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“One of the most insightful and prolific scholars of anti-Americanism
on the planet, Brendon O’Connor has produced an essential book for
the age of Trump. With sharp analysis of politics, culture, and
foreign policy, O’Connor cuts through two centuries of mythmaking
surrounding anti-Americanism to help us distinguish between
ideological prejudice and salutary critique.”
—Max Paul Friedman, American University, Washington, DC
This book argues against the tendency to see America as the worst
or best nation and instead presents a case for seeing anti-
Americanism as a counterproductive prejudice. There are many
reasons to criticise American policies, politics and even society, but a
crucial distinction must be drawn between criticism and prejudice.
Charting the development and adaptation of this anti-American
tradition, O’Connor maintains that it is important to contextualise it
within the particularities of the American experience and the global
reach of the United States’ influence and power. He argues for a
move away from stereotypes and caricatures towards more specific
and profitable discussions about American actions and policies.
Offering precise and useful ways of understanding anti-
Americanism and American exceptionalism that place the terms in
their relevant political contexts, this volume is a useful and engaging
resource for those researching or studying American politics and
ideology, foreign policy, American culture and international relations.
This new series sets out to publish high-quality works by leading and emerging
scholars critically engaging with United States Foreign Policy. The series welcomes
a variety of approaches to the subject and draws on scholarship from international
relations, security studies, international political economy, foreign policy analysis
and contemporary international history.
Subjects covered include the role of administrations and institutions, the media,
think tanks, ideologues and intellectuals, elites, transnational corporations, public
opinion, and pressure groups in shaping foreign policy, US relations with individual
nations, with global regions and global institutions and America’s evolving strategic
and military policies.
The series aims to provide a range of books – from individual research
monographs and edited collections to textbooks and supplemental reading for
scholars, researchers, policy analysts and students.
Brendon O’Connor
First published 2020
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2020 Brendon O’Connor
The right of Brendon O’Connor to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: O’Connor, Brendon, 1969- author.
Title: Anti-Americanism and American exceptionalism : prejudice and pride about
the USA / Brendon O’Connor.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge
studies in US foreign policy | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019004239| ISBN 9780415474283 (hbk) | ISBN
9780415474290 (pbk) | ISBN 9780429277436 (ebk)
Subjects: LCSH: Anti-Americanism. | Exceptionalism--United States. | United
States--Foreign public opinion.
Classification: LCC E895 .O36 2019 | DDC 327.73--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019004239
ISBN: 978-0-415-47428-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-415-47429-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-429-27743-6 (ebk)
For my sons, Finnegan and Sean
CONTENTS
List of illustrations
Acknowledgements
Preface: Are we all Americans or anti-Americans now?
Index
ILLUSTRATIONS
Figures
1.1 Opinions of the United States in four European countries,
1952–2006 (in % NET “favorable” opinion)
1.2 Opinions of the United States in four European countries,
2005–2017 (in % NET “favourable” opinion)
5.1 Ideology and US policy: a 3-tiered approach
Tables
1.1 Global attitudes toward the United States (% unfavourable)
6.1 Knowledge of foreign affairs
6.2a Hard news items
6.2b Soft news items
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This book emerged out of my passion for teaching and talking about
all things American, particularly the politics, culture, and foreign
relations of the United States of America. I am grateful that I have
had such attentive and engaged students to teach at Griffith
University and the University of Sydney who have listened to and
critiqued my ideas on anti-Americanism and American
exceptionalism. The first draft of this book was rehearsed on these
students and the conversations I have had with them has made this
a much stronger book. In the course of writing I had the opportunity
to present my ideas in a number of seminar series as well as giving
a few keynote addresses. I would like to take this opportunity to
express my gratitude to the audience members who engaged with
my ideas and provided comments on the work in progress. In
particular, I would like to thank those who attended and participated
in discussions at the Institute for the Study of the Americas,
University of East Anglia, Central European University, Woodrow
Wilson Center, World Affairs Council, University of Cambridge,
University of Texas, Florida International University, Ohio State
University, Montana State University, University of Chicago,
University of Munich, Macquarie University, and University of
Queensland. I would also like to thank Claire Maloney at Routledge
for her support and guidance in seeing the book through to
publication. Finally, I would like to thank the United States Studies
Centre at the University of Sydney for supporting this book and
thank Conor Wakefield and Dan Dixon for their diligent research
assistance work.
