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Brief Contents
1 Canadian
Politics
Today 1 10 TheConstitution,
Constitutional
Change, and the Protection of
2 Canadas
PoliticalDevelopment Rights and Freedoms 221
and Challenges 18
11Indigenous
Rights
and
3 Canada
andthe Governance
of Governance 246
Cultural Diversity and
International Migration 42 12 TheFederal
System 267
4 TheCanadian
Economy, 13 TheExecutive 291
Inequality, and the Environment 72
14 Parliament 317
5 Political
Culture 98
15 PublicAdministration
and
6 Political
Participation
andCivic Public Policy 346
Engagement 121
16 TheJudicial
System:
7 Political
Influence:
InterestGroups, Law and the Courts 378
Lobbyists, and Social Movements 146
17 Canadas
Global
Affairs 399
8 Political
Parties 171
9 Elections,
theElectoral
System,
and
Voting Behaviour 197
ii
Contents
About This Course xii The British North America Act, 1867 26
Expanding Canada From Coast to Coast to
1 Canadian
Politics
Today 1 Coast 27
Box 2-2 The Mtis Rise Up: Louis Riel and

Learning Objectives 1 Rebellions in the Territories 28
Chapter Introduction 2
Political Independence 29
Core Political Concepts 2
Regionalism and Provincialism 30
State and Government 3
The Maritimes 31
Authority and Legitimacy 3
The Prairies 31
Democracy 4
British Columbia 32
Democracy 5
Newfoundland and Labrador 32
Representative Democracy 5
Box 2-3 Provincial Rights or a Strong Central
Liberal Democracy 6
Government? 33
Plebiscitary Democracy 6
Box 1-1 Banning the Kirpan: Religious Rights Ontario 33
and Public Safety in Schools 7 EnglishFrench Relations and the Development
Deliberative Democracy 8 of Quebec Nationalism 33
Social Democracy 9 Historical Background 34
Diversity 9 Language, Religion, and Education 34
Diversity and Unity 10 The Roots of Quebec Nationalism 35
Good Government 11 Modern Quebec Nationalism 37
Democracy and Good Government 11 Women,Farmers,and Workers 38
Analyzing Politics 13 Women 39
Interests 13 Farmers 39
Ideas 13 Workers 40
Box 1-2 Dam Politics 14 Box 2-4 Labour Asserts Itself: The Winnipeg
Identities 15 General Strike and the General Motors Strike 4
Institutions 16 Summary and Conclusion 41 Discussion Questions 41
External Influences 16 Further Reading 41
Summary and Conclusion 17 Discussion Questions 17
3 Canada
andtheGovernance
of
2 Canadas
PoliticalDevelopment Cultural Diversity and International
and Challenges 18 Migration 42
Learning Objectives 18 Learning Objectives 42
Chapter Introduction 19 Chapter Introduction 43
Indigenous Peoples and European Canada: A Multination and Polyethnic State 44
Settlers 20 Ethnic and Racial Diversity 44
European Settlement 20 Linguistic and Religious Diversity 46
British Rule 20
The State and Cultural Diversity 46
An Influx of Immigrants 21
Self-Government Rights 47
The Development of Government in Canada 22
Polyethnic Rights 48
Demands for Democratic Reforms 23
Special Representation Rights 48
The Durham Report 23 Language Rights and Quebec Nationalism 48
Box 2-1 The Struggle for Responsible Language Rights 49
Government in Canada 24 The Official Languages Act 49
Confederation 25 Box 3-1 Language Regimes in the Provinces
Opposition to Confederation 26 and Territories 51
v
vi Contents go directly to that topic ;-)
Bilingualism 52 Box 4-3 Minimum Hourly Wage in Provinces
Quebec Nationalism 52 and Territories, 2018 87
Federal Plans A and B 53 Women, Work, and Politics 87
Quebec Independence and Public Opinion 54 Addressing Gender Inequality 89
Immigration and Refugee Systems 55 Farmers and Farming 90
Immigration and Nation-Building 55 Indigenous People 90
The Contemporary Immigration System 56 Visible Minorities 90
The Refugee System 58 Regional Economic Inequality 91
Conservative Era Reforms 59 The Economy and the Environment 92
Immigration Debates and Public Opinion 61 The Importance of Environmental

Change 92
Racial, Ethnic, and Religious Minorities and Immigrant
Integration 62 International Climate Change Agreements 93
Discrimination and Exclusion 62 The Paris Agreement 94
Anti-Discrimination Measures 64 Fossil Fuels and the Canadian Economy 95
Multiculturalism 65 Box 4-4 Alberta Oil 94

Immigrant Integration 67 Carbon Tax 95
Reasonable Accommodation 68 Box 4-5 Cap and Trade 9
Citizenship: Defining Who Belongs 68 Summary and Conclusion 96 Discussion Questions 97
Box 3-2 The Debate Over Secularism and Religious Further Reading 97
Freedoms 69
Summary
Further
and
Reading
Conclusion
71
70 Discussion Questions 71 5 Political
Culture 98
Learning Objectives 98
4 TheCanadian
Economy, Chapter Introduction 99
Inequality, and the Environment 72 The Road to Political Culture 100
What Is Political Culture? 100
In Search of Canadian Political Culture 101
Box 5-1 Important Canadian Symbols 102
The Canadian Economy 73
Analyzing Political Culture 102
The Role of Government 73
Theoretical and Historical Approaches to
Economic Development 74
Understanding Political Culture 103
Canadas Trade and Foreign Investment Agreements 76
Box 5-2 Major Political Ideologies and
The World Trade Organization 76
Perspectives 103
Canadas North American Free Trade
Agreements 76 Founding Fragments Theory 104
The North American Free Trade Formative Events Theory 104

Agreement, 1992 77 Different Perspectives 105
The United StatesMexicoCanada Post-Materialist Theory 106

Agreement, 2018 78 A National Political Culture 107
Other Economic and Trade Agreements 79 Common Beliefs and Values 107
Foreign Investment and Ownership 79 Views about Government and
Foreign Investment 80 Politics 108
Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Rights and Freedoms 110
Agreements 80 Tolerance 110
Box 4-1 The Appetite for Canadian Resources by Equality 110
Foreign State-Owned Enterprises 81
Diversity and Political Culture 111
Government and the Economy 81 Provincial and Regional Political Cultures 111
Business Regulation 81 Quebec Political Culture 112
Assistance to Business 82 Indigenous Political Cultures 113
Management of the Economy 82 Social Class 115
Economic Inequality 83 Gender 115
Income Inequality 83 Ethnicity 115
Box 4-2 Income Inequality and Poverty in Canada: Youth 116
An International Comparison 84 A Redundant Border? 116
Workers 86 A Shifting Value Landscape? 116
go directly to that topic ;-) Contents vii
Box 5-3 A Canadian Icon 117 Box 7-1 Talk and Dig: The Alberta Oil
Sands 156
Policy Reflecting Values 118
Global Cultural Trends 118 Influencing Public Policy 157
Summary and Conclusion 119 Discussion Questions 120 Advisory Councils and Think Tanks 158
Further Reading 120 Members of Parliament 158
6 Political
Participation
andCivic Influencing
Political
the
Parties and
Public
Elections
159
160
Engagement 121 Legal Action 160
Learning Objectives 121 The Potential for Successful Influence 161
Chapter Introduction 122 Lobbyists 162

Box 7-2 F-35 Stealth Fighters: Keeping
Political Participation and Civic Engagement 123
Parliament and the Public in the Dark 163
Theories of Political Participation 124
Box 6-1 Citizens Decide: Deliberative Democracy Lobbyist Regulation 164
in the Provinces 124 Social Movements 165

New Social Movements 165
Trends in Political Participation, Interest, and
Box 7-3 Save Our Forest: Civil Disobedience 167
Knowledge 126
Political Interest and Knowledge 126 Summary and Conclusion 169 Discussion Questions 169
Further Reading 170
Formal Political Participation in Canada 127
Turnout
Turnout
in Federal
in Sub-national
Elections
Elections
129
130
8 Political
Parties 171
Who Votes and Why? 131 Learning Objectives 171
Young Canadians and the Vote 132
Indigenous Peoples and the Vote 134
Political Parties in Canada: Their Role and
Ethnocultural Diversity and Federal Elections 135
Types 173
Political Party Membership and Campaign Activism 136
Types of Political Parties 174
Interest Group Involvement 137
From the Cadre to Market-Oriented Party? 174
Informal Political Participation and Civic
Box 8-1 Political Marketing, Digital Media,
Engagement in Canada 137
and Courting the Youth Vote 176
Social Movement Involvement 139
Major and Minor Parties 176
Online Activism 139
The Canadian Party System 177
Box 6-2 The Social Media and Political Protest 140
The Origins of the Canadian Party System 178
Civil Society and Civic Engagement 141
Party Competition from Confederation1993 178
Civic Engagement in Canada 142
Party Competition since 1993 179
Box 6-3 Does Mandatory Volunteering Build Better
Campaign 2019 180
Citizens? 143
Party Policies and Electoral Performance 181
The Conservative Party 182
Further Reading 145
The Liberal Party 184
7 Political
Influence:
Interest The New Democratic Party 185
Groups, Lobbyists, and Social The Bloc Qubcois 186
Movements 146 The Green Party 187
Party Organizations: Leaders, Candidates, and

Members 187
Chapter Introduction 147 The Structure of Political Parties 18
Interest Groups 147
Box 8-2 Worlds Apart: Federal and Provincial Party
Theoretical Perspectives 148 Politics 188
Types of Interest Groups 149
The Extra-Parliamentary Wing 189
Interest Group Activities 150
Selecting Party Leaders 190
How Are Interest Groups Organized? 150
How Do Parties Replace Their Leaders? 192
Are Interest Groups Responsive to Their
Local Candidate Selection 192
Members and Supporters? 152
Diversity and Local Candidacies 193
Why Do People Join Interest Groups? 152
Are All Sectors of Society Adequately Box 8-3 Electing a Diverse House of Commons 195
Represented by Interest Groups? 154 Summary and Conclusion 196 Discussion Questions 196
Government Sponsorship and Support 155 Further Reading 197
viii Contents go directly to that topic ;-)
9 Elections,
theElectoral
System, The Canadian Bill of Rights 236
The Charter of Rights and Freedoms 236
and Voting Behaviour 197
Provisions of the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Learning Objectives 197 Freedoms 237
Chapter Introduction 198 Box 10-1 Same-Sex Marriage: Kevin and Joe,
Elaine and Anne, and the Charter of Rights and
The Rules of the Game 199
Freedoms 238
Fair and Democratic Elections 199
Voting 199 Limitations on Rights and Freedoms 239
Box 9-1 Online Voting: A Primer 201 Box 10-2 Innocent Until Proven Guilty?
David Oakes and the Narcotics Control Act 240
Box 9-2 Modernizing Elections 202
The Charter and the Courts 241
The Timing of Elections 202
Running for Office 202 Effects of the Charter on the Political Process 242
Representation and the Electoral System 203 Doesthe Charter Help to Promote Socio-Economic
Equality? 242
The Electoral System 204
Does the Charter Help to Foster National Unity? 243
Reforming the Electoral System 206
Election Campaigns and Party Financing 208
Further Reading 244
Leaders Debates 210
Box 9-3 Fake News: An Existential Threat to

Democracy? 210 11 Indigenous
Rights
and
Campaign Platforms and Promises 211 Governance 246
Campaign Advertising 211
Elections and the Conventional and Digital Media 211
Election and Party Finance 213
The Problems Faced by Indigenous Peoples 248
Voting Behaviour 215
The Sixties Scoop 249
Long-Term Influences on Voting Behaviour 215
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women
Short-Term Influences on Voting Behaviour 217 and Girls 250
The Historical Background to Understanding the
Further Reading 220
Situation of Indigenous Peoples and Proposals
10 TheConstitution,
Constitutional for Change 251
The Constitution Act, 1867 251
Change, and the Protection of
The Indian Acts 252
Rights and Freedoms 221
Proposals for Change 253
Learning Objectives 221 The Constitution Act, 1982, Indigenous Rights,
Chapter Introduction 222 and Land Claims 254
The Canadian Constitution 223 Land Claims and Modern Treaties 255
Formal Constitutional Documents 223 Box 11-1 Big Oil Versus Indigenous Rights:
The Northern Gateway Pipelines 257
The Constitution Act, 1982 224 Fishing and Hunting Rights 257
The Constitutional Amendments Act, 1996 226 Mtis Hunting Rights 257
Other Formal Documents 226 Box 11-2 Standoff at Burnt Church: The Marshall
Acts of a Constitutional Nature 226 Rulings 258
Constitutional Conventions 227 The Supreme Courts Interpretation of

Judicial Decisions That Interpret the Constitution 227 Indigenous Rights 258
Constitutional Change 228 Negotiating Comprehensive Land Claims

Agreements 259
The Politics of Constitutional Change 228
Box 11-3 Nisgaa Self-Government Sparks a
Public Outcry 260
The Meech Lake Accord 232
The Charlottetown Accord 233 Nunavut 260
The Aftermath of the Failure of Constitutional Specific Claims 261

