ALLAMA IQBAL OPEN UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD

NAME: M.MIANDAD ROLLNO: CA476293

COURSE CODE (9365) BS-PAKSTUDIES

REGNO: 20NBM00114 SEM: AUTUMN2022

ASSIGNMENT No.1

Q.1 The critics of the Mujeeb’s Six Points formula declared this formula as a
demand for cessation. What was rationale in this allegation of cessation?
Make critical analysis of that formula in the perspective of cessation.
ANSWER ;
The six-point development : was the development of East Pakistan led
by Sheikh Mujeeb, Rahman, which called for more prominent self-
government in East Pakistan. The main development plan was to
understand the six demands put forward by the Alliance of Bengal
Patriotic Ideological Societies to end the apparent abuse of East
Pakistan by the rulers of West Pakistan in 1966. This is considered an
achievement directly related to freedom in Bangladesh.
Foundation:Pioneers of the resistance movement in West Pakistan called
for a public meeting on 6 February 1966 to review the structure of the post-
Tashkent legislative.
 Sheikh Mujeeb Rahman arrived :
Lahore to attend a meeting with some of the Awai League.On the
next day, February he presented six major lectures to the subject advisory
group and urged them to remember this issue as the next day's agenda.
The offer was rejected and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was found to
havedisagreed. On February a "six-item" : East Pakistan is facing
serious setbacks after a gradual division into regions after a seemingly
endless period of time year after year. Thus, financial analysts, academics
and government officials in EastPakistan have begun to question this
separation which has led to remarkable developments in six respects.
The six focuses are noted as being :
The constitution should adapt to the Federation of Pakistan in its true
sense dependent on the Lahore Resolution and a parliamentary
type of government with the unrivaled quality of a legislature
directly elected on the basis of a general adult constitution.
The government should run only two subjects:
defines and foreign affairs, and all remaining continuing
subjects should be entrusted to the uniting states.

Two separate, yet fully interchangeable currency standards for the

two wings should be put forward; or if that is not practicable, there
should be one cash for the whole country, yet it should familiarize
itself with viable protected arrangements to prevent capital from
going from East to West Pakistan. In addition, another banking
reserve should be established and a separate financial and monetary
approach should be adopted for East Pakistan.
 The power of tax collection :
The revenue assortment should be vested
in the uniting units and the government seat would not have
such power. The alliance would be eligible to bid on
government charges to cover its consumption.
There should be two separate records of the unknown business profit
of the two wings; the unknown commercial presumptions of the
national government should meet both wings alike, or in such
proportion as shall be determined; native subjects should move free
of obligations between the two wings and the constitution should
allow units to build exchange links with outside nations.

The memorable six-point demand:

or six-point formula, was widely regarded as the "sanction of

opportunity" in Bangladesh's battle for confidence thanks to
Pakistan's championship. The Six-Point Development in 1966 was
certainly a defining moment as we continued our quest for freedom.

On June 7, 1966, the Await League called a nationwide hiatal in

the then East Pakistan to push through the six-point demands.
Sheik Mujibur Rahman along with many others was captured.
From this point on, the seventh of June is considered a remarkable
six-point day.
The Six-Point Plan visualized :
administrative type of government dependent on the Lahore Resolution
of 1940, a parliamentary arrangement of government directly chosen
by individuals based on the adult establishment, two separate currency
standards or two holding banks for the two wings of Pakistan.
 and a paramilitary power for East Pakistan.
The overwhelming success of the six-point development in 1966
prompted the Pakistani decision-making cadre to discredit the
coordinators of this development. Despite the fact that Ayub Khan's
diabolical system used various ruthless and reformative measures
against the defenders, coordinators and allies of the six-point
equation, the six-point assured mass upsurge of 1966 really
influenced and shaped the subsequent political progress in Pakistan.
Responses of the political pioneers:
six-point plan and Sheik Mujibur Rahman's reaction
political use leaders of Pakistan's resistance group never wanted to talk
about the pros and cons of the proposed six equations guaranteeing
overall autonomy in eastern Pakistan. Indeed, no political visionary in
West Pakistan (not even Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan, then president
of the Awami League of Pakistani) could help the greatest publicly
known voice for independence following Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's
proposed six secrets. .
Response of the then domineering system to the six-point plan :
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's interest in "the most extreme self-
government" seems to have shaken the system of the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan given his six-point prescription. The six-item
plan showed that the real purpose of Pakistan's decision was to
"strengthen" the central government, not Pakistan itself. He has
repeatedly said in several public meetings that the Pakistani people
want a "solid Pakistan" and not a "solid coordinated government
Reaction of the then dictatorial regime to the six-point plan:

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's demand for "maximum autonomy"

based on his six-point formula seems to have shaken the
 foundation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The six-point plan
had exposed the fact that the real intention of Pakistan's ruling elite
was to "strengthen" the central government,
but not Pakistan. He repeatedly said in several public meetings that
the people of Pakistan had always desired to have a "strong
Pakistan," not a "strong
central government." However, the ruling coterie of Pakistan was
not at all interested in dealing or negotiating with the Awami
League on the issue of provincial autonomy even
though Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had publicly stated that he was
willing to negotiate his six-point plan with anyone in good faith,
provided a meaningful autonomy was ensured for East Pakistan.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman launches six-point movement:
Fearless Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was quick to respond to such false
accusations and mean threats. At a large public gathering at Paltan
Maidan, he thundered: "Bangalis, deprived of even the most
undisguised menace, cannot be distracted from the demands of local
autonomy based on the six-item plan." The greatest fighter for
Bangali self-determination, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, at the time
continued to speak with top leaders of the Awami League at
numerous public gatherings in the back streets of East Pakistan. The
entire Awami League and its student front East

Pakistan Student League (EPSL) were committed to mobilizing

and motivating the grassroots for autonomy and autonomy.
The impact of the six-point movement:
It is also fair to suggest that the six-point movement was the
precursor of the following momentous events: the removal of the
infamous Provincial Governor Monem Khan, the sudden collapse
 of Ayub Khan's dictatorship and the rise of Yahya Khan's
diabolical regime, the General Elections in 1970 on the basis of
adult franchise, the landslide victory of the Awami League in the
general elections, the spectacular rise of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
as the sole spokesperson of the Bengali speaking people of the then
Pakistan, the nine-month long liberation war in 1971 under the
leadership of the Awami League, and finally the emergence of
Bangladesh as an independent nation-state on December 16, 1971.
Doubtless, these tumultuous events were milestones in the history
of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence, and the
name of the common thread that had firmly connected
these milestones was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Concluding:
It is also fair to suggest that the six-point movement was the precursor
of the following momentous events: the removal of the infamous
Provincial Governor Monem Khan, the sudden collapse of Ayub
Khan's dictatorship and the rise of Yahya Khan's diabolical regime,
the General Elections in 1970 on the basis of adult franchise, the
landslide victory of the Awami League in the general elections, the
spectacular rise of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the sole spokesperson
of the Bengali speaking people of the then Pakistan, the nine-month
long liberation war in 1971 under the leadership of the Awami
League, and finally the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent
nation-state on December 16, 1971.
Doubtless, these tumultuous events were milestones in the history of
Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence, and the name of
the common thread that had firmly connected these milestones was
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
.Q.2 Elaborate the role of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto after Awami League
won clear cut majority in 1970 Elections. Why had Bhutto
opposed the democratic right of Awami League to form
government? Explain with facts.