PREFACE: ARE WE ALL AMERICANS
OR ANTI-AMERICANS NOW?
On my virgin visit to the United States in early 1996 the first place I
stayed was in Times Square. Over the next few days while walking
around Manhattan Island I had a strong sensation – like many
tourists before me – that I had already been to New York City. In a
certain sense I had, courtesy of the films of Martin Scorsese and
numerous other directors. I came to know New York better a few
years later when I worked briefly in the World Trade Center for an
organisation that researched drug use and HIV/AIDS. This gave me
a particular familiarity with the Twin Towers, a familiarity I would
soon share with millions of television viewers around the world as
we all watched, over and over again, the towers being hit and then
collapsing. Even today watching on YouTube, footage of the planes
crashing into the towers is both spectacular and appalling. The
attacks arguably grabbed global attention in a manner unrivalled by
any single other event this century and, along with the assassination
of JFK and the landing of the first man on the moon, are among the
most dramatic televised moments in human history. These iconic
events demanded attention because of their apparent uniqueness,
significance, and possible consequences. Undoubtedly these events
also received so much attention because they either occurred in
America1 or, in the case of the moon landing, were carried out by
Americans. The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks opened up an
instant global conversation about anti-Americanism, leading over the
next few years to a flood of books on the topic.2 Therefore it is fair
to contend that the 9/11 attacks, and how they were responded to,
are the starting point for the contemporary debates about anti-
Americanism. Conversely, in 1969 the moon landing was used as
further evidence of American exceptionalism and superiority as the
American astronauts fulfilled the challenge set by President Kennedy
in 1961.
On October 11, 2001 President George W. Bush, giving a press
conference discussing the 9/11 attacks, famously and naively stated:
“I’m amazed that there’s such misunderstanding of what our country
is about that people would hate us. I am – like most Americans, I
just can’t believe it because I know how good we are.”3 When
Americans were the first to walk on the moon on July 21, 1969, the
world watched with amazement and American exceptionalism was
widely proclaimed. The Australian Labor Prime Minister Julia Gillard
recalled this feeling in a 2011 speech to the US Congress: “For my
own generation, the defining image of America was the landing on
the moon. My classmates and I were sent home from school to
watch the great moment on television. I’ll always remember thinking
that day: Americans can do anything.”4 American images, ideas, and
stories are a constant in the lives of most non-Americans. This led
Peter Conrad, the Australian born, English based, cultural critic to
write in 2014 that: “Like many others who arrived in the world after
1945, I often need to remind myself that I am not American.”5 The
familiarity of outsiders with the US can lead to admiration, insightful
criticism, and contempt. This leads to America being seen as an
exceptional model for other nations to follow as well as a dystopia
that should be strongly avoided. In fact, when travelling abroad,
Americans are often surprised by how much of their culture, politics,
and general news is readily available and consumed by non-
Americans.
In the days following the destruction of the Twin Towers, much
was written about the symbolism of targeting these particular
buildings. French philosopher and provocateur Jean Baudrillard
wrote that the attacks on the Twin Towers joined “the white magic
of movies and the black magic of terrorism.” Although Baudrillard
was criticised for trivialising the attacks and for the racist
connotations embedded in his statement, his words effectively
described how both Americans and non-Americans have fantasised
about the destruction of America’s might. In countless dramas
millions have been positioned to root for Americans to triumph
against adversity, and, more than occasionally, to get their
comeuppance. Sensational attacks on the World Trade Center
existed in the celluloid world long before 2001: the Twin Towers
were the target of Islamic terrorist attacks in the 1982 film Right is
Wrong, they were partly destroyed by aliens in the 1996 movie
Independence Day, and damaged by meteor hits in the 1998 film
Armageddon (footage that was removed when the movie appeared
on American network television in 2002). While not literally the
centre of world trade, the Twin Towers were important sites for the
exchange of global finances and ideas. They were largely targeted
for their metaphorical symbolism in America’s most famous city. The
reality was that, along with symbolising the power of American
