT adults are more likely to be poor than their non-LGBT counter-
parts. More specifically, while 28% of all adults have an income of less than
$30,000, almost 40% of all LGBT adults do. Concomitantly, Black com-
munities are philanthropically underserved. For example, according to a
report published by the Funders for LGBTQ Issues (2014), in 2013,
Black LGBT communities received about 5% of all domestic funding for
LGBT issues.
Further, in one of the first and most comprehensive studies ever con-
ducted on LGBT poverty, Albeda and colleagues (2009) found, among
other things, that poverty is at least as common in the LGBT population as
among heterosexual people and their families; children in gay and lesbian
couple households have poverty rates twice as high as those of children in
heterosexual married couple households; and Black people in same-sex
couples are much more likely to be poor than White same-sex couples.
And more recently, a 2012 Gallup poll found that 35% of those who
identify as LGBT report incomes of less than $24,000 a year, significantly
higher than the 24% for the population in general (Gates and Newport
2012).
The long history of practices leading to LGBT workplace discrimina-
tion has been well documented elsewhere (Badgett et al. 2009).
Significantly, however, these practices continue today. And extensive
research has shown that discrimination against LGBT people has a nega-
tive impact in terms of health, wages, job opportunities, productivity in
the workplace, and job satisfaction (Sears and Mallory 2011).
HEALTH
Economic inequities serve both to create and sustain health inequities
(Sears and Mallory 2011). Research shows that Black LGBT adults are
more likely to delay or not seek healthcare than their heterosexual
counterparts; and compared to other racial and sexual minorities, they
22 AN EXAMINATION OF BLACK LGBT POPULATIONS ACROSS THE UNITED STATES
are more likely to have diabetes and delay or do not get needed
prescription medicines (Krehely 2009). Further, analysis conducted by
the Center for American Progress found that Black LGBT women are
the least likely to have had a mammogram in the past two years
(Krehely 2009).
Not all issues concerning Black LGBT people are negative. For exam-
ple, a nationwide sample of LGBT people of color found no difference in
the perceived mental health of Black LGBTs and their LGBT of color
counterparts (Battle et al. 2012). When asked to rate their own general
health, Black LGBTs provided higher scores than did their LGBT coun-
terparts of color (Battle et al. 2012). Black LGBTs are more likely to have
health insurance and a regular doctor or health care provider (Turner et al.
2014) and are less likely to smoke than are their LGBT of color counter-
parts (Ortiz et al. 2015).
REFERENCES
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Albelda-Badgett-Schneebaum-Gates-LGB-Poverty-Report-March-2009.
Badgett, M.V.L., B. Sears, H. Lau, and D. Ho. 2009. Bias in the Workplace:
Consistent Evidence of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Discrimination
1998–2008. Chicago Kent Review 2(84): 559–595.
Battle, J., A.J. Pastrana, Jr., and J. Daniels. 2012. Social Justice Sexuality Survey:
The Executive Summary for the Black Population. New York.
Funders for LGBTQ Issues. 2014. 2013 Tracking Report: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
Transgender and Queer Grantmaking by U.S. Foundations. https://www.
lgbtfunders.org/files/2013_Tracking_Report.pdf.
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An dem heutigen Abend wurde aber in dieser Beziehung eine
Ausnahme gemacht, indem Sidonie nach kurzer Unterhaltung mit
Römer ihren Gästen verkündete, daß dieser sie durch Mittheilungen
über seine Reisen erfreuen würde.
Diese Nachricht wurde mit großer Freude aufgenommen, und der
Graf entledigte sich alsdann unter Vorzeigen der fremden
Gegenstände des der Prinzessin gegebenen Versprechens.
Unter den Gästen befand sich auch Mühlfels und dessen Mutter,
die Oberhofmeisterin.
Der Erstere fühlte sich an dem heutigen Abend in keiner
angenehmen Stimmung, indem man ihn über den Grafen vergaß
und lediglich diesem alle Aufmerksamkeit zuwandte.
Dieser Umstand verletzte des Barons Eitelkeit. Bisher hatte man
gern seinem Wort gelauscht und seine Mittheilungen hatten stets
Beifall geerntet; heute jedoch sah er sich wenig beachtet, und was
ihn am tiefsten verletzte, selbst von Sidonien, die, wie ihm nicht
entging, ihr ganzes Interesse dem Grafen zu schenken schien.