ANSWER;
General Election 1970 Pakistan:
General Election 1970 of Pakistan were the free and fair polls in
Pakistani history. Elections of the National Assembly were held on
December 7, 1970, and provincial assembly elections were held on
December 17. During these elections tension was rising between East
and West Pakistan.
According to Yahya Khan’s Legal Framework Order of March 30,
1970, the elections were held by principles of holding. 24 politica
parties Participated in the election. The Awami League (AL) of
Sheikh Mujeeb-ur Rehman won all seats from East Pakistan and
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto won all seats from West Pakistan. Both friendly and
unfriendly parties were eager to form a government in the center.
So they started to use all their efforts to get the power
Main Two Parties :
The Religious Party;
The Secular Party;
The Religious Parties:
It was attended by many religious parties such as Jamiat-ul-Ulama-e-
Islam and Jamiat-e Islam Party as well as Pakistan Democratic Party,
Convention and Pakistan Muslim League.
All these parties had a common goal of "Islamizing" the country after
winning the elections.
The Secular Parties:
These are two of the most well-known and well-supported secular parties.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto party Pakistan People’s Party
Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman’s Awami League.
Awami League:
Awami League was the party of Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman. In the
election campaign, the Awami League accused West Pakistan of
living at the expense of East Pakistan and robbing it of its share.
Awami League leaders said in the campaign that "West Pakistan is
treating Bengal as a 'colony'".
The East Pakistan:
Students League played the most important role in the elections to the
educational institutions. They instigated Sheikh Mujeeb's six-point
agenda in all institutes. The Awami League's campaign was entirely
based on the Six Point Agenda. Mujeeb-ur-Rehman got a lot of
support from East Pakistan.
Pakistan People Party:
Apart from focusing on the economic problems of the entire nation,
the PPP closed its East Pakistan branch, proving that it only
represents the people of West Pakistan. PPP raised the Kashmir issue
loudly during the election campaign. PPP also used the slogan roti,
kapra aur Makan. Bhutto promised the people economic prosperity
Their main concern was the economy. Bhutto's personality attracted
people of all ages and backgrounds.
Results:
Awami League won 167 seats out of 313 seats in the National
Assembly. It was the single largest party in the country and won the
mandate to form the government in Bangladesh. The Pakistan
People's Party won 85 seats in the National Assembly.
The delay in handing over power to the Awami League was followed
by a mass uprising in East Pakistan. Meanwhile, in 1971, war also
started between Pakistan and India. As a result of all these problems,
Bangladesh became an independent state on 16 December 1971.
Democracy of the people, by the people and for the people:
Roti, Kapra aur Makan has gained popularity since its inception and
has brought people's attention to their fundamental rights.
Pre-and Post-Election Era of 1970:
(On 18 February 1970, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto)
The leaders from Eastern Pakistan were making statements about the
people of West Pakistan and same case was being practiced by the
leaders of Western Pakistan. Declaring Dhaka as slaughter house by
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, dismantled the emotions and feelings of
Bengalis and Shaikh Mujeeb refused to visit West Pakistan by
stating if president wants to see him them he should has to come
Dhaka.
The tussle was generated between both parties and either side was
on denied to agree on a singular agenda. The Six Points agenda by
Mujeeb-Ur-Rehman was strongly disagreed by Bhutto and the
concept of one unit was openly challenged by Shaikh Mujeeb-Ur-
Rehman. Finally, this tussle resulted in form of separation of East
from West Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh.
Military Operation in Eastern Pakistan:
Military campaigns added fuel to the flames and corrupted the
character of the Bengalis. Operations in East Pakistani separate
movements such as the Mukti Bahini Liberation Army.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Democratic Government and Challenges:
Later, in 1973, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was inaugurated as the
Democratic Prime Minister of Pakistan. The newly elected
government of Pakistan is facing many problems. Some of the main
factors are
90,00 army soldiers, which Poisoned by Indian Army during the 1971 War
• Role of the General in Politics
• Establishment of Pakistani Constitution
• Social, Cultural and Ideological Barriers
• Establishment of Bangladesh
• Religion It has been a key and important factor in politics and policy
making.

Q.3 What was Islamic Socialism? How had Z. A. Bhutto

brought together Islam and Socialism? Elaborate.

ANSWER:
Islamic socialism:
Islamic socialism is a political philosophy that incorporates Islamic
principles into socialism. As a term, it was coined by various Muslim
leaders to describe a more spiritual form of socialism. Islamic
socialists believe that the teachings of
the Quran and Muhammad, especially Zakat, are compatible with
and support socialist principles.
Muslim socialist leaders believe in gaining legitimacy,
from society and want to introduce a government based on
welfare and zakat concepts. In practice, this is seen in guaranteed
income, pensions and social security. The history of this practical
application of Islamic socialist ideas goes back to Muhammad
and several first caliphs to modern political parties
founded in the 1970.
Islamic socialists often use the Quran to defend their positions.
Anti-capitalist Muslims, an Islamist socialist group in Turkey, openly
urged right-wing Muslims to read the Koran and "try to refute the fact
that it is left-wing".
Z. A. Bhutto Islam and Socialism
Abstract:
The paper examines the impact of Islamic socialism as an ideology
and as a policy of Pakistan. It discusses the concept, context and
content of the ideology and looks at the nature of implementation in
the country. The paper analyses how the ‘left’ managed macro-
economic affairs and focuses on themes like: rupee devaluation,
inflationary trends, export policies and budget deficit. The paper also
examines the implementation of Islamic socialism in various sectors
namely: agriculture, bureaucracy, education, health and industry. It is
essentially an attempt to provide some insights into the revolution
attributed to Islamic socialism between 1972-74 and how it shaped
the political economy of Pakistan.
Pervez Musharraf:
The represents the totality of the political, economic and social
conditions of the last 50 years of the state-building process. The
regimes of Ayub Khan, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Zia ul Haq are
associated with the Green Revolution, Islamic Socialism and
Islamization of Pakistan respectively. While the Green Revolution
unleashed the country's agricultural potential, Islamic socialism
succeeded in mobilizing the masses politically, and Islamization
increased the role of religion in politics.
Pakistan under President :