capitalism, they were a tourist attraction and a shopping mall. The
sheer variety of the workers and visitors in these buildings reminds
us of just how indiscriminate both the 9/11 terrorist attacks and
some people’s reactions to them were. Many will remember the Le
Monde editorial “We are all Americans now”, but I also recall the
Guardian headline that characterised an entirely different reaction:
“A bully with a bloody nose is still a bully.”6 What disturbed me about
this second response is that the strikes on the Pentagon and Twin
Towers killed innocent people – airline passengers, office workers
and tourists. The US government was certainly not cut down by
these attacks, which killed random individuals that were rich and
poor, powerful and powerless. If anything, the US government was
emboldened by the 9/11 attacks. These responses got me interested
in writing about anti-Americanism and American exceptionalism. I
wanted to better understand the considerable number of non-
Americans that sympathised with the actions and aims of Osama bin
Laden and al Qaeda. In 2005 the Pew surveys found that 61% of
Jordanians had confidence in bin Laden to “do the right thing
regarding world affairs”; the numbers were similar for Palestinians
and Pakistanis.7 Meanwhile, “confidence in Bush to do the right thing
in world affairs” amongst Jordanians stood at a paltry 1% in 2005;
whereas in 2003 78% of Americans and 83% of Israelis had
confidence in Bush to do the right thing.8
This duality of admiration and antagonism has been a long-held
aspect of the world’s fascination and familiarity with the US. Thomas
Jefferson wrote in the 18th century that “every man has two
countries, his own and France.” His words were written at a time
when France was at the forefront of struggles for human rights and
the quest for greater philosophical understanding. By the mid-20th
century it was America, not France, that was likely to be everyone’s
second country. A fascination with America existed well before it
became a great power, a fascination that was often tinged with hope
or fear. America has long been seen as humanity’s “last best hope on
earth”,9 and, conversely, as a nation that questionably inserts itself
across the world with its military bases, corporations, and popular
culture. Thus America is often perceived as the land of inspiring
politicians and innovators like Washington, Franklin, Gates and
Obama, but also as the home of dumb and their cousin dumber
(cue: Reagan, Bush Jr, Sarah Palin, Trump, and Miss Teen South
Carolina10). Of course we should not forget the supply side of this
equation. America receives a disproportionate level of attention
because of the reach and muscle of American media and American
corporations, and because of the power and influence of its
government.
Given the ubiquity, power, and influence of the US it is hardly
surprising that it is the subject of significant hatred and even the
target of violence. What was surprising was the reaction of many
Americans, from the president down, to the 9/11 attacks. So many
Americans seemed unaware of just how much anger and resentment
their country inspires around the world. This reflected the legendary
insularity of Americans that Sacha Baron Cohen has made a career
out of skewering. There are any number of answers to the much
asked question after 9/11 “Why do people hate America?”. American
meddling in the foreign affairs of other nations has caused many
unfortunate outcomes. Fault can easily be found with US
government policy since WWII in East Asia, the Middle East and
Latin America. Others resent the global influence of American
corporations and economic policies, the spread of Americanisation,
or the impact of American evangelising and moralising. Given these
resentments, when four planes were hijacked and thousands of
people, largely Americans, were killed, many people’s feelings of
sympathy were mixed with thoughts that America was getting what
it deserved, that Goliath had finally been paid back by David. The
word “blowback” quickly entered the popular media, a term first
used by the CIA to describe the unintended negative consequences
of covert actions, in a report on the agency’s involvement in the
overthrow of the Mosaddegh government in Iran in 1953. These
mixed emotions about 9/11 were at times crassly expressed as
people began to tire of the American media’s coverage of the
tragedy. At other times they were laid out in more complex terms as
the details of the US government’s relationship with bin Laden was
probed (which possibly dated back to the US’s financial support of
anti-Soviet mujahidin groups in Afghanistan during the 1980s).11
The editor of Le Monde summarised his view of the world’s reaction:
“What’s happening to [Americans] is too bad, but they had it
coming.”12 I remember finding such sentiments objectionable at the
time as they conflated people with governments.