Change 234 Indigenous Self-Government 262
Constitutional Protection of Rights and Freedoms 235 Self-Government Issues and Challenges 263
The Constitution Act, 1867 236 Sovereignty and the Right to Self-Determination 26
go directly to that topic ;-) Contents ix
Box 11-4 Sovereign Powers: The Two-Row Prerogative Powers Devolved to Ministers 296
Wampum Belt 265 The Political Executive 297
Summary and Conclusion 265 Discussion Questions 266 The Prime Minister, Cabinet, and Ministers
Further Reading 266 of State 29
12 TheFederal
System 267
The Flexibility
System
of the Westminster
297
Categories of Office in the Ministry 298
Responsible Government 299
Individual Ministerial Responsibility 299
The Constitution and the Federal System 269
Collective Responsibility 300
Executive Dominance 302
Disallowance, Reservation, and the
Declaratory Power 270 The Prime Minister 303
Constitutional Amendments 271 Limits on the Prime Ministers Power 306

Cabinet 307
Judicial Interpretations 271
Cabinets Executive Functions 307
The Supreme Court of Canada 273
Considerations in Cabinet Construction 307
An Evolving Federal System 274
Box 13-2 Justin Trudeau Appoints a Cabinet 308
Phases of Federalism 274
Quasi-Federalism 274 Stages of Cabinet Development 309
Classical Federalism 275 How the Cabinet Decision-Making Process Works 311
Cooperative Federalism 275 The Cabinet Decision-Making Process 311
Competitive Federalism 276 Cabinet Committees 312
Collaborative Federalism 276 The Budgetary Process 313
Open Federalism 277 Reform and the Prime Minister

and Cabinet 313
Canada: A Decentralized Federal System 277
Box 12-1 Turning the Constitution on Its Head 278
Further Readings 316
Provinces on the Ascendant 278
Asymmetrical Federalism 279
Inter-Governmental Relations 280

14 Parliament 317
Executive Federalism 280
Interstate and Intrastate Federalism 281
Inter-Provincial Cooperation 282
The General Functions of Parliaments 319
Fiscal Federalism 283
The Canadian Parliament 320
Taxes 283
British Roots 321
Transfer Payments 284
Box 14-1 Canadian and American Legislatures:
Conditional Grants 285
Dispelling Common Misperceptions 322
Block Grants 285
The Evolution of Parliament in Canada 323
Equalization Payments 286
Box 12-2 The Politics of Equalization 286 The House of Commons 323
Representation in the House of Commons 324
Territorial Governments 287
Styles of Representation 324
Local Governments 288
Party Discipline 325
Diversity and Representation 326
Further Reading 290
Minority and Majority Government 326
13 TheExecutive 291
Box 14-2
Balance
A Minority Government Hangs in the
327
Learning Objectives 291 The Officers of the House of Commons 329
Chapter Introduction 292 The Parliamentary Schedule 330
The Formal Executive 293 The Passage of Bills 332
The Queen, the Governor General, and the Time Management of Debates on Bills 333
Privy Council 293 The Opposition and Holding the Government
The Crown, Monarchy, and Prerogative 294 to Account 335
Discretionary Prerogative Powers 295 House of Commons Committees 335
Box 13-1 A Governor General Stirs Up House of Commons Effectiveness 336

Controversy: The KingByng Affair 295 Standing Committee Independence 337
x Contents
Economic and Fiscal Overview 337 Public Servants as Actors in the Policy Process 372
Committee Scrutiny of Appointments 338 Information Guardians 372
Increasing the Number of Officers of the Innovators 372

Legislature and Their Structural Independence 338 Policy Advisers, Evaluators, and Formulators 373
Recognition of Parties in Parliament 338 Box 15-3 Recruiting and Retaining the Next
The Senate 338 Generation of Public Policy Leaders 375
Reasons for Establishment 339 An Open Question 375
Appointments to the Senate 339 Summary and Conclusion 376 Discussion Questions 377
The Significance of the Senate 340 Further Reading 377
Box 14-3 Pandemonium in the Senate 341
Attempts to Reform the Senate 343

16 The
Judicial
System:
Lawandthe
Summary and Conclusion 344 Discussion Questions 345 Courts 378
Further Reading 345
15 PublicAdministration
and Chapter Introduction 379
Public Policy 346 Laws 380

Laws 380
The Sources of Law 381
Judicial Review 382
Bureaucracy 348 Box 16-1 Lola and Eric: The Civil Code and the
The Administrative Structure of the Bureaucracy 348 Common Law 383
Influences on the Public Bureaucracy in Canada 349
Box 16-2 Medically Assisted Dying 383
Recent International Influences 350
New Public Governance (NPG) 351 Courts 384
Deliverology 353 The Characteristics of the Court System 385
Canadian Development 354 Jury Duty 386
Executive Institutions 355 Box 16-3 Who Killed Colten Boushie? 386
Executive Departments Headed by Cabinet The Importance of the Courts in Governing and
Ministers 355 Policy-Making 387
Semi-Independent Public Agencies 355 Judicial Independence and the Appointment
Box 15-1 Dodging the Financial Crisis: of Judges 388
The Regulation of Canadas Financial The Appointment of Supreme Court of
Institutions 358 Canada Judges 389
Alternative Service Delivery (ASD) 358 Box 16-4 Controversy over a Supreme Court
Appointment 390
Executive Departments 359
Central Agencies and Central Departments 359 Diversity in the Court System 391
The Prime Ministers Office 359 The Appointment of Superior Court Judges 391
The Privy Council Office 360 Judicial Decision Making 392
Treasury Board Secretariat 360 The Judicial System: Problems and Alternatives 393
Box 15-2 Master Multi-Tasker: The Duties Indigenous Peoples and the Canadian Judicial
of the Clerk of the Privy Council 361 System 395
The Department of Finance 362 Box 16-5 The Trial of Jian Ghomeshi 395
Central Coordinating Departments 363 The Gladue Case 396

Line Departments 363 Alternative Dispute Resolution and Collaborative
The Three Levels of Bureaucratic Elite in Family Law 396
Departments 364 Summary and Conclusion 397 Discussion Questions 398
Diversity and a Representative Bureaucracy 365 Further Reading 398
Parliamentary Institutions 366

Political
Officers
Officers
of Parliament
366
366
17 Canadas
Global
Affairs 399
Procedural Officers of Parliament 367 Learning Objectives 399
Judicial Institutions 369 Chapter Introduction 400
Public Policy Role 370 Canadas Global Affairs in Context 400
The Policy Stages (Cycles) Approach 370 What Do We Mean By Global Affairs? 40
go directly to that topic ;-) Contents xi
General Perspectives on Canadas Global Canadas Security Priorities 417

Affairs 401 Peacekeeping and Peace Operations 418
Hard Power and Soft Power 402 Regional Alliances 420
Box 17-1 Trudeaus Global Affairs Record 403 Combat Missions 420
Historical Background 404 Box 17-4 Canadas Longest Combat Mission:
Canadas Early Years 404 Afghanistan 421
World WarI and Its Aftermath 404 Critical Perspectives on Canadas Military
World WarII and the Cold War 405 Engagement 422
The Contemporary World 406 Box 17-5 Canadian Military Engagement:
How Is Canadian Foreign Policy Developed Harper Versus Trudeau 422

and Exercised? 407
Canadians in the World 423
Box 17-2 Foreign Policy Toolkit 408
The Influence of Canadians and Canadian Businesses 423
Who and What Influences Canadas Global Box 17-6 Famous Canadians in Popular Culture 424
Affairs? 408
Assisting Canadians Abroad 424
Canada as a Multilateral Actor 410
Box 17-7 The Role of Canadian Youth 425
International and Regional Organizations 410
The Negative Sides of Canada and Canadians
Box 17-3 Canadians in International and
in the World 425
Multilateral Institutions 411
Global Rules and Rights 412 Further Reading 427
Welcoming Refugees and Immigrants 412

International Assistance 413 Glossary 428
Feminism in Global Affairs 416 References 436
National and Global Security 417 Index 45
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Chapter1
CanadianPolitics
Today
Surve
Geological
States
United
A protester against fracking confronts armed riot police near the Elsipogtog First Nation, New Brunswick
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be ableto

1.1 Define some basic political concepts.
1.2a Examine and evaluate the basic features of Canadian democracy.
1.2b Discuss alternative approaches for enhancing Canadian democracy.
1.3 Examine the political significance of Canadian diversity.
1.4 Outline the criteria for good government.
1.5 Discussthe importance of interests, ideas, identities, institutions,
and external influences in understanding Canadian politics.
On October 17, 2013, near Rexton, New Brunswick, Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) of-ficers
in riot gear, carrying some assault weapons and accompanied by German shepherd dogs,
attacked protesters who ignored a court injunction against their blockade of an SWN Resources
Canada facility. This American-owned company was engaged in seismic testing that could lead
to hydraulic fracturing (fracking) to produce natural gas on land claimed by the Elsipogtog First
Nation. In the clashes that followed, six RCMP vehicles were torched, some homemade explosives
were found, beanbags and possibly rubber bullets were fired at protesters, and 40 protesters were
arrested (Lukacs, 2013; Strapagiel, 2013).
1
2 Chapter 1
Fracking involves the high-pressure injection of water, soil, and a variety of chemicals into shale
formations to extract oil or natural gas that cannot be produced by conventional drilling. Fracking
has greatly increased petroleum production in North America in recent years, resulting in lower oil
and gasoline prices. It has also made the United States less dependent upon imported oil. For the
government of the relatively poor province of New Brunswick, fracking was seen as an important
potential source of revenue and jobs. However, fracking has also raised concerns about human
health, the potential for earthquakes, and the contamination of soil and water. It has also slowed
down the shift to renewable energy sources, including solar and wind power, and thus contributed
to the serious problem of global climate change.
The New Brunswick protests were led by persons from the Mikmaq and Maliseet First Nations.
They claim that the peace and friendship treaties their ancestors signed centuries ago mean that
they never gave up their legal right to their traditional territories and that development on their lands
should not proceed without their consent. As the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in a somewhat
different situation in British Columbia, Aboriginal title confers on the group that holds it the exclusive
right to decide how the land is used. If the title has not yet been established, the government is
required to consult in good faith . .. about proposed uses (Tsilhqotin Nation v. British Columbia,
2014). On the fracking issue, the New Brunswick government had not engaged in meaningful con-sultation
with First Nations or with the general public.
Fracking is just one important case in which the reconciliation of economic growth and
environmental protection presents difficult political challenges. Disputes about the expansion of
the Trans Mountain pipeline, which carries crude and refined oil from Alberta to the west coast
of British Columbia, have sparked tensions between the governments of Alberta and British
Columbia, as well as protests from environmentalists and First Nations groups.
Meaningful public discussion of controversial issues helps to ensure that government decisions are
based on scientific evidence and community support. Democracy and good government involve more
than simply electing a government every few years. Furthermore, despite being ignored for generations,
the rights of Indigenous peoples (founders of Canadas diverse society) need to be taken seriously.
In the end, the New Brunswick Liberal government elected in 2014 placed a moratorium on
fracking. Likewise, in neighbouring Nova Scotia, the Liberal provincial government continued a mor-atorium
(initiated by the previous New Democratic Party (NDP) government) that was recommended
after an extensive scientific review and public consultations by an independent panel. Fracking may
eventually be allowed under strict conditions in these provinces.
ChapterIntroduction
Political actions by individuals and groups and the decisions of governing institutions
have important effects on our lives; on the interests of various groups; and on the quality
of life in our country, provinces, and local communities. Consider, for example, the actions
of student organizations to try to persuade governments to lower or eliminate tuition
fees, the Supreme Court of Canada decisions that resulted in the legalization of same-sex
marriage and medically assisted dying, and the efforts of environmental groups to try to
convince governments to adopt effective policies regarding global climate change.
CorePolitical Concepts
1.1 Define some basic political concepts.
Politics Politics can be thought of as all of the activities related to influencing, making, and imple-menting
Activities related to influenc-ing, collective decisions.1 Political activity usually involves controversy because dif-ferent
making, and implementing people have contrasting interests, values, and priorities when collective decisions
collective decisions. are at stake. As well, controversy and conflict characterize politics because of the relentless
competition for positions of political power and the potential for misuse of power.
Politics, particularly in stable, democratic countries such as Canada, often also
involves activity aimed at resolving conflicts or at least playing down their sig-nificance.
For example, after Quebecs divisive 1995 independence referendum, the
1 Politics, like many other terms used in political science, is subject to different contending definitions that often
reflect different political perspectives. In particular, some prefer to think about politics in terms of any relationship
that involves the use of power. A distinction between public, collective decisions and private decisions, it is argued,
obscures the use of power to dominate subordinate groups in society
Canadian Politics Today 3
Canadian government made some overtures to appease those Quebecers who voted
yes because they wanted changes to Canadas federal system but did not necessar-ily
believe in outright independence. The gestures included presenting a resolution to
the House of Commons recognizing that the Qubcois form a nation within a united
Canada (CBC News, 2006).
Power is a key feature of politics. Power involves the ability to affect the behav-iourPower
of others, particularly by getting them to act in ways that they would not oth-erwiseThe ability to affect the be-haviour
have done. For example, take a student group that succeeds in pressuring its of others, particularly
provincial government to lower tuition fees. If the government would not have taken by getting them to act in ways
that they would not otherwise
action without pressure from the students, we can say that the group has exercised its
have done
powerand done so effectively.
The collective decisions of a political community mirror, to a considerable extent, the
distribution of political power. Those who have scant political power will likely find that
collective decisions do not reflect their interests or values. For example, through much of
Canadas political history, Indigenous peoples; women; and some minority ethnic, racial,
and religious groups enjoyed almost nothing in the way of political power. It is hardly
surprising, then, that Canadian governments barely paid attention to the needs and aspi-rations
of these groups and, indeed, adopted policies that discriminated against or even
oppressed these groups. Although the right to vote in elections now gives some political
power to all citizens, the reality is that some people, groups, and interests are much bet-ter
equipped to influence government than is the ordinary citizen. For example, the
Business Council of Canada, whose membership comprises the leaders of Canadas larg-est
corporations, has demonstrated a considerable ability to shape government policy on
a variety of important issues, including the pursuit of free trade agreements.
Stateand Government
Canada is a sovereign (independent) state whose governing institutions are able to State
make and enforce rules that are binding on the people living within its territory. The An independent, self-governing
national and provincial governments that are currently in office act on behalf of the country whose governing in-stitutions
state (legally referred to as the Crown). The state also refers to all of the institu-tions are able to make and
enforce rules that are binding