Pakistan People's Party (PPP) leader Maulana Bhashani each

coined the term "Islamic Socialism" in the late 1960s. However,
Bhutto has more to do with him than Bhashani because he actually
embodied the ideology of Islamic Socialism. Given the level of
political consciousness of the Pakistani people, the prefix "Islam"
was appropriate. Bhutto's Islamic socialism was a
mixture of anti-Indian sentiment, socialism and
nationalism 1 .
The main features of the Pakistani state system are
religion, Praetorian Guard, and American influence.
So the question is, to what extent did Islamic Socialism contribute to
the development of democracy, the rejection of the Praetorian Guard,
and the influence of the United States on the Pakistani state.
Islamic socialism :
Both Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and
The Communist Party of Pakistan was founded in 1948 and by its
very nature triggered off some interest in comparing Islam and
Communism. As ideologies Islam and Communism are common to
theextent that both strive for social revolutionand a change of
civilisation. Both ideologies believe that while man as an individual
is essentially good, problems arise because society determines his
conduct. The common objective in both ideologies, revolves
around a classless society and an equitable distribution of wealth.
Perhaps this prompted an influential Muslim Leaguer, Mian Abdul
Bari, to state in Parliament:
“Islamic socialism is as much above Communism and if
Communism comes into contact with Islamic socialism, I am sure we
may be able to convert it into the Islamic cult.
Declaration of People’s:

Rahim edited the rest of the document. During the congress,

Rahim completed work on the party's interim constitution, which
outlined its four-part motto.
Islam is our faith :
Democracy is our policy.

Socialism is our economy.

All power belongs to the people.

Whether Islamic socialism and pure Whether Islam contradicts each

other is a highly debatable question. The PPP includes two Maulvi,
Muhammad Saeed and Qudratullah to ensure the

party's Islamic credentials. Islam is our faith and the foundation of

Pakistan. Pakistan cannot exist without Islamic rule. Socialist
governments cannot compete with this superiority. On the contrary,
socialism will make the entire population into guardians of Islamic
values.
Bangladeshisation of the country :
Thereafter the adoption of Islamic socialism as an ideology in the
1970s. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his creation-the PPP-were the major
players in these controversies. To that extent, the PPP was the only
secular party, which articulated its ideology and thereby added new
dimensions to the political discourse in the country.
Pakistan has, ever since its creation, undergone an ideological
dilemma whether to be an Islamic republic where the Sharia will be
implicitly followed or a secular state which respects all religions and
favours none.

Then, with Pakistan's "second" partition in 1971, state intellectuals

questioned the ideological foundations of Pakistan's founding.
Macro-Economic Management:

That the PPP Government

The fact that the debt burden began to mount in the mid-1970s can
underscore the poor management of macroeconomic problems.
Pakistan was unable
to repay its pension and the era of debt restructuring first began in
197415. These indicators, such as the debt-to-GNP ratio and the debt
service-to-forex ratio, have increased over the period.

Q.4Discuss centre province relations during Z. A. Bhutto

government with special focus on Baluchistan province.
Answer :
ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO:

Bhutto, who took power on December 20, 1971, promised to create a

new Pakistan in the West and restore confidence in the country. He
conveniently placed all the blame for the 1971 war and Pakistan's
defeat on Yahya Khan and his regime.
Establishing the principles of civilian leadership, Bhutto introduced
a new constitution with a revised parliamentary and federal system.
He tried to control and reform