The Bush administration’s ill-conceived decision to invade Iraq
undoubtedly boosted latent antipathy towards America. This action
also poisoned much of the good will that existed towards America
after 9/11. Global opinion surveys clearly show this rising negativity:
in 2003 99% of Jordanians surveyed by Pew had an “unfavourable”
attitude to the US, as did 71% of Lebanese.13 One of the tragedies
of the Bush era was how the administration managed to turn
legitimate concerns about terrorism into mockery of Bush’s approach
to it – “the war on errorism” as the Punk band NO FX summarised it
– so soon after the events of September 11. The Bush administration
overreached and in so doing botched the arguments against bin
Laden, terrorism and nuclear proliferation. Instead of maintaining a
broad opposition to these threats, Bush’s cowboy talk and
exaggerated claims about the threat posed by Saddam Hussein
deflated global public support for the fight against terrorism. Much
of the negative opinion was not only directed at George W. Bush and
his administration’s policies but also towards the American people
themselves. Responding to various waves of criticism, the
Washington Post columnist Robert Samuelson penned a piece which
opened with the line “We Americans are people too.” The article
adopted a rather didactic tone about the need for Europeans to be
more thankful for America’s global leadership. Nonetheless
Samuelson does make the valid point that you can criticise the
policies of a foreign government without hating its people.
The inability to separate the American government from its people
was one of the more obvious flaws in much commentary about the
US in the Bush era, and this challenge arises again today during the
Trump presidency. In conflating the American people with their
politicians, and likewise with their government’s actions abroad,
ironically foreigners are taking American exceptionalist thinking on
board. In other words, many non-Americans buy into the mythology
that the American government is, more so than other democracies, a
“government of the people, by the people, for the people”. It is
common for peoples around the world to see their own leaders as
unrepresentative chameleons while being drawn to talk about
American presidents as symbolising their people. A president
Reagan, Bush Jnr or Trump apparently symbolises an ignorant
nation; whereas electing a president Obama means Americans
suddenly do in fact care about the world’s opinion of the US. The
situation can be partly explained by the heavy emphasis on personal
biography in American politics and the tendency of presidential
candidates to link their personal narrative with national mythology. It
is also perpetuated by an electoral system that offers a direct vote
for the political leader as opposed to the Westminster system where
members of parliament, not voters, choose the leader.
My point here is not to defend the foreign policies of recent
Republican presidents, far from it, but to point out that for criticism
of politicians like Reagan and Trump or the policies of the Bush Jnr
administration to be effective, it must move beyond caricature. It
must be able to provide strong evidence that reveals the special
influence the American people have on their politicians or how the
ignorance of the American people about foreign affairs is reflected in
their leaders’ decisions. This book searches for evidence that
Americans are more ignorant than people elsewhere and finds some
evidence to support this claim, but certainly not comprehensive
proof. One stunning data point was that Americans were the worst
at guessing their own population of all the nations surveyed in a
2002 National Geographic poll of young Americans: they consistently
significantly overestimated it. Overall the limited data we have
suggests Americans are significantly more ignorant than Western
Europeans about basic global affairs and geography, a little more
ignorant than Canadians or Brits and slightly better informed than
Mexicans. The second last chapter of this book addresses this
question of American insularity and ignorance about the rest of the
world. There is a long tradition of stereotyping the worst, most
ignorant or most gauche aspects of America as the norm. In a
reflective moment, Oscar Wilde commented that the “English people
are far more interested in American barbarism than they are in
American civilization”. The origins of anti-Americanism are most
sensibly traced to the Jacksonian period (the 1820s and 1830s) in
American history. Just as expressions of anti-globalisation existed
before the late 20th century, forms of anti-Americanism existed
before the 1820s. However, both anti-Americanism and anti-
globalism have a key period that was crucial in shaping their tropes
and language. In the case of anti-Americanism, it was the
Jacksonian period when the American frontier dramatically expanded
(often in rough and ready circumstances) and Europe experienced
an equally dramatic surge of interest in America. As a result, there
emerged a greatly increased volume of travel writing about the new
nation. This literature and commentary, widely read at the time by a
public looking for ways to understand this new force in the world,
gives a great insight into perceptions of America. In this key period,
Europeans were forming their views about the nature of America
and Americans. The results were often not pleasing. Most of the
commentators of the day painted Americans as unsophisticated,
boastful and financially untrustworthy. It is my contention that this
anti-American outlook – with its focus on America as an uncouth
nation – reached its apex in terms of influence in the Jacksonian era.
Negative commentary in the years following tended to play off the
tropes and stereotypes about Americans that were established in this
era.