Sein Unmuth wurde freilich später dadurch beschwichtigt, daß er
Gelegenheit fand, sich in der gewöhnten Weise geltend zu machen,
ebenso durch die Voraussetzung, daß des Grafen ernstes, fast
kaltes Wesen ihm wenig geeignet schien, zärtliche Gefühle bei den
Frauen zu erregen, ganz abgesehen, daß, wie er sich mit Behagen
sagte, sich der Graf hinsichts der persönlichen Vorzüge nicht mit ihm
vergleichen durfte.
In diesem angenehmen Bewußtsein zollte er dem Grafen lauten
Beifall, obwol es ihm nicht gelang, diesem eine besondere
Beachtung für sich abzunöthigen. Vielleicht würde dies geschehen
sein, hätte der Graf des Barons Stellung bei dem Prinzen gekannt,
was jedoch nicht der Fall war. Da Sidonie, Aurelie und der Graf der
zu beobachtenden Vorsicht in ihrem Verhalten zu einander stets
eingedenk blieben, so gewann der Baron auch nicht die leiseste
Ahnung von dem wichtigen Interesse, das diese drei Personen
aneinander fesselte. Seine Täuschung wurde um so mehr befestigt,
da Sidonie, durch die Nähe des Geliebten beglückt, ihre
Empfindungen auch auf ihre Gäste übertrug und so auch Mühlfels
durch vermehrte freundliche Aufmerksamkeit beehrte.
Dieser ihm so angenehme Umstand diente ihm zugleich als
Beweis des von Sidonien für ihn gehegten wärmeren Interesses, und
so schied er in sehr befriedigter Stimmung.
Dies fand auch in Bezug auf die übrigen Personen statt,
namentlich jedoch hinsichts Sidoniens.
Als sie sich zurückgezogen hatte und mit Aurelien allein befand,
umarmte sie diese in überwallendem Gefühl, indem sie bemerkte:
»O, Aurelie, welch ein schöner Abend! O, daß ihm tausend und
aber tausend solche folgen möchten!«
Nach kurzer Pause fuhr sie dann fort:
»O, daß mein Glück durch den schrecklichen Gedanken getrübt
werden muß, wie bald diese Zeit dahin, wie bald e r mir wieder fern
sein und mich wieder die ganze Oede meines kummervollen
Daseins umgeben wird! O, ich mag nicht daran denken! Mein Herz
zuckt schmerzvoll zusammen und ich fühle mich entmuthigt bis zum
Tode!«
»Wie könnte das anders sein, und ich meine, theure Sidonie, es
ist gut, daß Du Dich der raschen Vergänglichkeit Deines Glücks
bewußt bleibst, um auf den Verlust desselben vorbereitet zu sein.
Zwar fühle ich mit Dir, wie schmerzlich diese Nothwendigkeit ist;
aber immer und immer mahnen mich die Verhältnisse, ihrer
eingedenk zu sein, damit Du Dich nicht in Deinem Kummer verlierst
und sich derselbe nicht noch mehr erhöht!« — entgegnete Aurelie
voll der herzlichsten Theilnahme.
»O, Du hast Recht, ganz Recht! Wie könnte es auch anders sein;
Deine Liebe sorgt und wacht ja unablässig über mich!« — fiel
Sidonie ein und umarmte die ihr so theure Freundin.
»Wenn uns auch der Graf verläßt, wir bleiben darum nicht ohne
Trost. Die Gewißheit seiner Nähe, die Hoffnung auf seine
Wiederkehr enthalten ja so viel Beruhigendes und Erfreuliches, daß
Du seine längere Abwesenheit leichter überwinden wirst.«
»Ich werde es, weil ich es m u ß. Ach, das Herz hat seine eigenen
Forderungen, meine Gute, und eben weil ich mich nach so langer
Zeit wieder glücklich fühle, vermag ich den Gedanken an den Verlust
des theuern Freundes noch nicht zu fassen. Aber Du hast Recht; ich
muß ruhiger werden und mein Glück mit Mäßigung und
Beherrschung genießen, und ich werde darauf bedacht sein. Lass’
uns noch einmal seine Geschenke betrachten, die er mir aus weiter
Ferne gebracht und die mir sagen, wie er meiner immer und immer
gedacht hat, in der Wüste wie an den Stätten der Kunst und der
blühenden Natur.«
Und Arm in Arm nahten sie dem Tisch, auf welchem dieselben
lagen, und ergötzten sich an ihrem Anblick, bewunderten deren
Eigenthümlichkeiten und gedachten dabei des Grafen oft und oft, bis
die späte Stunde sie zum Scheiden nöthigte. Diesem angenehmen
Abend folgten noch ähnliche. Bald war die von dem Grafen
festgesetzte Zeit zu seinem Aufenthalt verflossen, und dennoch
vermochte er Sidonien nicht Lebewohl zu sagen. Bei jedem
Scheiden von ihr las er ja in ihrem Auge die Bitte, noch zu verweilen
und ihr süßes Glück nicht zu stören. Und wie gern erfüllte er ihre
Wünsche, von dem eigenen Verlangen und Glück, das ihm ihr
Umgang gewährte, dazu genöthigt. Statt nur auf zwei Wochen
dehnte er seinen Besuch auf einen Monat aus, dann aber, durch
seine persönlichen Verhältnisse bestimmt, reiste er ab. Er schied
jedoch mit dem Versprechen, bald zurück zu kehren und alsdann
eine längere Zeit zu verweilen.