civil servants under the banner of Islamic Socialism, and took steps to
revive the stagnant economy and improve the living conditions of the
poor. However, Bhutto's most notable success has been on the
international stage where he applied his diplomatic skills. He
concluded a satisfactory peace agreement with India in
1972, established new relations between Pakistan and Western
Islamic oil exporters, and was generally successful in restoring
Pakistan's post-war image. Bhutto's plan looked great, but it didn't
work. His near-monopoly on decision-making prevented
democratic institutions from taking root, and
his staggering ambitions over time antagonized everyone but his closest
friends.
The PPP manifesto was :
socialist terms. When Bhutto issued the Economic Reform Act on 3
January 1972, banking and insurance institutions were nationalized
and 70 other industrial enterprises were brought under government
control. A Ministry of Production was
created which included an Industrial Management Board to supervise
the industry. Investment in the public sector has increased
significantly and Bhutto has plotted to break the power of the 20 or so
elite families that control the country's economy.
During the Ayub Khan period: Trade unions were strengthened,
and welfare measures for labor were announced. Although Bhutto's
initial zeal diminished as he came face-to-face with economic realities
and the shortage of capital, he tried to refurbish his populist image
with another spate of nationalizations in 1976.
Bhutto purged the military ranks of about 1,400 officers. He also
created a paramilitary force called the Federal Security Force (which
functioned almost as his personal bodyguard), a watchdog on the
armed forces, and an internal security force. A white paper on
defense issued in 1976 firmly subordinated the armed forces to
civilian control and gave Bhutto, then also prime minister, the
decisive voice in all matters relating to national security.
In that role, Bhutto took credit for bringing home more than 90,000
prisoners of war without allowing any of them to come to trial in
Bangladesh for war crimes. In 1976 Bhutto replaced Tikka Khan,
whose term had expired, with General .
Mohammad Zia ul-Haq as chief: Staff of the army. Like Ayub
Khan, Zia was appointed over several more senior generals. Also like
Ayub Khan, Zia came from a community not heavily represented in
the armed forces (the Arains from Punjab) and was thought to be
without political ambition.

In April 1972, Bhutto lifted martial law and convened the National
Assembly, which consisted of members elected from the West Wing
in December 1970 (plus two from the East Wing who decided their
loyalties were with a united Pakistan. parliamentary--remained on the
agenda. There was much jostling for position among the three major
political groups: the PPP, most powerful in Punjab and Sindh; the
National Awami Party (NAP) and the Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam (JUI),
both based in the North- West Frontier Province and Balochistan. The
provincial assemblies were constituted from those elected in
December 1970. There was much tension during the process of
drafting a new constitution, especially from members from the North-
West Frontier Province and Balochistan. Bhutto reached some
accommodation with opposition leaders from those two provinces on
the matter of gubernatorial appointment and constitutional principle.

The Third Constitution : Pakistan was officially

introduced on 31 December 1972, approved on 10 April 1973, and

promulgated on 14 August 1973, Independence Day. Bhutto
campaigned for restoration
of the parliamentary system in 1970, but favored a presidential one in

1972. himself as president. But to respect the wishes of the

opposition and some members of the cabinet, Bhutto has adopted a
formal parliamentary system in which the executive is accountable to
the legislature. Presumably, a provision was included to make it
almost impossible for the National Assembly to remove the Prime
Minister in order to stabilize the government.

The 1973 constitution provided:

Federal structure in which residuary powers were reserved for the

provinces. However, Bhutto dismissed the coalition NAP-JUI
ministries in Balochistan and the North- West Frontier Province,
revealing his preference for a powerful center without opposition in
the provinces.
Bhutto's power derived less from the 1973 constitution than from his
charismatic appeal to the people and from the vigor of the PPP.
Its socialist program and Bhutto's oratory had done much to
radicalize the urban sectors in the late 1960s and were responsible
for the popular optimism accompanying the restoration of
democracy. The ideological appeal of the PPP to the masses sat
uneasily with the compromises Bhutto reached with the holders of
economic and political influence-the landlords and commercial
elites.
Factionalism and patrimonialism:

Brife in the PPP, especially in Punjab. The internal cohesion of the

PPP and its standing in public esteem were affected adversely by the
ubiquitous political and bureaucratic corruption that accompanied
state intervention in the economy and, equally, by the rising incidence
of political violence, which included beating, arresting, and even
murdering opponents. The PPP had started as a movement mobilizing
people to overthrow a military regime, but in Bhutto's lifetime it
failed to change into a political party organized for
peaceful functioning in an open polity.