and agencies that act on behalf of the state, including the police and military
on the people living within a
forces and state-owned (Crown) corporations.
particular territory.
At the centre of political life is the government: the set of institutions that have the
authority to make executive decisions; present proposed laws, taxes, and expenditures
Government
to the appropriate legislative body for approval; and oversee the implementation of laws
The set of institutions that have
and policies. When we talk about the Canadian government (also called the national
the authority to make executive
or federal government), we are usually referring to the prime minister and cabi-net decisions; present proposed
along with the variety of departments and agencies that fall under their direction. laws, taxes, and expenditures
However, Parliament, the court system, and the monarch and governor general are also to the appropriate legislative
part of the overall system of the Canadian government. Provincial and territorial gov-erningbody; and oversee the imple-mentation
systems are organized in a separate but similar manner. of laws and policies.
Authority and Legitimacy

In analyzing the power of governments, political scientists often make use of the related
concepts of authority and legitimacy. Authority refers to the right to exercise power. Thosein Authority
governing positions in Canada claim the right to make and implement decisions under the The right to exercise power.
authority of the constitution. Legitimacy refers to the acceptance by the people that those
Legitimacy
in positions of authority have the right to govern. Governments can exercise power through
The acceptance by the people
their ability to direct the major means of forcethe police and military. However, since
that those in positions of
those in positions of authority have usually been able to establish their legitimacy in the
authority have the right to
eyes of the public, governments in Canada have rarely needed to rely heavily on the use
govern.
of force to exercise power. In this respect, Canada contrasts sharply with countries such as
Egypt and China, where authorities often depend on force to maintain their power.
4 Chapter 1
Without free and fair elections to select the governing party, the legitimacy of
Canadian governing institutions would be compromised. In addition, the willing-ness
of those in government to abide by constitutional rules helps to preserve the
legitimacy of governmental authority while placing some limits on how govern-ment
acts. However, the legitimacy of a government may weaken among those
who feel that the government is systematically unfair to their group or unjust in its
policies.
Legitimacy also comes into play in analyzing the state. If some groups feel the
state was forced on them or is controlled by and acts in the interests of others, then
the legitimacy of the state may be challenged. For example, some Indigenous First
Nations claim that they never gave up their right to sovereignty (i.e., their right to
govern themselves and their territory without outside interference). The Canadian
state in this view is an illegitimate colonial power. This raises the question as to
whether, or to what extent, those First Nations should be subject to the laws of
Canadian governments. In another example, if a majority of Quebecers had voted for
independence in 1995 and the Canadian government refused to recognize Quebecs
sovereignty, the Quebec government might have challenged the legitimacy of the
Canadian state.
Governments not only have the power to make and implement decisions, but also
have some ability to persuade the society they govern about the desirability of their poli-cies.
They may be able to influence society by controlling information, gaining media
exposure for their views, and carrying their messages to the public through advertising.
For example, in 12 weeks in 2011, the Canadian government spent $26 million on televi-sion
and radio advertising to support the claim that its economic action plan was benefit-ing
the public. Politics thus involves not only the attempts of various groups and indi-viduals
to influence government but also a two-way relationship between society and
government.
In thinking about the power of government, it is important to keep in mind that
Canada has a variety of governments, including federal, provincial, territorial, munici-pal,
and Indigenous. As will be discussed in Chapter 12, Canadas federal system is
characterized by quite a high level of conflict, as well as considerable cooperation,
between the Canadian government and provincial governments. The power of the
Canadian government is limited because provincial governments enjoy considerable
power that they are determined to use. Action on a number of policies relies on nego-tiation
and agreement between federal and provincial governments.
Although governments and legislatures have the authority to make binding, col-lective
decisions, a variety of other organizations, groups, and individuals also have
a hand in making and implementing some decisions. For example, Canadian govern-ments
often consult with interest groups representing different elements of society or
sectors of the economy to help develop policies on topics that affect them. Similarly,
businesses and community organizations are sometimes involved as partners with
government in developing and carrying out specific programs.
Democracy
1.2a Examine and evaluate the basic features of Canadian democracy.
1.2b Discuss alternative approaches for enhancing Canadian democracy.
If you were asked to describe the basic nature of Canadian politics, how would you
respond? For most people, democracy is the key feature of Canadian politics. But what
exactly does it mean to describe Canada as a democratic country? While Canada is
undoubtedly more democratic than Iran, Saudi Arabia, or Cuba, can Canada be con-sidered
fully democratic
Democracy
The term democracy originated with two words of ancient Greek that can be inter-pretedDemocracy
as rule by the people. In the direct democracy system of some of the ancient Rule by the people either di-rectly
Greek city-states, such as Athens, citizens took charge of the governing decisions, or through the election
especially by discussing the issues and then voting on laws in an open forum that all of representatives.
citizens could (and were expected to) attend. Democracy was viewed as putting power
Direct Democracy
in the hands of ordinary citizens (other than women, slaves, and the foreign born)
A form of democracy in which
rather than in the hands of an elite group, particularly the wealthy few.
citizens are directly involved
in making the governing

Representative Democracy decisions.
In modern times, representative democracy has served as the primary method of im-plementing
Representative Democracy
the democratic ideal of rule by the people. In this system, most citizens are
A form of democracy in which
not directly involved in making governing decisions. Instead, citizens elect representa-tives
citizens elect representatives
to make governing decisions on their behalf. In electing a representative nomi-nated
to make governing decisions
by a political party, Canadian voters in effect are determining which political
on their behalf
party will form the government.2 In most cases, the leader of the party that wins the
greatest number of legislative seats in the House of Commons will become the prime
minister and will select cabinet ministers from members of his or her political party.
Representative democracy is often viewed as the most practical way of applying the
democratic ideal to large, modern, complex societies. Voters may get a sense of what those
vying to be elected will do by studying the campaign platforms of political parties and
carefully following coverage of the campaign in the media. Thus, they may be able to have
some influence on the general direction of the government by choosing among the com-peting
parties. If citizens are disgruntled with the policies of the governing party, they can
vote for a representative of a different party in the next election. Admittedly, the people
may have only limited control over those they elect. Yet the desire to get re-elected can
lead politicians and governing political parties to act in ways that will help them achieve
that goal, particularly by meeting the expectations of a sufficient number of voters to win
an election. Furthermore, we can hope that our elected representatives will devote their
knowledge, skills, and energies toward deciding whatis in the public interest, thus freeing
up the rest of the population from much of that responsibility.
Critics of representative democracy argue that elections are imperfect vehicles for
ensuring that representatives act according to the wishes of the people. There is the ever-present
danger that those we elect will be preoccupied with their own interests or those
of their supporters rather than the interests of the public as a whole. As well, those we
elect may act on their own perspectives and values, which may diverge from those of the
population they represent. Furthermore, political parties often do not offer clear choices
to voters or spell out exactly how they will act in office. And those we elect do not always
respect the positions taken or fulfill the promises made during election campaigns.
Furthermore, to some extent Canada does not fully meet the ideal of represen-tative
democracy. As discussed in Chapter 14, the unelected Canadian Senate has to
approve all legislation, although it has rarely rejected legislation passed by the House
of Commons in modern times. As well, because of the nature of our electoral system
(see Chapter 9), the governing party rarely has obtained a majority of the votes in an
election, even if it wins a majority of seats in the House of Commons. As discussed
in Chapters 13 and 14, the power of government has tended to be concentrated in
the hands of the prime minister, the prime ministers advisers, and a few key cabinet
ministers. Strict party discipline in the House of Commons curbs the ability of elected
members to vote according to the wishes of their constituents, and debate in the House
of Commons is often limited to controversial legislation.
2 A coalition of parties could also form the government, but this has been much less common in Canada than in many
other democratic countries.
6 Chapter 1
More generally, some argue that political power in Canada is very unevenly dis-tributed.
Members of elite groups and large corporations along with lobbyists having
inside connections to government policy makers play a leading role in affecting major
decisions (Carroll, 2004; Clement, 1977; Olsen, 1980; Porter, 1965). Others, however,
suggest that the presence of interest groups and social movements representing vari-ous
sectors of society and contrasting political perspectives has provided an avenue for
the general public to try to influence public policiesa way to exercise power beyond
the choices made in an election. Nevertheless, greater social and economic equality
may be needed if Canada is to become more fully democratic. Greater equality would
reduce the power of the wealthy and might encourage more effective participation in
political life by all individuals.
Liberal Democracy
Liberal Democracy In addition to being a representative democracy, Canada can be described as a liberal
A political system in which democracy. In aliberal democracy, all individuals are able to express their views freely,
the powers of government are organize for political action, compete for public offices in regular and fair elections,
limited by law, the rights of and access a variety of sources of information and opinions that are not controlled
the people to engage in po-litical
by government. Liberal democracies also feature constitutional governmentthat is,
activity freely are well
a government that consistently acts according to established fundamental rules and
established, and fair elections
principles. An independent judicial system that protects the rights of individuals and
are held to choose those who
upholds the constitution is an essential feature of a liberal democracy. Thus, liberal
make governing decisions.
democracy is based on the rule of law.
Liberal democracy involves protecting rights and freedoms both from arbitrary gov-ernments
Constitutional Government
A government that consis-tently and from majorities who might seek to curb the rights of unpopular individu-als
acts in keeping with or groups. Liberal democracy not only guarantees protection of the political rights
established fundamental rules needed for a meaningful democracy but also ensures that individuals are entitled to live
and principles. as they choose, as long as they do not significantly harm others or interfere with others
rights. In other words, the liberal aspect of liberal democracy means maintaining a
substantial area of private activity where government should not intervene (although
what should be considered private is often controversial). Thus, liberal democracy
protects diversity within society by allowing people to follow their own values and
practise their own beliefs, even if the majority view these values and practices as unde-sirable.
(See Box 1-1: Banning the Kirpan: Religious Rights and Public Safety in Schools.)
Despite the characterization of Canada as a liberal democracy, the rights of minor-ities
have not always been protected. During times of heightened awareness of real
or imagined threats to national security and public order, governments and security
forces have sometimes acted in illiberal ways. In particular, concerns about terrorism
can lead to challenges to liberal rights and freedoms, including the surveillance of var-ious
forms of communications.
Plebiscitary Democracy
Some Canadians have pushed for modifications to the system of representative de-mocracy
to give the people greater control of their representatives and the decisions
that governments make. In particular, the Progressives in the 1920s (a farmers-based
political party) and the Reform Party3 that originated in western Canada in the 1980s
Plebiscitary Democracy advocated plebiscitary democracy: the use of referendums, initiatives, and recall pro-cedures.
The use of referendums, initia-tives, This, it was argued, would help to ensure that decisions were based on the
and recall procedures as interests, values, and common sense of ordinary people rather than the wishes of elites
an alternative to what some
and special interests.
view as the elite-oriented
nature of representative
3 Although members of the former Reform Party (and its successor, the Canadian Alliance) played a leading role in
democracy. the founding of the new Conservative Party in 2004, the Conservatives dropped the plebiscitary proposals from their
partys platform
Box 1-1 Banningthe Kirpan: Religious Rights and Public

Safetyin Schools
In 2001, 12-year-old Gurbaj Singh Multani dropped the
sheathed steel knife, or kirpan, he was wearing at a Montreal
elementary school. As required by his Khalsa Sikh faith, he had
made a spiritual commitment to carry a kirpan (which is to be
used only as a weapon of defence) at all times. When Gurbaj
dropped the kirpan while playing in the schoolyard, the mother
of another student complained to school officials (CBC News,
2006, March 2). Although Gurbajs family accepted a school
board request that the kirpan be securely covered, higher
school authorities resolved that the kirpan, like other weapons,
should be banned from schools. Whenthis decision was over-turned
in a court challenge, some parents picketed the school
and refused to send their children to class. Because of the
taunts that pursued him, Gurbaj left to attend a private school.
Eventually, the question of whether kirpans should be
banned in schools went before the Supreme Court of Canada.
Its ruling in 2006 allowed Gurbaj to wear the kirpan, aslong as
it was under his clothes and sewn into a sheath. In the courts
Image
CP
view, a complete ban could not be justified because of the

right to freedom of religion enshrined in the Canadian Charter
of Rights and Freedoms. As well, Justice Louise Charron ar-gued
Chartrand/The
that a banis disrespectful to believersin the Sikh reli-gion
and does not take into account Canadian values based
on multiculturalism.
Fred
Many Canadians favoured the banning of kirpans in