Während seiner Anwesenheit hatte er Sidonie nicht nur in den
Abendcirkeln gesehen, sondern er fand auch außerdem Gelegenheit
dazu, indem ihn der Ersteren Bruder bisweilen zu einem Besuch der
Prinzessin aufforderte.
Sidoniens abgeschlossenes Leben, das, unbeachtet von ihrem
Gemahl, ihr die Freiheit gewährte, sich nach Belieben zu bewegen,
nahm dem Grafen allmälig die Bedenken, welche er wegen seiner
öfteren Besuche bei Sidonien gehegt hatte. Da er dieselben jedoch
nur in des Prinzen Begleitung machte und ihn Sidonie daher nie
allein empfing, so däuchte ihm keine Gefahr für sie darin zu liegen,
und um so leichter gab er dem Verlangen seines Herzens nach.
Alle die bezeichneten Umstände waren es auch, welche ihm das
Versprechen seiner baldigen Wiederkehr abnöthigten. Hierauf übte
zugleich die freudige Entdeckung der vortheilhaften Wirkungen
seiner Nähe auf Sidoniens Befinden einen wesentlichen Einfluß aus.
Sie hatte in der kurzen Zeit seiner Anwesenheit sichtlich an Frische
gewonnen und die bisher von Kummer gebleichte Wange einen
feinen Rosenschimmer erhalten, ihr Auge war belebter, und sie
schien in dem Genuß ihres Glücks selbst ihr trübes Schicksal zu
vergessen. Wie hätte da der Graf von ihr scheiden können, ohne ihr
die Hoffnung des Wiedersehens zurück zu lassen! Ueberdies waren
die Verhältnisse der Art, daß er die Rückkehr ohne Sorge eines
Verrathes wagen durfte. Sidoniens Umgebung betrachtete ihn
lediglich als den Freund des Prinzen Leonhard, dem die Prinzessin
als solchen und als den interessanten Reisenden eine gewisse
Aufmerksamkeit schenkte, was man als etwas Gewöhnliches zu
bezeichnen für gut fand und den Besuchen des Grafen daher keine
Bedeutung beilegte.
Dies kam der Prinzessin sehr zu statten, ganz besonders jedoch
die häufige Abwesenheit des Prinzen, wodurch auch zugleich
Mühlfels von etwaigen Beobachtungen abgehalten wurde. Der Baron
sah den Grafen nur noch einmal und zwar an dem Abende, an
welchem dieser sich von der Prinzessin vor allen Gästen in der
förmlichsten Weise verabschiedete.
Er vor Allen hätte ihnen unter anderen Umständen gefährlich
werden können, da er das größte Interesse für Sidonie hegte, und so
war es ein glücklicher Zufall, daß die Umstände sich also
gestalteten.
Wir nennen diesen Zufall einen g l ü c k l i c h e n, anscheinend war
er ein solcher, und dennoch wäre es für Sidoniens und des Grafen
künftiges Geschick besser gewesen, hätte ihnen Mühlfels’ Nähe und
Beobachtung nicht gefehlt und diese in ihnen Zweifel an ihrer
Sicherheit erregt und sie dadurch zugleich veranlaßt, auf ein
baldiges Wiedersehen zu verzichten.
Denn es unterliegt keiner Frage, daß sich Mühlfels’ Interesse für
die Prinzessin bei den wiederholten Besuchen in so weit verrathen
hätte, daß des Grafen Aufmerksamkeit auf ihn dadurch erweckt
worden und er veranlaßt worden wäre, den Charakter des Barons zu
prüfen und vielleicht Erkundigungen über denselben einzuziehen.
Da dies nicht geschah, so blieben Sidonie und Aurelie in der
früheren Täuschung und somit von deren Gefahren bedroht.
Sechstes Kapitel.