opposition in provinces where regional and ethnic identity was

strong. Feelings of Sindhi solidarity were maintained by Bhutto's
personal connections with the feudal leaders (wadera) of Sindh and
his ability to manipulate offices and officeholders. North-West
Frontier Province or Balochistan
A long-dormant crisis erupted in Balochistan in 1973 into an:
Insurgency that lasted four years and became increasingly bitter. The
insurgency was put down by the Pakistan Army, which employed
brutal methods and equipment, including Huey-Cobra helicopter
gunships, provided by Iran and flown by Iranian pilots.
The deep-seated Baloch nationalism based on tribal identity had
international as well as domestic aspects. Divided in the nineteenth
century among Iran, Afghanistan, and British India, the Baloch found
their aspirations and traditional nomadic life frustrated by the
presence of national boundaries and the extension of central
administration over their lands. Moreover, many of the more militant
Baloch nationalists were vaguely Marxist-Leninist, willing to risk
Soviet protection for Balochistan's autonomy. As the revolt continued,
the influence of the relatively small but well-disciplined Liberation
Front seemed to grow.
Bhutto was able to mobilize domestic support for his campaign
against Balochi. Punjab's support was most tangible in the use of the
army to quell the rebellion. One of the Baluchi's primary concerns
was the influx of Punjabi settlers, miners, and traders into their
resource-rich but sparsely populated land.
Overview
Bhutto reacted strongly to India's 1974 nuclear:
Bhutto declared the success of his economic policy. He has seen
an increase in gross national product (GNP) and economic
growth. Inflation fell
from in FY 1972 to 1976, but other economic measures he
introduced were ineffective. Bhutto noted that his foreign policy
had brought Pakistan prestige in the Islamic world, peace if not
friendship with India, and self-esteem in relations with great
powers.
He was confident that he would win every election. Thus, he
announced in January 1977 that elections for members of the
National Assembly and provincial councils would be held in
March, in accordance with his promise of constitutional order.
 The reaction of the opponents to this news was vigorous.
spectrum have formed a united front called the Pakistan
National Alliance (PNA). Fundamentalist Muslims were content
to adopt Nizam-e-Mustafa, which means "Reign of the Prophet",
as the front's slogan.
However, modern secular elements have respected his
relationship with Air Marshal Asghar Khan. The PNA has
fielded candidates for nearly
every national and provincial seat. A strong wave of support for
the PNA swept Pakistani cities as restrictions on media and
political activity were eased ahead of the election campaign. This
evoked a rugged countryside tour that puts all of Bhutto's charms
at the forefront. Seats and the PNA winning 36 seats.
Anticipating trouble, Bhutto invoked Section 144 of the Code of
Criminal Procedure, which restricts gatherings for political
reasons.
PNAimmediately contested :
The election results, calling them
fraudulent, and called for a new election
rather than a recount. Bhutto refused and
a massive protest movement was
launched against him. Both sides used
religious symbols to create a stir. For example, Bhutto has
banned the consumption of alcoholic beverages and
gambling. Unrest persisted despite negotiations between
Bhutto and
opposition leaders as many setbacks poured in. The military
intervened on 5 July, detaining all political leaders, including
Bhutto, and declaring martial law.
Q .5 Elaborate the fifth and sixth constitutional amendments in the
Constitution of 1973 and the impacts of these amendments on the
independence of judiciary.
Answer:
The history of Pakistan: constitutional:
amendments were not intended to advance the constitution but to
strengthen the military government. 1973 Pakistan Constitution
Amendments As of

January 2015, 21 amendments have been made to the 1973

Pakistani Constitution.
Key Features or Description of the Fifth Amendment:

The following are key features of the Fifth Amendment,

along with their impact on the judiciary.
Chief Justice:

The Fifth Amendment declares that the term of office of the

Chief Justice is five years and the maximum age is 65.
The Fifth Amendment to the Constitution declared that a
person who once served as Chief Justice may not serve
again.
Chief Justice:
According to the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, the term of office
of a Chief Justice was four years and the maximum age was 62. A
person who once held the office of High Court Chief Justice could
not be reappointed to that office, but this provision did not apply to
acting High Court Chief Justices.
Separate High:
Amendment
abolished the High Courts for Sindh and Balochistan and
established separate High Courts for Balochistan.
Superior Courts :
Superior Courts and Fundamental Rights:
The Fifth Amendment limited the power of the High Court to
enforce significant rights of natural fundamental rights set forth in
the Constitution.
Contempt of Court:
The Fifth Amendment gave the courts the power to punish a person for
contempt of court.
6th Amendment:
6th Amendment: The retirement age for the Chief Justice is 65 and the
retirement age for the Chief Justice is .
Conclusion:
In conclusion, we can start by saying that no amendments to the
Pakistani Constitution can be divided into two types. That
amount was passed
by Congress and the remaining constitutional amendments were
made by military dictators.
Independence of the judiciary:
The independence : judiciary is granted by the state and is
enshrined in the constitution of the national law. All governments
and other entities are expected to respect and abide by them.
 The judiciary decides :
cases based on facts and in accordance with the law, without
limiting the threat or influence of undue pressure.
The Judiciary has jurisdiction over :
all matters of a judicial nature and has the exclusive power to
decide matters brought before the courts.
Improper or unwanted interference:
with judicial proceedings will not be tolerated and judgments on the record are
subject to review.

THE END