When 12-year-old Gurbaj Singh Multani dropped
schools. While the Supreme Court decision may not have re-flected
his kirpan (a sheathed steel knife) at school in
2001, he had no idea that he would become central the opinion of the majority of Canadians, it did uphold
to a Charter case about freedom of religion that the right of a minority group to follow their religious beliefs
would not be decided by the Supreme Court until whiletrying to ensure that practices based on those beliefs did
5 years later. not harm or endanger others.
Areferendum is a vote by citizens on a particular question asked by the govern-ment Referendum

or a legislative body. The Canadian government has resorted to referendums A vote by the people on a par-ticular
only three times (for the prohibition of alcohol, the imposition of conscription, and a question asked by the
government or legislative body.
package of constitutional changes known as the Charlottetown Accord). Provincial
and local governments have turned to referendums4 on such issues asthe fixed link
(bridge) to the mainland (Prince Edward Island), Sunday shopping (Nova Scotia),
video lottery terminals (New Brunswick and various municipalities in Alberta),
sovereignty-association (Quebec), and electoral reform (British Columbia, Ontario,
and Prince Edward Island). In 1992, voters in a Northwest Territories-wide plebi-scite
voted to support the division of the territory so asto create a new Nunavut
Territory with its own government.
An initiative is a proposed new law or changes to an existing law drafted by Initiative
individuals or groups rather than by a government or a legislature. Initiatives are A proposed new law or changes
put to a vote by citizens after enough signatures have been collected. In Canada, to an existing law drafted by an
only British Columbia has set up a procedure for initiatives.5 In 2010, the first individual
suc-cessful or group rather than
by a government or legislature.
initiative involved the collection of 557 383 signatures (easily surpassing the
The proposal is put to a vote by
the people after enough signa-tures

4 Referendums are also known as plebiscites. In the past, plebiscite was used to refer to a vote that was not binding on
government or legislatures. This distinction has generally disappeared. have been collected.
5 Alberta provides for citizen initiatives at the municipal level.
8 Chapter 1
requirement that at least 10 percent of registered voters in each of the provinces

85 electoral districts sign the petition within a 90-day period). This was followed by
a 2011 mail-in ballot in which 57.43 percent of those voting supported rescinding
British Columbias adoption of the harmonized sales tax (HST). A 2013 initiative that
would, in effect, largely decriminalize marijuana possession obtained over 200 000
signatures in 90 days but fell far short of meeting the 10 percent requirement in every
electoral district.
Recall Recall procedures allow citizens to recall their representative and require that a
A procedure that allows citi-zens new election be held, provided sufficient names are obtained on a petition. Again,
to recall their represen-tative British Columbia is the only province that provides this opportunity. At least 40 per-cent
and require that a new of registered voters in a district have to sign a recall petition within a 60-day
election be held, provided suf-ficient
period for a recall election to be called. From 1995 to November 2018, all of the 26 peti-tion
names are obtained on
applications had been withdrawn or did not receive sufficient valid signatures,
a petition.
although one representative resigned rather than face a probable recall election.
Plebiscitary mechanisms give citizens a chance to vote for more than the election
of a representative every few years. However, there are some potential problems. The
wording of a referendum question or initiative proposal may be misleading or manip-ulative.
For example, the Canadian government criticized the 1995 Quebec referendum
question on the grounds that the phrasing did not provide voters with a clear question
about independence. As well, almost all referendums and initiatives allow voters to
respond only yes or no to a particular proposition; more nuanced ways of deal-ing
with an issue are not presented. As with elections, those with money or influence
may be able to sway voters in referendums. Furthermore, turnout for referendums and
initiatives is often low. For example, although 93.5 percent of Quebecers voted in the
1995 sovereignty (independence) referendum, only about 54 percent of registered vot-ers
participated in the British Columbia HST vote. As well, if voters are called upon to
decide several issues at the same time (as frequently occurs in some American states),
they may not pay enough attention to all of the complexities involved. Referendums
and initiatives may also be used to trample the rights of unpopular minorities. For
example, in the past many American states held referendums that led to banning same-sex
marriage. Finally, the recall procedure does not fit easily into Canadas parliamen-tary
system, in which individual representatives are expected to vote along party lines
rather than in keeping with the wishes or interests of their constituents.
Deliberative Democracy
Unlike plebiscitary democracy, which gives citizens extra opportunities to vote,
Deliberative Democracy deliberative democracy engages citizens in deliberating about governing decisions
A form of democracy in which through discussion (Mendelsohn & Parkin, 2001). The underlying idea is that ordi-nary
governing decisions are citizens can make recommendations that are in the public interest, provided they
made based on discussion by have the opportunity for free and equal discussion and have access to the information,
citizens.
ideas, and time needed for intelligent deliberation. Unlike politicians, whose decisions
are often based on seeking advantage in the ongoing struggle for power, ordinary citi-zens
may be able to reach a consensus on some key issues despite having different
interests, values, and viewpoints. Deliberative democracy can, therefore, be a means to
accommodate the diversity of society, provided that those actively involved in the de-liberation
reflect that diversity. Citizens assemblies consisting of a random selection of
citizens were used in British Columbia and Ontario to deliberate and make recommen-dations
about changes to those provinces electoral systems. (See Chapters 6 and 9.)
The idea of deliberative democracy faces the hurdle that interest in politics is
not generally high. Many people may not be willing to devote the time and energy
needed to discuss and deliberate on complex issues. However, although many
people are not deeply engaged in competitive partisan politics, they are likely to
take an interest in those political issues and problems that concern or affect them
Indeed, active participation in politics has increased substantially through participa-tion

in various groups seeking to influence public policy, bring about social change,
or protest the actions of government. Contemporary communications technologies,
combined with a more educated population, can facilitate informed discussion of
political issues. However, those most likely to actively participate in public delibera-tions
are typically the best-educated people and those with higher social and eco-nomic
status, as well as spokespersons for particular interests. Unless major efforts
are made to involve a wide diversity of people, deliberative democracy may result in
recommendations that do not adequately consider the views and interests of many
elements of society.
Social Democracy
Critics of liberal democracy argue that it is not fully democratic, particularly if lib-eral
values include a defence of property rights and income inequality. Large cor-porations
and members of elite groups, it is argued, have a strong ability to affect
major government decisions. Further, the owners of the mass media tend to pro-mote
the values and interests of the corporate world. The less-advantaged members
of society have much less ability to participate effectively in the political process
and thus do not have an equal voice. From the perspective of social democracy, Social Democracy
greater social and economic equality is needed for Canada to become more truly The perspective that greater
democratic. For social democrats, various social rights such as health, education, social and economic equality is
and child care should be equally available to all persons in addition to political needed for a country to be fully
democratic
and civil rights. Thus, social democrats favour a greater role for government than
do those who focus on protecting the property rights associated with a free market
economy.
Diversity
1.3 Examine the political significance of Canadian diversity.
A key characteristic of Canada that has great political importance is the diversity of its
peoples. Accommodating Quebecs distinct society within the Canadian federal system
has been the subject of considerable attention in Canadian politics. (See Chapter 3.)
Other provinces and territories also vary in their economic characteristics, their histori-cal
experiences, the cultural and linguistic characteristics of their populations, and the
identities, values, and political perspectives that are widely held by their residents. (See
Chapter 5.) First Nations have been searching for a new relationship with Canadian
governments that respects what they view as their inherent right to self-governmentthat
is, the ability to govern their own people and lands. (See Chapter 11.) Immigrants
from many parts of the world have added greatly to the diversity of Canada by bring-ing
different cultures, values, beliefs, identities, and political perspectives. Furthermore,
differences in interests, values, and identities are found among those in different social
classes, regions, religious faiths, genders, and sexual orientations and identities. (See
Chapters 3 and 5.)
The diversity of Canada raises questions about not only how to accommodate
different cultures, values, perspectives, and identities but also how to deal with the
problems and injustices that different groups have experienced or continue to expe-rience.
Indigenous peoples; women; sexual minorities; immigrants; and various
minority cultural, ethnic, and religious groups have suffered discrimination and face
continuing social and economic barriers to full equality. As well, many provincial gov-ernments
have emphasized real or perceived unfair treatment of their province at the
hands of the national government.
10 Chapter 1
The diversity of Canada also raises issues concerning how democracy is

applied in Canada. Democracy is often thought to involve the equality of all citi-zens.
For some, this means that all persons should be treated the same and the
wishes of the majority should be the basis of public policies. However, as dis-cussed
in Chapter 11, Canadas Indigenous peoples claim special rights based on
their cultural differences and the treaties that were signed with French, British, and
Canadian governments. French Quebecers often argue that the Quebec govern-ment
needs special powers to protect and develop their distinct culture (Chapters 3
and 12). Controversies also arise concerning whether governments should encour-age
new and recent immigrants to Canada to adopt Canadian customs and val-ues
or encourage them to maintain their own languages, customs, and traditions
(Chapter 3).
Accommodating diversity can occur in a variety of ways. Protecting individual
freedoms is essential to ensuring that those with different beliefs, cultures, and val-ues
can live according to their own convictions. Providing equal rights and benefits
for those with different characteristics or lifestyles is important in accommodating
diversity. For example, legalizing same-sex marriage has accommodated gays and
lesbians. The Charter of Rights and Freedoms and human rights codes prohibit
various forms of discrimination based on such characteristics as race, ethnic ori-gin,
religion, sex, age, and disability. (See Chapter 10.) A more active approach
(as discussed in Chapter 4) involves adopting policies that promote an equitable
representation of persons with different characteristics in employment and politi-cal
positions.
Providing rights, freedoms, and opportunities for individuals does not nec-essarily
take into account the importance of the community in shaping how we
live our lives. At the collective level, allowing a community that differs from the
mainstream to govern itself affords a way of accommodating diversity. By that
means, the values and interests of the group can lay the foundation for the policies
and laws of the community. However, all of the members of a community will not
necessarily share the same values and interests. For example, the government of
Quebec views itself as representing the entire Quebec community, yet the English-speaking
minority in that province has fought against the governments measures
to make French the sole public language. As well, there are some very small groups
whose practices (such as polygamy) are at odds with the values of the Canadian
community.
Diversity and Unity

In the past, diversity often triggered negative thoughts and feelings. People from for-eign
or minority cultures were expected to assimilate to the dominant Canadian cul-ture
by adopting the language, customs, and values of
the majority. Those who did not fit in and looked or
acted differently from the majority were often scorned,
discriminated against, and shut out of positions of po-litical
power. Although many people continue to believe
that assimilation is necessary to create a unified country,
Debenport/E+/
Image
efforts to assimilate people into the dominant culture are
Steve
Getty likely to cause tension and political conflict. Nevertheless,
consensus about the basic political values and laws of the
The diversity of Canadas population has great political
country is needed to maintain a degree of unity among
significance. Those of different social classes, ethnic and linguis-tic
members of diverse groups. Even though many people
backgrounds, faith traditions, genders, sexual orientations,
and identities often have different political interests, values, and have a strong sense of identification with their cultural
ideological perspectives. groups or their province, to varying degrees most also
have a sense of attachment to Canada and its democratic political system. Thus, a sig-nificant
degree of unity exists in Canada despite considerable diversity.
Good Government
1.4 Outline the criteria for good government.
We cannot assume that governments, even in a democratic country, will necessarily act
in the public interest. Because of the competitive struggle for power, those in governing
positions may be more preoccupied with staying in power than with doing what best
serves the country and its people. The governing party may act in ways that are designed
to discredit the opposition, dupe the public, or provide perks and benefits to those ex-pected
to support it in the next election. Furthermore, those in governing positions may
be tempted to act in ways that reward themselves and their families personally. Although
recent efforts have tried to ensure that public officeholders act ethically, some individuals
will inevitably abuse their positions of authority. Even if most of those in governing posi-tions
are dedicated to serving the public interest, competing views exist as to what the
public interest entails. Different interests, values, and ideological perspectives shape per-ceptions
of the public interest. For example, some people argue that the government that
governs best governs least, while others believe that government should supply a wide
variety of services, play an active role in economic development, and reduce inequalities.
Many people assess the actions of government in terms of their particular interests,
values, and identities. That is, they may focus more on the well-being of their province,
local community, cultural group, social class, or gender than on the well-being of the
country as a whole. It is natural to be concerned with our own well-being and that of our
family, friends, and groups with which we identify. However, in a diverse country like
Canada, this tendency to judge the broader effects of government primarily in terms of
those groups or localities we identify with seems firmly entrenched; it may be stronger
than in some countries where people generally view themselves as part of a single national
community. Canadas federal system, which divides governing authority between national
and provincial governments, tends to reinforce or heighten the assessment of actions taken
by the Canadian government in terms of the benefits or costs for particular provinces.
Even if we set aside the interests of the groups we identify with, there remains
the issue of whether we should evaluate government actions primarily in terms of
the public interest of Canada or that of the world as a whole. For example, if gov-ernment
policies encouraged the conversion of land from growing food crops to
growing crops for biofuel, this might benefit Canadian farmers and the Canadian
economy but could contribute to higher food prices, food shortages, and even star-vation
in other parts of the world. Should we assess good government only in terms
of whats advantageous for Canadians? Or should good government also involve
actions and initiatives such as protecting the global environment, assisting the devel-opment
of poorer countries, promoting global human rights, and working toward a
peaceful world?
Finally, there is the issue of the relative importance of the public interests of Canadians
in the present and Canadians in the future. For example, degradation of Canadas natural
environment may fuel prosperity in the present while harming opportunities for future
generations. (See Chapter 4.) Likewise, a high level of government debt today (unless it
involves investments in the future) may become alasting burden to new generations.
Democracyand Good Government