One of the most widely read travel books of the Jacksonian era
was Frances Trollope’s Domestic Manners of the Americans (1832),
which lampoons the rough and ready eating habits of Americans on
the frontier, decrying the “total and universal want of manners, both
in males and females”. A decade later Dickens, in American Notes
and The Life and Adventures of Martin Chuzzlewit added to the
existing picture of the ugly American by satirising Americans for their
“worship of the almighty dollar” (a phrase he coined), for being
swindlers and for their love of national and personal puffery. Dickens’
American books regularly highlighted how every other American
seemed to have some trumped up title as General this or Professor
that; and how people constantly told you how great a man such and
such was and how wonderful America was. Proclaiming the US to be
“the greatest country in the history of the world” is of course a
longstanding favourite line of American politicians. At her best
Trollope offered a searing critique of American hypocrisy over slavery
and Dickens very effectively pinpointed the contradictions in
America’s claims that it was an egalitarian society. However, both
helped create and perpetuate anti-American stereotypes by
portraying behaviour in the backwoods and frontier as typical of the
whole. This made their commentary a mixture of snobbery and
insight.
America is frequently a nation of opposites: the home of much of
the global pornography industry and of the most prominent anti-
pornography movements; the Mecca of fatty food diners and the
birth place of the raw food movement, and the home of a tradition in
many ways diametrically opposed to that of Jacksonianism.
Wilsonian America stands against the inward-looking populist
tendencies of the Jacksonian tradition. Named after Woodrow
Wilson, (president of both Princeton University and the United
States), this tradition champions the promotion of human rights,
international laws and institutions, and world peace. However, it can
also be viewed as naïve, preachy, and culturally tone deaf. French
Prime Minister Clemenceau at the Versailles Peace conference said
talking to Wilson felt like “talking with Jesus Christ”. Elsewhere he
said “God himself was content with ten commandments. Wilson
modestly inflicted fourteen points on us…of the most empty theory.”
Graham Greene’s Quiet American offers in many ways a Wilsonian
archetype in its protagonist Alden Pyle (at least as often seen by
foreigners). Quoting book knowledge and proclaiming his wish to
bring democracy to Vietnam, Pyle is introduced as a naïve American
abroad; however, his idealism is soon shown to be stained by a
deadly imperialism that involves the secret importing of military
equipment and the bombing of civilians to create pro-American
ferment in Vietnam. The most quoted line of the novel about Pyle
(and implicitly about the US) is: “I never knew a man who had
better motives for all the trouble he caused.” In a case of life
imitating art, George W. Bush quoted this line in a speech to the
Veterans of Foreign Wars national convention in 2007. Bush went on
to question Greene’s thesis that Indochina would really have been
better off without American intervention given what Bush said we
know about “‘boat people,’ ‘re-education camps,’ and ‘killing fields.’”
This is a fallacious argument because violent American intervention
was in part responsible for the rise of Pol Pot and the refugee crisis
at the end of the Vietnam war. What Bush typifies here is a general
unwillingness by recent American politicians (and much of the
American media) to admit any foreign policy mistakes by America in
the present or in fact at any time in the past. Whenever Obama
made mild references to possible errors of judgement, or reflected
on how American policies may have stirred up foreign resentment,
he was repetitively attacked as unpatriotic. From the outside, this
inability to admit mistakes and apologise looks suspiciously like the
continuation of what Senator Fulbright called the “arrogance of
American power.”
What frequently most bewilders and annoys foreigners is when
Jacksonian brutality and Wilsonian pronouncements are employed
simultaneously. Both are exceptionalist traditions – they both start
from a view that America is a model for other nations, which can
and should be imposed on other parts of the world. Wilsonians are
more inclined to think American inventions exist for the benefit of
higher values such as democracy and liberty and for the ultimate
betterment of those invaded. Jacksonians are not particularly
interested in the feelings of foreigners or higher goals. They have
always been America firsters like President Trump. The Jacksonian
tradition is inward looking by inclination; however, if drawn into a
conflict as in 1941 or 2001 this tradition unleashes a strong drive to
crush America’s opponents. Bush drew on both Jacksonian and
Wilsonian traditions to create a toxic cocktail of policies that were
rightly criticised as self-righteous, delusional and deadly.14 We can
see this bewildering combination of ideas in his promise to “ride
herd” on the Middle Eastern peace process,15 or his claim in his
second inaugural address in 2005 that the ultimate goal of US
foreign policy was “ending tyranny in our world”,16 or in his
government’s assertion that it was bringing democracy to Iraq.
