I would like to conclude by emphasizing again the heterogeneity of
the writers under study, in terms of age, gender, nationality, politi- cal, and religious positions, and also their writing styles, choice of genre, publication histories, and critical reception. Despite this emphasis, there are still problems inherent in the singling out of this religious group. Because I am interested in texts by writers of Muslim heritage, there is an attendant danger of abstracting Muslims from the historical record (when often writers are not prac- tising or not very interested in Islam), and separating them from both other ethnic minority groups and White Britons with whom they have had a shared immigration history or other connections. On the other hand, there are also advantages to this approach, such as the fact that it brings writers together from Muslim communities with heritage in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia whose works may elucidate each other, while also highlighting divergences. Muslims in Britain have of course been placed at the very centre of media attention and political concern in recent years. In my view, it is important to look at this group, but without pigeonhol- ing individuals or according greater importance than is warranted to the religious or civilizational aspects of their Muslim identity. Furthermore, it would be erroneous to suggest that Islam itself is a monolithic entity. Dutch literary critic Mieke Bal, whose book Loving Yusuf centres on (re-)tellings of the joseph story, from the Bible and Qur'an through to Rembrandt's etchings and Thomas Mann's Joseph and his Brothers, writes:
Not only is my culture- say, Western Europe- composed of an
enormous number of different traditions, including religious ones, but it is also constantly being reshuffled into categories whose importance shifts with issues and situations. Sometimes age is more important than gender; sometimes class overrules
all other groupings. At the present moment, religion, always
politically inflected, is gaining renewed prominence as a tool for group formation. But never, in no situation, is that culture homogeneous. 1
There are vast differences in the religious practices of Islam's
two main branches, Sunni and Shia, as well as other groups such as the devotional Sufis and esoteric Ismailis. As has been seen, there are also great variations between the worldviews of people originally from different nations and regions. Even within a particular ethnic group, there are distinctions between 'rural and urban, rich and poor, educated and illiterate'. 2 Many of the interviewees unpack the huge category of 'Muslim' in public debate and begin to engage with the specificities. In the academy, women, social classes, various ethnicities, and so on, are commonly discussed, despite the variation that clearly exists within each grouping. Analysis of the category of people of Muslim background is also necessary and important, so long as the diversity within that is not elided. Identity itself is, as Stuart Hall recognizes, a protean thing that is constantly being (re-)fashioned and, as the interviews show, one's religious affiliations as a Muslim intersect with other signifiers - such as gender, socio-economic status, and national origins - which assume various degrees of importance in differ- ent situations. That said, there is nonetheless a need to examine the religious components of identity, especially because as Amin Malak observes, 'many Muslims regard religion as a key com- ponent of their identity that could rival, if not supersede, their class, race, gender, or ethnic affiliation'. 3 Furthermore, I am influenced by Tariq Modood's recent book, Multiculturalism, in which he argues that Wittgenstein's concept of 'family resem- blance' allows us to recognize distinct ethnic and religious groups, although these groups alter in different times and space, and are internally heterogeneous. Modood's contention that we can identify Muslims as a group despite all their myriad differences, just as we can detect members of the same family