Democracy can help foster good government, particularly if those in positions of au-thority
are held accountable for their actions and are responsive to the needs and de-sires
of the people
12 Chapter 1
ACCOUNTABILITY Accountability includes
providing valid justifications for the actions and policies of government,
responding to criticisms, and
moving swiftly to remedy problems resulting from government actions and

policies.
For accountability to be effective, legislators, the media, and interested members of

the public should be able to investigate and scrutinize the activities of government. As dis-cussed
in Chapter 14, governments have made considerable use of procedures to severely
limit parliamentary debate on proposed legislation. Furthermore, the increasing use of
omnibus bills, which bundle together a large number of often unrelated legislative pro-posals,
limits the scrutiny of legislative proposals. For example, the Conservatives 2012
Budget Implementation Act proposed major changes to more than 70 laws dealing with
a wide variety of topics, including environmental assessment, employment insurance,
immigration, fisheries, and old age pensions, most of which were not directly related to
the governments budget. This prevented detailed scrutiny of major policy changes by the
standing House of Commons committees that are familiar with particular policy areas.
Despite criticizing omnibus bills while in opposition and promising to end their use upon
coming to government, the Liberal government also introduced a budget implementa-tion
bill containing measures that were not included in the 2018 budget.
Public inquiries headed by independent individuals, as well as independent court
systems, are also key to dealing with allegations of illegal or improper behaviour by
government. Likewise, independent review and investigative processes are needed
to ensure that various government agencies operating somewhat independently
of governmentsuch as the RCMP and other police, military, and national security
agenciesdo not abuse the power vested in them. For example, the death of Polish
immigrant Robert Dziekanski after being repeatedly tasered by four RCMP officers at
Vancouver International Airport in 2007 was revealed by an amateur video uploaded to
YouTube. A public inquiry led by retired judge Thomas Braidwood concluded that the
Taser use was unjustified and that the officers misrepresented their actions. However,
while the RCMP made a public apology and the victims mother received financial com-pensation,
it is not clear that inappropriate use of Tasers by police forces has changed.
TRANSPARENCY For the accountability of government to be meaningful, govern-ment

must be as transparent (open) as possible. Governments have a strong tendency
to withhold information that may reflect negatively on them. However, hiding infor-mation
can hinder governments from making use of constructive criticism to correct
their mistakes and better their performance. Transparency facilitates informed public
participation in politics. Access to information (also known as freedom of information)
legislation, backed up by the ability of the courts or an independent body to require
that information be released in a timely manner, is important in making transparency
more than mere rhetoric. Although some limits on transparency are needed to pro-tect
national security, individual privacy, ongoing negotiations, and the functioning of
cabinet, governments often go far beyond justifiable limits.
RESPONSIVENESS Governments should be responsive to the needs and wishes of the

people they govern. Governments can easily lose touch with ordinary people, and elec-tions
every few years may not be enough to ensure responsiveness. Governments do
frequently use public opinion polls, although, on occasion, it is more to craft messages
for electoral advantage than to respond to public opinion and concerns. Opposition
parties are quick to exploit opportunities to raise awareness of the problems people
face. However, sometimes they (and the media) focus on trivial issues (e.g., criticizing
a cabinet minister for using her expense account to buy a $16 glass of orange juice).
Governments are often reluctant to act on issues raised by opposition parties or to
consider alternative policy ideas they present
Does good governing simply entail doing what the majority of people want the
government to do? In a liberal democracy, the wishes of the majority need to be bal-anced
by protections for the rights of minorities and individuals. Furthermore, some
people expect government to provide leadership, which may involve creating a vision
for the country. This may involve trying to convince people that a certain course of
action will, in the long run, achieve important, widely shared values.
PARTICIPATION AND INCLUSIVENESS The informed participation of the public,

including groups that represent all sectors of society, helps those in governing posi-tions
to grasp and be responsive to the needs, wishes, and perspectives of those being
governed. Of particular importance is participation by marginalized groups in society
whose views and interests are often ignored because of their limited power and organiza-tional
capabilities. Ideally, public participation should be meaningful, with government
and legislators taking the views of the public seriously. Likewise, the inclusiveness within
governing, legislative, judicial, and administrative institutions of diverse elements of
society allows different voices with contrasting needs and values to be taken into account.
Developing a broad consensus based on participation and inclusiveness helps to shore
up the legitimacy of the state and its governing institutions among all elements of society.
Analyzing Politics
1.5 Discuss the importance of interests, ideas, identities, institutions, and external
influences in understanding Canadian politics.
In analyzing politics, it is useful to examine the
contending interests that seek to benefit by influencing what government does,
major political ideas and perspectives,
extent to which people identify themselves with different groups and political
communities,
development and characteristics of political and governmental institutions, and
external and global influences on the country.
As well, it is important to understand the historic, economic, and social context

of politics. Of particular importance in affecting the decisions of governments is the
relative capability of various groups, individuals, and institutions to exert power effec-tively.
(See Box 1-2: Dam Politics.)
Interests
A classic definition of politics is who gets what, when, how (Lasswell, 1935). In this
view, politics is basically a struggle among contending groups and individuals to pro-mote
their own interests, particularly in terms of how the benefits and costs of govern-ment
policies are distributed. For example, poorer people will likely seek government
programs that provide free health care and education as well as insurance against un-employment,
disability, and old age. Business owners and corporate executives, on the
other hand, will typically seek to have lower taxes, fewer business regulations, and
fewer costly government-funded social services.
Ideas
The ideas, values, and beliefs that people (including both the public and those in gov-erning
positions) hold often affect how they act in political life. For example, discus-sions
of Senate reform (or abolition) are often framed in terms of which proposal is
most likely to improve the quality of Canadian democracy
14 Chapter 1
Box 1-2 Dam Politics

Across northern Canada, many recent and potential hydro-electric their livelihood, identity, and spiritual values. There is also often
projects hold the promise of relatively clean energy. conflict between those who primarily value economic growth
Amid concerns about pollution and global climate change and development and those who place a higher value on pre-serving
caused by the burning of fossil fuels, building dams seems to the natural environment.
be an ideal solution for sourcing clean power. However, many Governments are often advocates of these megaprojects,
large-scale hydro projects have come under criticism. Large which they see as opportunities to create jobs and stimulate
concrete dams often flood forests that store carbon dioxide, economic growth. Likewise, the Crown (government-owned)
and the decaying, submerged forests and other vegetation corporations responsible for energy production and distribu-tion
eventually releases methane, a highly potent greenhouse gas. are often forceful advocates of dam building. In the past,
The building of transmission lines that run thousands of kilo-metres Indigenous peoples were often ignored when power projects
results in a significant removal of forest while potentially were developed that flooded their traditional territories. However,
harming migratory animals. Furthermore, dams may cause a the Supreme Court of Canada has ruled that Canadian and pro-vincial
buildup of poisonous mercury in rivers, which can have seri-ous governments have a duty to consult Indigenous peoples
effects on fish and human health. when proposing developments on lands where they have rights
Among the interests concerned with promoting dams or land claims. This can lead to lengthy and difficult negotiations.
that can cost billions of dollars are major construction com-panies, As well, if the dam or the transmission lines affect other
unions representing building trades, and corporations provinces, it may be difficult to reach agreements between
(such as aluminum producers) that require large amounts of provincial governments. For example, the construction of the
inexpensive energy. Those opposing dam construction are Churchill Falls Generating Station dam in Labrador has re-sulted
typically environmental and conservation groups, wilderness in many decades of intense and bitter tensions and law-suits
outfitters, hikers, and trappers. Indigenous peoples, who may between the government of Newfoundland and Labrador
be displaced from their traditional land and find their traditional and the government of Quebec, because Quebec gained the
way of life harmed, often view damming a river as a threat to vast majority of the financial benefits of the electricity gener-ated
that passes through its territory. Finally, there may be

some foreign influence, particularly if energy needs to be sold
to the United States to make the projects economically viable.
For example, the Cree in Quebec sought support for their

campaign against dams by asking various state governments
in the United States to refuse to buy power from northern
Quebec until their demands were met.

Although there are complex economic, financial,
engineering, and environmental considerations involved in
decisions to build dams, there are also important political

Lock
considerations that may involve different interests, ideas,

identities, institutions, and external influences.
Greg
In addition, as discussed in Chapter 5, the political ideologies of liberalism, con-servatism,