However, as much as Bush deserves forceful criticism, much
commentary on him and his government misfired because, rather
than examining the details, commentators and media treated Bush
as a half-wit and wrote off all of his government’s pronouncements
as insincere. Further, as evidenced by the Daily Mirror headline in
2004 “How can 59,054,087 people be so DUMB?”, the American
people were often dismissed as just plain “dumb” in the Bush era.17
Admittedly it was hard not to be furious at the policies of Bush and
Cheney. Bush’s election and re-election were tragedies as far as I
was concerned. However, name-calling, abuse and anti-Americanism
seldom wins a political argument. A case in point is the Guardian
newspaper’s ill-fated 2004 “Operation Clark County” letter writing
campaign. Guardian readers were encouraged to send a letter to a
voter in Clark County, Ohio trying to convince them to vote for Kerry
not Bush. As I document in this book, the operation misfired
spectacularly. National stereotypes are hard to avoid and remain
extremely popular – few would argue that Americans and the French
have similar customs and sensibilities – even though the people of
these two nations have more in common than is readily
acknowledged. When national stereotypes become overused
touchstones for analysis, they can easily reflect certain prejudices
about foreigners. Americans have a unique word to describe this
negative outlook towards them and their nation: anti-Americanism.
It is a word that partly exists because foreigners have been so
drawn to America and had so much to say about it (with much
commentary being extremely negative). At the same time Americans
themselves frequently overreact to criticism, showing a tendency
toward “annoying patriotism” as de Tocqueville called it. This
attitude leads to much commentary on America being falsely called
anti-Americanism. Smug foreigners and self-righteous Americans
have often shed more heat than light on the question of what makes
the United States and its people tick. The reactions to September 11,
2001 were yet another chapter in this three-centuries-old story of
fascination with the US. The rights and wrongs of the US were
debated widely. Given the unexpected and dramatic nature of the
attacks, and the emotional responses to them, it is no surprise that
many of the books written in their immediate aftermath have dated
badly. At the time, and since, there was much hyperbole about the
epoch-changing potential of the attacks. Distance from these events
gives us the opportunity to reflect on them more soberly: 9/11 did
not “change everything” as some claimed. Rather, they amplified
certain existing tendencies. Finally, the Bush administration’s use of
these attacks to justify an ill-planned war in Iraq severely dented the
credibility and trustworthiness of the US in the world. The global
enthusiasm generated by the election of Barack Obama showed that,
despite America’s many failings, the world holds a great reservoir of
hope for the US to be truer to its oft-pronounced ideals. Trump’s
entry into the Oval Office has rightly confounded many Americans
and non-Americans alike and led to a resurgence of negative
sentiment towards the US in most countries. Whether this reaction
should be read as anti-Americanism requires us to have a stronger
understanding of what this word sensibly means, which is a central
aim of this book.
Notes
1 Throughout this book I use a variety of abbreviated ways of talking about the
United States of America i.e. the US, the United States, and America. I know
some people find the use of the term America inappropriate but the
abbreviation America to me seems quite different from the words “the
Americas” or “North America”. Most people seem to accept that the people of
the United States of America are to be called Americans; from this it would
seem reasonable to suggest that these Americans come from America. In the
21st century, people do not generally call people from the North American and
South American Continents, “Americans”, in the way that people from the
African continent are called Africans.
2 See: Paul Hollander, Understanding Anti-Americanism: Its Origins and Impact
at Home and Abroad (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2004); Andrew and Kristin Ross,
Anti-Americanism (New York: NYU Press, 2004); Denis Lacorne and Tony Judt,
With Us or Against Us: Studies in Global Anti-Americanism (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005); Max Paul Friedman, Rethinking Anti-
Americanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Ziauddin Sardar
and Mary Wyn Davies, Why Do People Hate America? (London: Icon Books,
2002).
3 George W. Bush, “President Holds Prime Time News Conference,” in the
White House Archives, October 11, 2001, <https://georgewbush-
whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2001/10/20011011-7.html>.
4 Julia Gillard, “Transcript of Julia Gillard’s Speech to Congress,” SBS (August
23, 2013), <https://www.sbs.com.au/news/transcript-of-julia-gillard-s-speech-
to-congress>.
5 Peter Conrad, How the World was Won: The Americanization of Everywhere
(London: Thames and Hudson Limited, 2014) p. 7.
6 Charlotte Raven, “A Bully with a Bloody Noise is Still a Bully,” The Guardian
(September 19, 2001),
<https://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/sep/18/september11.comment>.
