Professional Documents
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Colonialism and Courtesans
Colonialism and Courtesans
I n the 18th century, in the dimly lit havelis of oriental India, a tawaif gracefully glides across the
room. Echoes of Ghungroo and the sound of her heels tapping on the carpet fill the air with woven
twirls of silk and precision. These skilled artisans, once reputed symbols of art and culture, now stand
tarnished in the narrow lanes of history.
raveling through these lanes, one finds little to no evidence of their historic prestige. It remains
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latent, peeping through the windows of their now destroyed havelis in the modern world. Tawaifs
were highly skilled artisans that catered to the nobility of the Indian subcontinent. Their name was
derived from the Arabic word ‘tauf,’ meaning ‘to circle around.’ Juxtaposing it against the word’s
current derogatory status in society really makes us wonder, ‘What changed? How did this innocent
word come to be equated with ‘whore’?’
I f we were to travel back in time and explore these spaces, we would experience a different narrative
than the one that is dominant today. We would find custodians of culture and knowledge,
embodiments of art, and symbols of ‘tehzeeb’ all within these Tawaifs. Performing in bright
Anarkalis, these women were the highest earning participants in society back in the 18th century.
I n her paperLifestyle as Resistance: The Case ofthe Courtesans of 19th Century Lucknow,historian
Veena Oldenberg writes about the British finding out the occupations of the participants of the 1857
uprising listed as “dancing and singing girls” and “as if it was not surprising enough to find women in
the tax records, it was even more remarkable that they were in the highest tax bracket, with the largest
individual incomes of any in the city.”
ith access to tremendous power and wealth, the tawaifs employed various men in their courts. Men
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who were musicians, teachers, clients, and even pimps were all employed under the Tawaifs. Not only
that, but they were the owners of vast lands that the British confiscated after the 1857 mutiny. As
mentioned earlier, these women held extensive knowledge about music, art, and culture, making them
ideal teachers. A multitude of nawab-to-be and respectable girls were sent to ‘women of culture’ to
instill in them tameez and tehzeeb while also making room for an artistic instinct.
espite their seeming reputation in society, one needn’t forget that India has always been a land ruled
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by patriarchy. Tawaifs remained out of the ‘purdah,’ so to speak; they remained available to the
outside gaze of society. In a podcast hosted by Amit Varma, Saba Dewan, the author ofTawaifnama,
made a distinction between having high prestige and being respected in society, as materialized by the
Tawaifs of the pre-colonial era. It is important to note that the Tawaif Institute existed within the
patriarchy. So, while they enjoyed more freedom and privilege in terms of sexual expression and
monetary abilities, their lives still existed and were restricted within that cage. The ambiguous spaces
they occupied between “repute and disrepute” put them at the fringes of a society where women were
already oppressed.
imply put, they occupied metaphoric and literal elite spaces surrounded by unprecedented prosperity
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and authority. Courtesans became fundamental to the ethos of the Mughal dynasty from the sixteenth
to the nineteenth centuries. However, the culture of the Tawaifs witnessed a puritanical shift with the
arrival of the British.
Transition from the ‘Woman of Culture’ to the Nautch Girl
he settlement of the British after 1803 saw the rise of British men in India. Prior to the nineteenth
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century, the East India Company did not favor wives and children coming to India. In 1810, Captain
Thomas Williamson recorded the presence of 4000 men and 250 women in Bengal. In the evenings,
guests would arrive at the kothas in palanquins to look on as the ‘kothewali’ performed intricate dance
sequences in front of the audience.They sat on the‘gaddi’ or a raised cushion, around the perimeter
of the long, rectangular hall with Shahjahani pillars smoking a ‘hukkah,’ while the girls danced with
lamps flickering in the hallway. Their gazes followed the dancer’s twirls and the hymn of the
ghungroos. It is to be noted that India became a space of liberty for the British with ‘nautch girls,’ a
corrupted term for naach (dance), as opposed to England’s conservative society.
hat said, things are always subject to change. Soon, India witnessed the influx of British ladies and
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wives,who were threatened to see their husbands attendingto a whirlpool of skilled dancers in
Kothas. Thus began the battle of supremacy between “the ‘home-maker,’ the angelic British woman,
and the ‘home-breaker,’ the demonic nautch girl,” says author Debashish Das. The construction of the
figure of ‘the other woman’ found this to be a base on which the two fought. For the western gaze, the
‘nautch girl’ was a highly seductive enchantress with the ability to charm all men.