and democratic socialism (and variations of each of these classic ideologies)
have influenced the way Canadians think about government and politics and the poli-cies
governments should adopt. In recent decades,the perspectives of feminism and
environmentalism have also influenced politics in Canada. To some extent, the politi-cally
relevant values and beliefs that people hold relate to their position in society and
the economy. It is not surprising, for example, that workers are morelikely to favour a
stronger role for government in providing various social benefits, while business man-agers
and entrepreneurs generally are morelikely to favour a smaller role for govern-ment
in regulating the economy. Nevertheless, political ideas are not simply a product
of interests. For example, some workers have the same free market perspective as cor-porate
executives, and a few multimillionaires favour higher taxes for the rich.
Different religious perspectives also have a substantial effect on political views. The
majority of Canadians tend to view laws and public policies as separate from religious
doctrine. Nevertheless, religious beliefs affect the way many people think about politi-cal
issues. For example, the social gospel (associated with the Methodists and other reli-gious
groups in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries) promoted the idea of
social justice and advocated for various policies to aid the disadvantaged. Although the
social gospel movement faded away many decades ago, it helped to lay the foundation
for the acceptance of a variety of social policies and the continued engagement of many
religious groups in the pursuit of social justice at home and abroad.
Identities
An individuals identity refers to that persons perception of his or her characteristics
and sense of belonging to a particular group, culture, or political community.
Many ofthose who voted for Quebec sovereignty in the 1995 referendum had a strong
sense of Qubcois identity. Thistypically included a strong attachment to, and identifi-cation
with, the language and culture of French Quebec as well as sharing the common
ethnicity (ancestry) as the majority of Quebecers. Similarly, the identity of Indigenous
peoples as members of a First Nation, Mtis Nation, or Inuit group has stimulated their
struggle for recognition of their right to self-government and self-determination.
Identities are based not only on ethnicity and culture but also on geography and
history. Many Canadians have a strong sense of provincial identity (and, in some
cases, an identity from an area within a province, such as Cape Breton) based on a
sense of place and, to varying extents, cultural and ethnic differences. This is often
combined with a sense that their province has not been well treated by the policies of
the Canadian government and a feeling that their province or region has been domi-nated
or ignored by other parts of the country. In addition, many Canadians have a
sense of identification with their religion, social class, gender, and country of birth or
ancestry as well as being proud to be Canadian.
Identities do not necessarily determine ones beliefs and political actions. For exam-ple,
many people with a Roman Catholic identity do not agree with their churchs posi-tions
on contraception, abortion, or euthanasia. Neither will they necessarily prefer to
vote for a Catholic candidate in an election. Furthermore, most Canadians have mul-tiple
identities, including both a provincial and a Canadian sense of identification, as
well as an identification with one or more ethnic groups. In addition, the nature and
relevance of different identities can change over time. For example, in the past many
people of French ancestry in Quebecidentified themselves primarily as Catholic French-Canadians.
This has changed to a Qubcois identity, with language replacing religion
asthe majorbasis of identification for many Quebecers. The significance of Indigenous
identities has increased in recent years, with many Canadians now taking pride in their
ancestry, whether or not they are recognized members of an Indigenous group.
Identity politics has become increasingly important. Groups that view themselves as
oppressed by government or by dominant groups in society have sought recognition of
their distinctiveness. As well,they have sought changesin society and government policy
to overcome the injustices they face. Among the groups involved in identity politics in
Canadaare women;those with a gay,lesbian or bisexual sexual orientation, or atransgender
identity; Indigenous peoples; and various racial and ethnic minorities. Identity politics
tends to differ from interest politics in its focus on culture, respect, and group equality.
As discussed in Chapter 3, the importance of Canadian diversity is particularly evi-dent
when we examine national identity. People often use the term nation to refer to
the country and its citizens as a whole(as, for example, national government, national
flag, and national anthem). However, a nation can also be thought of as a group of
people who have a strong sense of common identity based on some shared characteristics
and history and a belief that they should beself-governing within their homeland (Suny,
2006). Although the majority of people living in Canada view Canada astheir nation, this
is not the casefor many Quebecersand Indigenous peoples. Those whoidentify them-selves
primarily as Qubcois or as a member of a particular First Nation maythink of
Canadian democracy morein terms of equality between nations and the right to govern
their own nation than in terms of equality among all individual Canadian citizens
16 Chapter 1
Institutions
A variety of political institutions (such as political parties, interest groups, and the
media) affect the ways in which people are mobilized to try to exert influence on those
in governing positions. Political parties have very gradually become somewhat more
democratic in their organizational structure (particularly in their processes for leader-ship
selection) and in the diverse characteristics of their members. (See Chapter 8.) In
recent decades, there has been a proliferation of groups that promote the interests and
causes of large numbers of citizens. For example, many groups have been established to
promote environmental protection, civil rights, the equality of women, and gay and les-bian
rights. These and many other politically active groups have helped to move Canada
in a more democratic direction and brought greater political attention to the diversity
of the country and the problems faced by various segments of society. (See Chapter 7.)
A wide variety of governing institutions are involved in making and implement-ing
policies and laws. For example, as will be discussed in Chapter 12, Canadas federal
system divides and shares power between the Canadian and provincial governments,
which has a major effect on what governments do. Reaching agreement among these
governments, which often have different interests and perspectives, has often proven
difficult. Furthermore, laws passed by Parliament and provincial legislatures as well
as actions taken by the executive (prime minister or premier and their cabinets) can be
invalidated by the courts if deemed to be in violation of the Constitution. For example,
Canadas abortion law was struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada as it was
deemed to be a violation of the constitutional Charter of Rights and Freedoms. (See
Chapter 10.) In addition, there are a variety of agencies (e.g., the Bank of Canada, the
Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission, and the RCMP)
that have been established by government but operate with a considerable degree
of independence. Even within the governmental organizations that are directly con-trolled
by the prime minister and cabinet, there are often different goals pursued by
different departments. (See Chapter 15.)
Thus, different institutions, each with its own history, goals, values, interests,
and operating procedures, are involved in the processes of raising issues, mobilizing
the public, and making and implementing governing decisions. In turn, these insti-tutions
will often attempt to influence the public. Although institutions tend to be
long-lasting, the desire of many Canadians for greater democracy and the challenges
posed by Canadas diversity have affected, to varying degrees, the development and
evolution of Canadas political and governmental institutions.
ExternalInfluences
Finally, we cannot understand Canadian politics and government simply by examining
what goes on within Canada, as this country and its people have always been strongly
influenced by external forces and cultures. Canada developed from a colony to a sov-ereign
country over a lengthy period of time, and its governing institutions continue,
in many respects, to reflect their British heritage, modified by the adoption of a federal
system. Canadas geographical closeness and economic and cultural ties to the United
States have great importance for Canadian politics and government. As well, a large
and growing number of international organizations, treaties, and laws influence how
Canadian governments act. For example, the free trade agreements that Canada has
with the United States and Mexico, the European Union, and countries in the Asia-Pacific
region (discussed in Chapter 4) have major implications for Canadas economic
policies, as does Canadas participation in the global economic system. Membership in
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) affected Canadas decision to partici-pate
in military actions in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, and Libya. (See Chapter 17.
Summaryand Conclusion
Politics involves controversy and conflict because of the do not have an overriding or exclusive Canadian politi-cal
different interests, ideas, and identities that exist within identity. Treating all Canadians similarly, as equal
any political community. Controversy and conflict also citizens, is but one perspective in Canada; controversy
result from the competition to exercise political power. has arisen over whether distinctive groups or distinc-tive
The distribution of power is important in determining provinces should enjoy different statuses, powers,
what decisions are made. and laws to protect and develop their own identities and
The Canadian political system can be classified as cultures.
basically a liberal representative democracy. Voters elect Good government requires governing institu-tions
representatives to make decisions on their behalf, and and policy-making processes that are directed to
people are free to express their concerns, organize for achieving the public interest of the political community.
political action, and try to influence the decisions of gov-ernment.
Ensuring that governments are accountable for their
Clearly, each Canadian citizen has some poten-tial actions, transparent, and responsive to the needs and
political power through the ability to cast a vote in aspirations of all people by facilitating public participa-tion
elections. Yet, questions arise as to whether some power-ful is important in trying to achieve good government.
groups are in a strong position to influence govern-ment The policies and actions of governments are a
for their own advantage. Some people favour a product of a complex set of factors. The conflicting
fuller realization of the democratic ideal of rule by the interests of different elements of societythe different
people through greater involvement by all members of ideas, perspectives, and identities that people have; the
the public in political debate and decision making, as workings and interactions of a variety of political and
well as through greater social and economic equality. governmental institutions; and external influences on
Canadian politics is strongly affected by the diversity Canadaare all significant. Of particular importance
of the country, particularly the different ethnic, cultural, is the distribution of power and how effectively those
and linguistic communities and the distinctive provincial with greater potential power use it to achieve particular
societies. This diversity has meant that many Canadians objectives
Discussion Questions
1. How should decisions be made about controversial 3. Do you think that political power is widely dis-persed
issues such as hydraulic fracturing (fracking) or or highly concentrated in Canada?
the expansion of pipelines in environmentally sensi-tive 4. Should the Canadian government try to promote
areas? a common set of values and a common national
2. Should a province have the right to secede from identity?
Canada if a majority of its population votes in favour 5. Should Canada move in the direction of greater
of secession? democracy? If so, how mightthis be achieved?
Chapter2
CanadasPolitical
Developmentand
Challenges
Canad
Archives
and
Library
Delegates from the legislatures of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island pose for a photo
during the September 1864 convention in Charlottetown at which it was agreed to consider the union of the British
North American colonies.
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be ableto

2.1 Identify the founding peoples of Canada.
2.2a Explain the key political events in Canada prior to Confederation.
2.2b Discuss the meaning and significance of responsible government.
2.3a Explain the significance of the National Policy.
2.3b Examine the major concerns of Canadas regions and provinces.
2.4 Understand the origins and development of Quebec Nationalism.
2.5 Discuss the issues and problems that women, farmers, and
workers have faced.
On July 1, 1867, many flags were flown at half-mast in Nova Scotia. Buildings were draped in black
crepe. Premier Charles Tupper was burned in effigy alongside a rat. A newspaper described young
and fair Nova Scotia being forced into an unhappy union by an old, crabbed and almost bank-rupt
Canadian suitor, while her numerous friends intend shortly to take prompt and decided steps
to procure a divorce (quoted in Married, 1867/2005).
18
Canadas Political Development and Challenges 19
Although most Ontarians greeted the formation of Canada in 1867 with enthusiasm, this was
not the case in other parts of the new country, particularly in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. The
Nova Scotia government agreed to join Canada against the wishes of the majority of its population.
In the first Canadian election, the Anti-Confederates, advocating seceding from Canada, won 18 of
Nova Scotias 19 seats in the Canadian Parliament. Likewise, in November 1867, Anti-Confederates
won 36 of the 38 seats in the Nova Scotia legislature. Thirty-one thousand Nova Scotians signed
a petition in favour of separation (almost as many as voted in the 1867 election), and in 1868 the
Nova Scotia legislature passed a motion to secede from Canada. The British government refused
to accept this request. Bowing to the inevitable, Joseph Howe, leader of the Anti-Confederates,
accepted a position in the Canadian cabinet after having been given a promise of better terms for
Nova Scotia by Sir John A. Macdonald, Canadas first prime minister.
In neighbouring New Brunswick, there was also considerable opposition to Confederation. In
1865, the government of Samuel Tilley, which supported joining Canada, was defeated by the
Anti-Confederates, who claimed that Tilley had sold the province for 80 cents a personthe cus-tom
revenues the province would receive for joining Canada (Morton, 2006). Nevertheless, the
British government was determined to persuade New Brunswick to join Canada.
The British-appointed governor forced an election in 1866 to oust Premier Albert J. Smith, who opposed
the terms of Confederation, and Tilleys pro-Confederation party was returned to power. A raid on New
Brunswick by the Fenians (Irish Americans opposed to British rule in Ireland) helped to convince many New
Brunswickers that union with Canada was necessary for their security, as the British government claimed
that it was unwilling to continue to provide military protection indefinitely (Conrad & Finkel, 2007).
In Quebec, there was also significant opposition to Confederation. However, the defeat of the
Rebellion of 18371838 in Quebec resulted in political apathy and passivity among much of the
population. With the powerful Catholic Church preaching that legitimate authority had to be obeyed,
the Conservative Bleus, who supported Confederation, beat the Anti-Confederate Rouges in elec-tions
from 1854 until the formation of a united Canada in 1867, when the Bleus became part of
the Conservative party. Nevertheless, except among the English-speaking business community in
Montreal, there was not much enthusiasm for the new country.
Now a country of more than 35 million people, Canada had a precarious start in 1867.
Nevertheless, Canada has successfully developed a stable and peaceful political system. Of
course, survival over more than 150 years does not necessarily guarantee a smooth path for
the future. Indeed, some of the tensions that Canada struggled with in the past are reflected
in the political challenges of the present. Of particular importance is the situation of Indigenous
peoples, who wereignored in the discussion of Confederation and mistreated in the development
of Canada.
ChapterIntroduction
The history of Canada began with the Indigenous peoples who came to what is now
Canada long before the discovery of Canada by European explorers. What is now
Canada was populated by a wide variety of Indigenous tribes and communities. The
history of Indigenous peoples and the broken treaty promises are important in un-derstanding
the current efforts to achieve reconciliation of Indigenous peoples with
Canadian governments and the non-Indigenous population.
The relationships between the British and French settlers and the wars between
Britain and France in what is now Canada are also important aspects of Canadian his-tory.
In addition, the ability of British soldiers, Canadian militias, and First Nations war-riors
to resist an American invasion in 18121814 established that Canada would not
become a part of the United States. The joining of Upper Canada (Ontario) and Lower
Canada (Quebec) in 1840 led to the formation of Canada in 1867, which included Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick. Subsequently, Canada gradually became an independent
country from sea to sea, as British Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and
Newfoundland and Labrador at different times became self-governing provinces. The
three northern territories have also obtained a degree of self-government.
The expansion of Canada that began in 1867 fundamentally changed the countrys
characteristics and politics. Westerners and Atlantic Canadians have often been critical
of what they see as the domination of Canada by Ontario and Quebec. Movements of
farmers, workers, and women have challenged the major political parties, government
policies, and traditional attitudes
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hands of Abdi Nibbe-ben-Attaia Towerga, for the sum of thirty-six
Spanish dollars, which the said Abdi Nibbe has received—Rais
Khaleel giving freedom to the said slave, over whom he has no
power, nor any other person whatever; and the said Abdelahy is
in full enjoyment of all the privileges of Musselmans. In the
presence of us, the parties being in possession of their senses
and faculties. Given this 16 Rabbia-attani, 1240, di Hegira—
Mohamed-ben-Zein-Abeedeen-ben-Hamet-Ben-Mohamed-Ben-
Omeran, Mahmoud-ben-Hagi, Solyman.”
SUPPLEMENTAL CHAPTER ON BORNOU.
Bornou, a kingdom of Central Africa, is comprehended, in its