7 Pew Research Center, “Confidence in Osama bin Laden,” August 2017,
<http://www.pewglobal.org/database/indicator/20/survey/all/>.
8 Pew Research Centrer, “Confidence in the U.S. President,” August 2017,
<http://www.pewglobal.org/database/custom-
analysis/indicator/6/countries/11,14,64,74,81,84,106,111,166,168,233/>.
9 Thomas Jefferson called America “the world’s best hope” in 1801 in his first
inaugural. In 1862 President Lincoln called for America during the Civil War to
preserve it status as the “the last best hope of earth”, Ted Widmer, “Last Best
Hope,” The New York Times, November 30, 2012:
<https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/11/30/last-best-hope/>; In
1948 Hubert Humphrey said that America “as now, more than ever, the last
best hope on earth” which he offered to “the whole two billion members of
the human family”. Peter Conrad, How the World Was Won: The
Americanization of Everywhere, (London: Thames & Hudson, 2014), 7. On the
last day of his presidency Ronald Reagan praised Medal of Freedom recipients
as renewing “our pride and gratitude in the United States of America, the
greatest, freest nation in the world—the last, best hope of man on Earth.”
Ronald Reagan, “Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony for the Presidential
Medal of Freedom,” January 19, 1989 in The American Presidency Project,
<http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=35402>. This echoed similar
themes in Reagan’s 1988 State of the Union address where he proclaimed:
“How can we not believe in the greatness of America? How can we not do
what is right and needed to preserve this last best hope of man on Earth?
After all our struggles to restore America, to revive confidence in our country,
hope for our future—after all our hard-won victories earned through the
patience and courage of every citizen—we cannot, must not, and will not turn
back. We will finish our job. How could we do less? We’re Americans.” Ronald
Reagan, “Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the
Union,” January 25, 1988, in The American Presidency Project,
<http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=36035>. On the 150th
anniversary of the abolition of slavery in 2015 President Obama acknowledged
Lincoln’s famous words and their context and then ended his speech with his
own brand of progressive and multicultural American exceptionalism as he
encouraged Americas “To remember that our freedom is bound up with the
freedom of others – regardless of what they look like or where they come
from or what their last name is or what faith they practice. To be honorable
alike in what we give, and what we preserve. To nobly save, or meanly lose,
the last best hope of Earth. To nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope
of Earth. That is our choice. Today, we affirm hope.” Barrack Obama,
“Remarks by the President at the Commemoration of the 150th Anniversary of
the 13th Amendment,” December 09, 2015, in The White House Archives,
<https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-
office/2015/12/09/remarks-president-commemoration-150th-anniversary-
13th-amendment>.
10 This is one of the most watched moments in a beauty pageant history: “Miss
Teen USA 2007 – South Carolina Answers a Question” (August 24, 2007),
[video file]. Retrieved from: <http://www.youtube.com/watch?
v=lj3iNxZ8Dww>.
11 James Scott, Deciding to Intervene: the Reagan Doctrine and American
Foreign Policy (Duke University Press: Durham, NC, 1996); Steve Coll, Ghost
Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the
Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001 (Penguin: London, 2004).
12 Quoted in Moises Naim, “Anti-Americanisms: A Guide to Hating Uncle Sam,”
Foreign Policy (January–February 2002).
13 Pew Research Center, “Opinion of the United States,” August 2017,
<http://www.pewglobal.org/database/indicator/1/survey/all/response/Unfavor
able/>.
14 Anatol Lieven, America Right or Wrong (New York: Oxford University Press,
2004).
15 Kathryn Westcott, “Bush Revels in Cowboy Speak,” BBC, June 06, 2003,
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/2968176.stm>; Andrew O’Hagan, “You
Have a Mother Don’t You?”, London Review of Books 25, 17 (2003),
<https://www.lrb.co.uk/v25/n17/andrew-ohagan/you-have-a-mother-dont-
you>.
16 George W. Bush, “President Sworn-In to Second Term,” the Second Inaugural
Speech from the Office of the Press Secretary in The White House Archives
(Washington, D.C.: The Capitol Hill, January 20, 2005),
<https://georgewbush-
whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2005/01/20050120-1.html>.
17 June Thomas, “Brits to America: You’re Idiots!,” Slate (November 04, 2004):
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/international_papers/2004/
11/brits_to_america_youre_idiots.html>.
INTRODUCTION
Exceptional terms for ordinary people