I f we go back to colonial literature, India has been described as a hub of vices and prostitutes. Jemima
Kindersley recorded her travels to India in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. She
comments,“Their languishing glances, wanton smiles,and attitudes [are] not quite consistent with
decency.” Everything about them—their kohl-filled eyes, red painted nails, and hands full of
henna—ended up being considered provocative. The free spirit of the Tawaif of the East was directly
juxtaposed to the British ‘memsahib’ and defined as akin to the “female mutineer,” which became a
threat to the sanctity of the British empire in India.
dward Said’s concept of ‘Orientalism’ dictates how the image of the colonizers, i.e., in the given
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context, the West, is constructed in the image of the colonized, i.e., the East. The West shouldered the
responsibility of taming, or civilizing, the big, bad ‘animals’ of the East, which were deemed
uncivilized. They became self-declared saviors of the East. Puritanical ideas started being exerted
over people across the mainland, where British morality started being replicated and became the
ultimate goal. Local Indian values and customs were frowned upon, something we still deal with in
the current century, and removed from the educational curriculum for Indian children as well. India
saw the complete erasure of their traditions, customs, and values at the hands of the British.
he ‘anti-nautch’ movement of the late nineteenth century, started by Christian missionaries, and the
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‘Contagious Diseases Act of 1864 made the decimation of Tawaif culture more prominent and quick.
The British crown, after the introduction of these acts, managed, monitored, and controlled the income
of courtesans by considering them one with prostitutes and subjecting them to strict rules and
regulations.
ationalism became a strand among many that contributed to the decline of Tawaifs. The ‘purity’ and
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‘sanctity’ of Indian culture had to be preserved, a product of the colonial hangover. The sanitation of
the public spaces demanded an erasure of Tawaifs from the streets to not confuse the ‘purdah-bound’
women with the nautch girls. Times changed, the cultural empire crumpled, and the unmarried tawaifs
were deemed to be prostitutes moving forward.
I f there’s one thing we know to be true, it’s that civilization doesn’t exist in a vacuum. There are larger
facts and things at play that affect us and our daily lives. I would like to believe the fact stood true for
courtesans in Mughal India and the women of the household. The figure of the courtesan had a
bearing on the woman of the household, and vice versa. There are questions that still demand answers.
What were these bearings? How did purdah-bound and purdah-free women coexist? What did the
repression and decline of courtesans mean for the women of the household? And finally, how was
Indian womanhood constructed in the aftermath of it all?
A way forward
he erosion of the institution of Tawaif, coupled with the invention of the gramophone, led to the
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birth of new avenues within the cultural space. These women were Tawaifs no more, but harbingers of
a new realm of culture in the new era of technology. The new era saw an intersection of cinema,
music, and dance. The first ones to explore these avenues were women forced out of livelihoods and a
steady source of income, the Tawaifs.
hey began to transform their identity from tawaif to 'gayika' in the early 1920s, focusing on their
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musical talents as vocalists and recording artists. Fearing being forced into prostitution, tawaifs
gravitated towards the phonograph industry and Parsi theater, while some of the most well-known
tawaifs relocated to Bombay and the fledgling film industry.
ith the arrival of more ‘respectable’ women into the sphere, Tawaifs were thrown out of cinema as
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well.
e see their prestige and lineage in the current world as well. ‘Hamari Atariya,’ the Rekha Bharadwaj
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song, takes its inspiration from Shobha Gurtu’s original Thumri rendition. Take, for example, Randi
ka Masjid in Delhi, built in the early 19th century by Mubarak Begum, a tawaif in the Mughal Court
who fell in love withDavid Ochterlony, India’s firstBritish resident.
Representation
I t is also important to note how Tawaifs are represented in cinema. Mirza Mohammad Ruswa’s
Umrao Jaan(1905) portrays Umrao as someone forced into the space of a kotha. Her work becomes a
product of her circumstances, not her will.
common trope within Tawaif films is an attempt to rise above the ranks and be more honorable
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within their community. Take, for instance, Rani Mukherjee’s character inLaaga Chunari Mein Daag,
2007, where she finds out her partner loves her despite the work she does. The movie culminates with
a marriage between the two. The only way for a woman to escape their ‘dire’ life and ascend to being
acceptable is through a pious association with a man.
ovies with Tawaifs as the center character ended in distress. Zohra inMuqaddar ka Sikandar(1978)
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kills herself after she’s unable to stop her paramour from entering the Kotha. InUmrao Jaan(1981),
Rekha’s character ends up alone with nothing but the support of her profession. Her character in
Kasam Suhaag Ki(1989) is kidnapped, forced into courtesanship, and ends up in her mother's arms
dead with a gunshot wound.
hese endings stress and exemplify, in a way, a Tawaif’s desire to ascend to the socially acceptable
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class. In the end ofPakeezah(1972), Shahibjaan’s relationship with the hero’s uncle is revealed. In
Khilona(1970), Chand is only accepted by the hero’s family after her parentage comes to light.
inema is a warped rendition of Tawaifs’ reality, often filtered through the male gaze. But that’s
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another rabbit hole. One I’ve written about previously. It seems fitting to end this article with
something Manjari Chaturvedi, the founder of the Courtesan Project, recently posted on her socials.
“ No classical singer or dancer wanted to be associated with tawaifs, while the truth is that the tawaifs
performed thumri, dadra, ghazal, khayal, and kathak. All these artforms are alive today, and yet we
refuse to take their names. Shame on us. No shame on them.”