present state, between the 15th and 10th parallel northern latitude,
and the 12th and 18th of east longitude. It is bounded on the north
by part of Kanem and the desert; on the east, by the Lake Tchad,
which covers several thousand miles of country, and contains many
inhabited islands; on the south-east by the kingdom of Loggun and
the river Shary, which divides Bornou from the kingdom of Begharmi,
and loses itself in the waters of the Tchad; on the south by Mandara,
an independent kingdom, situated at the foot of an extensive range
of primitive mountains; and on the west by Soudan. The heat is
excessive, but not uniform; from March to the end of June being the
period when the sun has most power. At this season, about two
hours after noon, the thermometer will rise sometimes to 105 and
107; and suffocating and scorching winds from the south and south-
east prevail. The nights are dreadfully oppressive; the thermometer
not falling much below 100°, until a few hours before day-light; when
86 or 88 denote comparative freshness. Towards the middle of May,
Bornou is visited by violent tempests of thunder, lightning, and rain.
Yet in such a dry state is the earth at this time, and so quickly is the
water absorbed, that the inhabitants scarcely feel the inconvenience
of the season. Considerable damage is done to the cattle and the
people by the lightning. They now prepare the ground for their corn;
and it is all in the earth before the end of June, when the lakes and
rivers begin to overflow; and from the extreme flatness of the
country, tracks of many miles are quickly converted into large lakes
of water. Nearly constant rains now deluge the land with cloudy,
damp, sultry weather. The winds are hot and violent, and generally
from the east and south.
In October the winter season commences; the rains are less
frequent, and the harvest near the towns is got in; the air is milder
and more fresh, the weather serene: breezes blow from the north-
west, and with a clearer atmosphere. Towards December, and in the
beginning of January, Bornou is colder than from its situation might
be expected. The thermometer will, at no part of the day, mount
higher than 74 or 75; and in the morning descends to 58 and 60.
It is these cold fresh winds from the north and north-west that
restore health and strength to the inhabitants, who suffer during the
damp weather from dreadful attacks of fever and ague, which carry
off great numbers every year. The inhabitants are numerous; the
principal towns or cities are thirteen. Ten different languages, or
dialects of the same language, are spoken in the empire. The
Shouaas have brought with them the Arabic, which they speak
nearly pure. They are divided into tribes, and bear still the names of
some of the most formidable of the Bedouin hordes of Egypt. They
are a deceitful, arrogant, and cunning race; great charm writers; and
by pretending to a natural gift of prophecy, they find an easy
entrance into the houses of the black inhabitants of the towns, where
their pilfering propensities often show themselves. The strong
resemblance they bear, both in features and habits, to some of our
gipsy tribes, is particularly striking. It is said that Bornou can muster
15,000 Shouaas in the field mounted. They are the greatest
breeders of cattle in the country, and annually supply Soudan with
from two to three thousand horses. The Bornou people, or Kanowry,
as they are called, have large unmeaning faces, with fat Negro
noses, and mouths of great dimensions, with good teeth, and high
foreheads. They are peaceable, quiet, and civil: they salute each
other with courteousness and warmth; and there is a remarkable
good-natured heaviness about them which is interesting. They are
no warriors, but revengeful; and the best of them given to commit
petty larcenies, on every opportunity that offers. They are extremely
timid; so much so, that on an Arab once speaking harshly to one of
them, he came the next day to ask if he wished to kill him.
As their country produces little beside grain, mostly from a want of
industry in the people, so are they nearly without foreign trade.
In their manner of living, they are simple in the extreme. Flour
made into a paste, sweetened with honey, and fat poured over it, is a
dish for a sultan. The use of bread is not known; therefore but little
wheat is grown. Indeed it is found only in the houses of the great.
Barley is also scarce; a little is sown between the wheat, and is
used, when bruised, to take off the brackish taste of the water.
The grain most in use amongst the people of all classes, and
upon which also animals are fed, is a species of millet called gussub.
This grain is produced in great quantities, and with scarcely any
trouble. The poorer people will eat it raw or parched in the sun, and
be satisfied without any other nourishment for several days together.
Bruised and steeped in water, it forms the travelling stock of all
pilgrims and soldiers. When cleared of the husk, pounded, and made
into a light paste, in which a little meloheia (the eboo ochra of
Guinea) and melted fat is mixed, it forms a favourite dish, and is
called kaddell. Kasheia is the seed of a grass, which grows wild and
in abundance near the water. It is parched in the sun, broken, and
cleared of the husk. When boiled, it is eaten as rice, or made into
flour; but this is a luxury.
Four kinds of beans are raised in great quantities, called
mussaqua, marya, kleemy, and kimmay, all known by the name of
gafooly, and are eaten by the slaves, and poorer people. A paste
made from these and fish was the only eatable we could find in the
towns near the river. Salt they scarcely knew the use of. Rice might
have been cultivated in Bornou, before it became the scene of such
constant warfare as has for the last fifteen years defaced the
country. It is now brought from Soudan, in the neighbourhood of
Maffatai: in Bornou, it is scarce, and of an inferior quality. Indian
corn, cotton, and indigo, are the most valuable productions of the
soil. The two latter grow wild, close to the Tchad and overflowed
grounds. The senna plant is also found wild, and in abundance. The
indigo is of a superior quality, and forms a dye which is used in
colouring the tobe (the only dress the people wear) dark blue, which
probably is not excelled in quality in any part of the world. The only
implement of husbandry they possess is an ill-shaped hoe, made
from the iron found in the Mandara mountains; and the labours of
their wretched agriculture devolve, almost entirely, on women. Most
of their grain is reaped within two or three months of its being
scattered on the earth (for it can scarcely be called sowing); and
probably there is no spot of land between the tropics, not absolutely
desert, so destitute of either fruit or vegetable as the kingdom of
Bornou. Mangoes are only found growing in the neighbourhood of
Mandara and to the west; and with the exception of two or three
lemon, or rather lime trees, and as many fig trees, in the garden of
the sheikh at Kouka, raised on a spot of ground watched by himself,
the care and culture of which give employment to about fifty negroes,
not a fruit of any description can be found in the whole kingdom.
Date trees there are none south of Woodie, four days north of
Kouka, where they are sickly, and produce but an indifferent fruit.
Onions are to be procured near the great towns only, but no other
vegetable. The people indeed have nothing beyond the bare
necessaries of life; and are rich only in slaves, bullocks, and horses.
Their dress consists of one, two, or three tobes, or large shirts,
according to the means of the wearer: a cap of dark blue is worn on
the head by persons of rank. Others, indeed generally all, go bare-
headed; the head being kept constantly free from hair, as well as
every other part of the body. They carry an immense club, three or
four feet in length, with a round head to it, which they put to the
ground at every step, and walk with great solemnity, followed by two
or three slaves: they have what we should call a rolling gait. Red
caps are brought by the Tripoli and Mesurata merchants; but are
only purchased by sultans and their immediate attendants. They are
Musselmans, and very particular in performing their prayers and
ablutions five times a day. They are less tolerant than the Arabs; and
I have known a Bornouese refuse to eat with an Arab, because he
had not sully’d (washed and prayed) at the preceding appointed
hour.
They seldom take more than from two to three wives at a time,
even the rich, and divorce them as often as they please, by paying
their dower. The poorer class are contented with one. The women
are particularly cleanly, but not good-looking: they have large
mouths, very thick lips, and high foreheads. Their manner of
dressing the hair is also less becoming than that of any other Negro
nation I have seen: it is brought over the top of the head in three
thick rolls; one large, one in the centre, and two smaller on each
side, just over the ears, joining in front on the forehead in a point,
and plastered thickly with indigo and bees’ wax. Behind the point it is
wiry, very finely plaited, and turned up like a drake’s tail. The Scarin,
or tattoos, which are common to all Negro nations in these latitudes,
and by which their country is instantly known, are here particularly
unbecoming. The Bornouese have twenty cuts or lines on each side
of the face, which are drawn from the corners of the mouth, towards
the angles of the lower jaw and the cheek-bone; and it is quite
distressing to witness the torture the poor little children undergo who
are thus marked, enduring, not only the heat, but the attacks of
millions of flies. They have also one cut on the forehead in the
centre, six on each arm, six on each leg and thigh, four on each
breast, and nine on each side, just above the hips. They are,
however, the most humble of females, never approaching their
husbands except on their knees, or speaking to any of the male sex,
otherwise than with the head and face covered, and kneeling.
Previous to marriage, there appears to be more jealousy than after.
Adultery is not common: the punishment is very severe, if caught
in the fact, and secured on the spot; and this is the only evidence on
which conviction is granted. The guilty couple are bound hand and
foot, cast on the ground, and their brains dashed out by the club of
the injured husband and his male relations.
Girls rarely marry until they are fourteen or fifteen; often not so
young. The age of puberty does not arrive here at so early a period
as in Barbary; females there not unfrequently becoming mothers at
the age of twelve, and even eleven. In Bornou, such a circumstance
is unknown: for a woman to have twins is extremely rare; and to
make them believe that more were ever brought into the world at one
time, in any country, would be difficult.
The domestic animals are dogs, sheep, goats, cows, and herds of
oxen, beyond all calculation. The Shouaas on the banks of the Tchad
have probably 20,000, near their different villages; while the shores
of the great river Shary could furnish double that number. They also
breed multitudes of horses, with which they furnish the Soudan
market, where this animal is very inferior.
The domestic fowl is common, and is the cheapest animal food
that can be purchased: a dollar will purchase forty. They are small,
but well flavoured.
The bees are so numerous, as in some places to obstruct the
passage of travellers. The honey is but partially collected. That
buzzing noisy insect, the locust, is also a frequent visitor. Clouds of
them appear in the air; and the natives, by screams and various
noises, endeavour to prevent their descending to the earth. In the
district where they pitch, every particle of vegetation is quickly
devoured. The natives eat them with avidity, both roasted and boiled,
and formed into balls as a paste.
The game is abundant, and consists of antelopes, gazelles,
hares, an animal about the size of a red deer, with annulated horns,
called koorigum, partridges very large, small grouse, wild ducks,
geese, snipes, and the ostrich, the flesh of which is much esteemed.
Pelicans, spoonbills, the Balearic crane, in great numbers, with a
variety of other large birds of the crane species, are also found in the
marshes. The woods abound with the Guinea fowl.
The wild animals are, the lion, which in the wet season
approaches to the walls of the towns, panthers, and a species of
tiger-cat, are in great numbers in the neighbourhood of Mandara, the
leopard, the hyena, the jackal, the civet cat, the fox, hosts of
monkeys, black, grey, and brown, and the elephant, the latter so
numerous as to be seen near the Tchad in herds of from fifty to four
hundred. This noble animal they hunt, and kill for the sake of his
flesh, as well as the ivory of his tusk. The buffalo, the flesh of which
is a delicacy, has a high game flavour. The crocodile and the
hippopotamus are also numerous; and the flesh of both is eaten.
That of the crocodile is extremely fine: it has a green firm fat,
resembling the turtle, and the callipee has the colour, firmness, and
flavour of the finest veal. The giraffe is seen and killed by the buffalo
hunters in the woods and marshy grounds near the Tchad. Reptiles
are numerous; they consist of scorpions, centipedes, and disgusting
large toads, serpents of several kinds, and a snake said to be
harmless, of the congo kind, sometimes measuring fourteen and
sixteen feet in length.
The beasts of burden used by the inhabitants are the bullock and
the ass. A very fine breed of the latter is found in the Mandara
valleys. Strangers and chiefs, in the service of the sheikh or sultan,
alone possess camels. The bullock is the bearer of all the grain and
other articles to and from the markets. A small saddle of plaited
rushes is laid on him, when sacks made of goats-skins, and filled
with corn, are lashed on his broad and able back. A leather thong is
passed through the cartilage of his nose, and serves as a bridle,
while on the top of the load is mounted the owner, his wife, or his
slave. Sometimes the daughter or the wife of a rich Shouaa will be
mounted on her particular bullock, and precede the loaded animals;
extravagantly adorned with amber, silver rings, coral, and all sorts of
finery, her hair streaming with fat, a black rim of kohol, at least an
inch wide, round each of her eyes, and I may say, arrayed for
conquest at the crowded market. Carpets or tobes are then spread
on her clumsy palfrey: she sits jambe deçà jambe delà, and with
considerable grace guides her animal by his nose. Notwithstanding
the peaceableness of his nature, her vanity still enables her to
torture him into something like caperings and curvetings.
The price of a good bullock is from three dollars to three dollars
and a half.
The Bornou laws are arbitrary, and the punishment summary.
Murder is punished by death: the culprit, on conviction, is handed
over to the relations of the deceased, who revenge his death with
their clubs. Repeated thefts by the loss of a hand, or by burying the
young Spartan, if he be a beginner, with only his head above ground,
well buttered or honeyed, and so exposing him for twelve or eighteen
hours, to the torture of a burning sun, and innumerable flies and
mosquitoes, who all feast on him undisturbed. These punishments
are, however, often commuted for others of a more lenient kind.
Even the judge himself has a strong fellow-feeling for a culprit of this
description. When a man refuses to pay his debts, and has the
means, on a creditor pushing his claims, the cadi takes possession
of the debtor’s property, pays the demand, and takes a handsome
per centage for his trouble. It is necessary, however, that the debtor
should give his consent; but this is not long withheld, as he is
pinioned and laid on his back until it is given; for all which trouble
and restiveness, he pays handsomely to the cadi; and they seldom
find that a man gets into a scrape of this kind twice. On the other
hand, should a man be in debt, and unable to pay, on clearly proving
his poverty, he is at liberty. The judge then says, “God send you the
means;”—the bystanders say, “Amen:” and the insolvent has full
liberty to trade where he pleases. But if, at any future time, his
creditors catch him with even two tobes on, or a red cap, on taking
him before the cadi, all superfluous habiliments are stripped off, and
given towards payment of his debts.
The towns generally are large, and well built; they have walls,
thirty-five and forty feet in height, and nearly twenty feet in thickness.
They have four entrances, with three gates to each, made of solid
planks eight or ten inches thick, and fastened together with heavy
clamps of iron. The houses consist of several court-yards, between
four walls, with apartments leading out of them for slaves; then a
passage, and an inner court, leading to the habitations of the
different wives, who have each a square space to themselves,
enclosed by walls, and a handsome thatched hut. From thence also
you ascend a wide stair-case of five or six steps, leading to the
apartments of the owner, which consist of two buildings like towers
or turrets, with a terrace of communication between them, looking
into the street, with a castellated window. The walls are made of
reddish clay, as smooth as stucco, and the roofs most tastefully
arched on the inside with branches, and thatched on the out with a
grass known in Barbary by the name of lidthur. The horns of the
gazelle and the antelope serve as a substitute for nails or pegs.
These are fixed in different parts of the walls, and on them hang the
quivers, bows, spears, and shields of the chief. A man of
consequence will sometimes have four of these terraces and eight
turrets, forming the faces of his mansion or domain, with all the
apartments of his women, within the space below. Not only those en
activité (as the French would say), but those on the superannuated
list, are allowed habitations. Horses and other animals are usually
allowed an enclosure near one of the court-yards forming the
entrance. Dwellings, however, of this description are not common.
Those generally used by the inhabitants are of four kinds:—
Coosie, which is a hut built entirely of straw.
Bongo, a hut with circular mud walls, thatched with straw.
N’Geim kolunby, and fatto-sugdeeby,—huts of coarse mats, made
from the grass which grows near the lake. Our dwellings were called
bongos, and were about eight feet in diameter inside, about the
shape of a hay-stack, and with a hole at the bottom, about two feet
and a half high, which we used to creep in and out at. Air, or light
holes, we were obliged to dispense with, as they admitted both flies
and mosquitoes, which were worse than darkness.
Their utensils are few, and consist of earthen pots, which they
make beautifully for cooking, and wooden bowls for dishes. Water,
which is their only beverage, is drunk from a large calabash, which
grows wild near the rivers, after being cooled in earthen jars. They
sleep on mats covered with the skins of animals. Married women are
extremely superstitious, in having their beds covered with the skins
of particular animals when their husbands visit them; and never fail
to predict the fate and fortune of a child, in consequence of these
arrangements. A panther or a leopard’s skin is sure to produce a
boy, or nothing. Should the father be a soldier, and a chief, the boy
will be a warrior, bold, but bloody. A lion’s skin is said to prevent
child-bearing altogether; yet exceptions to this rule sometimes occur.
It is then always a boy, and a wonderful one. He puts his foot on the
necks of all the world, and is alike brave, generous, and fortunate.
Leather cushions of various colours, and fancifully ornamented, are
brought from Soudan, and are used as pillows by persons of
superior rank; who also have a small Turkey carpet, on which they sit
or sleep, and the price of which is a young female slave.
The amusements of the people consist in meeting together in the
evening, either in the court-yard of one of the houses of the great, or
under the shades formed with mats, which are in the open places of
the town, where prayers are said at the different appointed hours by
the Iman or priest. Here they talk, and sometimes play a game
resembling chess, with beans, and twelve holes made in the sand.
The Arabs have a game similar to this, which they play with camels’
dung in the desert; but the Bornouese are far more skilful.
Like the birds, their day finishes when the sun goes down; but
very few, even of the great people, indulge in the luxury of a lamp,
which is made of iron, and filled with bullocks’ fat. They have no oil.
A few jars are brought by the Tripoli merchants from the valleys of
the Gharian, as presents only. Soap is also an article they are greatly
in want of. An oily juice, which exudes from the stem of a thorny tree,
called Kadahnia, or mika dahniah, resembling a gum, enables the
people of Soudan to make a coarse soap, by mixing it with bullocks’
fat and trona. It is something like soft soap, and has a pleasant
smell. This is brought in small wooden boxes, holding less than half
a pound, which sell for seven rottala each, two-thirds of a dollar.
From this tree is also procured a nut, from which a purer oil is
extracted, which they burn in Soudan, and is also used by the
women, to anoint their heads and bodies. This tree is not found in
Bornou.
The skin of their sheep is covered with a long hair; wool therefore
they have none. Brass and copper are brought in small quantities
from Barbary. A large copper kettle will sell for a slave. The brass is
worked into leglets, and worn by the women.
A small brass basin tinned is a present for a sultan, and is used to
drink out of. Four or five dollars, or a Soudan tobe, will scarcely
purchase one. Gold is neither found in the country, nor is it brought
into it. The Tuaricks are almost the only merchants visiting Soudan
who trade in that metal, which they carry to Barbary and Egypt. It is
said the sheikh has a store, which is brought him directly from
Soudan.
Iron is procured in the Mandara mountains, but is not brought in
large quantities, and it is coarse. The best iron comes from Soudan,
worked up in that country into good pots and kettles. The money of
Bornou is the manufacture of the country. Strips of cotton, about
three inches wide, and a yard in length, are called gubbuk; and
three, four, and five of these, according to their texture, go to a
rottala. Ten rottala are now equal to a dollar.
The government of Bornou has ever been, until during the last
fifteen years, an elective absolute monarchy, the brother sometimes
succeeding, to the exclusion of the son. Achmet Ali, who, descended
from a royal line of ancestors, was sultan in 1808, contended for
several years with a powerful people from the westward, called the
Felatah. These people had gradually been increasing in power for
more than half a century, had established themselves firmly in
Soudan; where Bello their chief, assuming the government, dictated
laws to a numerous and powerful black population.
Soon after the conquest of Bornou by the Felatahs, El Kanemy
formed a plan for delivering that country from the bondage into which
it had fallen; and, stirring up the Kanemboo to assist him by a well
planned tale of having been called by a vision to this undertaking, he
made his first campaign with scarcely 400 followers, and defeated an
army of the Felatahs nearly 8,000 strong. He followed up this victory
with great promptitude and resolution, and in less than ten months
had been the conqueror in forty different battles.
He refused the offer of being made sultan; and placing
Mohammed, the brother of sultan Achmet, on the throne, he, first
doing homage himself, insisted on the whole army following his
example. The sheikh built for Sultan Mohammed his present
residence, New Birnie, establishing himself at Angornou, three miles
distant, and retaining the dictatorship of the kingdom, pro tempore.
Such a commencement was extremely politic, on the part of the
sheikh; but his aspiring mind was not calculated to rest satisfied with
such an arrangement.
The whole population now flocked to his standard, and appeared
willing to invest him with superior power, and a force to support it.
One of the first offers they made was to furnish him with twenty
horses per day, until a more regular force was organized, which
continued for four years[63]. He now raised the green flag, the
standard of the Prophet, refused all titles but that of the “servant of
God!” and after clearing the country of the Felatahs, he proceeded to
punish all those nations who had given them assistance, and with
the slaves, the produce of these wars, rewarded his faithful
Kanemboo and other followers for their fidelity and attachment.
Even in the breasts of some of the Bornouese, successful war
had raised a passion for conquest: their victories, no less a matter of
surprise than delight, crest-fallen and dispirited as they were, gave a
stimulus to their exertions, and they became accustomed to warfare
and regardless of danger.
For the last eight years the sheikh has carried on a very
desperate and bloody war with the sultan of Begharmi, who governs
a powerful and warlike people, inhabiting a very large tract of country
south of Bornou, and on the eastern bank of the Shary. Although
meeting with some reverses, and on one occasion losing his eldest
son in these wars, who was greatly beloved by the people, he has,
upon the whole, been successful; and is said to have, from first to
last, destroyed and led into slavery more than thirty thousand of the
sultan of Begharmi’s subjects, besides burning his towns and driving
off his flocks.
The late sultan of Bornou, who always accompanied the sheikh to
the field, also lost his life in these wars: his death was attributable to
his immense size and weight; the horse he rode refused to move on
with him from fatigue, although at the time not more than 500 yards
from the gates of Angala, and he fell into the hands of the enemy. He
died, however, with great dignity, and six of his eunuchs and as
many of his slaves, who would not quit him, shared his fate. A sultan
of Bornou carries no arms, and it is beneath his dignity to defend
himself: sitting down, therefore, under a tree, with his people around
him, he received his enemies, and hiding his face in the shawl which
covered his head, was pierced with a hundred spears.
Ibrahim, his brother, succeeded him, who is now not more than
twenty-two years old. The sultanship of Bornou is but a name: the
court still keeps up considerable state, and adheres strictly to its
ancient customs, and this is the only privilege left them. When the
sultan gives audience to strangers, he sits in a kind of cage, made of
the bamboo, through the bars of which he looks on his visitors, who
are not allowed to approach within seventy or eighty yards of his
person.
Their dresses are extremely rich, and consist of striped silks and
linens of various colours, from Cairo and Soudan. When they take
the field, their appearance is truly grotesque: the sultan is preceded
by six men, bearing frum-frums (trumpets) of cane, ten feet long: an
instrument peculiar to royalty, but which produces a music neither
agreeable nor inspiring. Their own heads, and those of their horses,
are hung round with charms, sewed up in leather cases, red, green,
and white; and altogether, with their wadded doublets and large
heads, they would be more apropos in a pantomime than in a field of
battle.
At the present moment there is but one power in central Africa to
be at all compared to the sheikh of Bornou in importance,—that of
Bello, the Felatah chieftain; and from the sensation created
throughout the neighbourhood of Kano and Kashna, on his late
defeat of the Begharmi force, I imagine he would find but little
difficulty in extending his empire in that direction: he has turned all
his victories to the advantage of those for whom he conquered, by
attending to their improvement in moral and religious duties. His
subjects are the most strict Mussulmans in all the black country, and
their respect for us gradually increased on ascertaining that we really
had a religion of our own, and obeyed its ordinances by praying, if
not by fasting,—which they at first doubted. Our determination to
travel fearlessly and boldly in our own characters, as Englishmen
and Christians, mistrusting no one, so far from proving an
impediment to our progress, as we were assured from all quarters it
would do, excited a degree of confidence to which we may, in a great
measure, attribute the success which has attended our steps.
Wherever El Kanemy has power, Europeans, and particularly
Englishmen, will be hospitably and kindly received.
Bornou was always infested by robbers, who way-laid and
plundered travellers within sight of the walls of the capital: such an
event now never occurs, and the roads through the sheikh’s
government are probably as safe as any even in happy England
itself.
Although harassed by the constant wars in which he has been
engaged, yet has not the sheikh been unmindful of the benefits
which an extended commerce would confer upon his people, nor of
the importance of improving their moral condition, by exciting a
desire to acquire, by industry and trade, more permanent and certain
advantages than are to be obtained by a system of plunder and
destructive warfare. Arab or Moorish merchants, the only ones who
have hitherto ventured amongst them, are encouraged and treated
with great liberality. Several of them are known to have returned,
after a residence of less than nine years, with fortunes of fifteen and
twenty thousand dollars; and which might, perhaps, by a more
intelligent trader, have been doubled, as the commodities with which
they barter are mostly European produce, purchased at Tripoli, at
prices full two hundred and fifty per cent. above their prime cost.
The usual calculation of a Moorish merchant is, that a camel load
of merchandize, bought at Mourzuk for 150 dollars, will make a
return, in trading with Bornou, of 500 dollars, after paying all
expenses. Persons in Fezzan will send three camel loads in charge
of one man, and, after paying all the expenses out of the profits, give
him a third of the remainder for his labour.
From the circumstance, however, of there being no direct trade
from this country with Tripoli, or, I believe, with any of the ports of
Barbary, English goods (the demand for which is daily increasing
amongst a population of not less than five millions), within six
hundred miles of the coast, are sold at enormous prices, although
frequently of the very worst description[64].
The principal return which Moorish merchants obtain for their
goods consists in slaves; but Bornou is scarcely any thing more than
a mart or rendezvous of kafilas from Soudan. These unhappy victims
are handed over to the Tripoli and Fezzan traders, who are waiting
with their northern produce to tempt the cupidity of the slave
merchants of Soudan. I think I may say, that neither the sheikh
himself, nor the Bornou people, carry on this traffic without feelings
of disgust, which even habit cannot conquer. Of the existence of a
foreign slave trade, or one which consigns these unfortunates to
Christian masters, they are not generally aware at Bornou; and so
contrary to the tenets of his religion—of which he is a strict observer
—would be such a system of barter, that one may easily conclude,
the sheikh of Bornou would be willing to assist, with all the power he
possesses, in any plan which might have for its object the putting a
final stop to a commerce of this nature.
Already the desire of exchanging whatever their country
produces, for the manufactures of the more enlightened nations of
the North, exists in no small degree amongst them: a taste for luxury,
and a desire of imitating such strangers as visit them, are very
observable; and the man of rank is ever distinguished by some part
of his dress being of foreign materials, though sometimes of the
most trifling kind. It is true that these propensities are not yet fully
developed; but they exist, and give unequivocal proof of a tendency
to civilization, and the desire of cultivating an intercourse with
foreigners.
Every approach which the African has made towards civilization,
even to the knowledge of, and the belief in, the existence of a
Supreme Being, is attributable to the intrepid Arab spirit, which,
despising the dread of the apparently interminable deserts that
separate the Black from the White population, has alone penetrated
to any extent into the country of these before unenlightened
savages,—carrying with him his religion and his manners, and
converting thousands to the Mohammedan faith.
The eagerness with which all classes of people listened to our
proposals for establishing a frequent communication by means of
European merchants, and the protection promised by the sheikh to
such as should arrive within the sphere of his influence, particularly if
they were English, excites an anxious hope that some measures will
be adopted for directing the labours of a population of millions to
something more congenial to the humanity and the philanthropy of
the age we live in, than the practice of a system of predatory
warfare, which has chiefly for its object the procuring of slaves, as
the readiest and most valuable property to trade with, on every
appearance of the merchants from the north at their markets.
Every probability is against such a barter being preferred by the
African black. Let the words of the sheikh himself, addressed to us in
the hearing of his people, speak the sentiments that have already
found a place in his bosom:—“You say true, we are all sons of one
father! You say, also, that the sons of Adam should not sell one
another, and you know every thing! God has given you all great
talents, but what are we to do? The Arabs who come here will have
nothing else but slaves: why don’t you send us your merchants? You
know us now; and let them bring their women with them, and live
amongst us, and teach us what you talk to me about so often, to
build houses and boats, and make rockets.” The reader will conceive
with what exulting hearts we heard these words from the lips of a
ruler in the centre of Africa.
The return which European traders might, in the first instance,
obtain, would not, probably, be sufficient to employ large capitals, but
that would annually improve; and the great profits would, in some
measure, compensate for the deficiency. The propensity in the
natives to war upon and plunder their neighbours, from the profit
arising from such a system, would gradually subside, when other
more profitable occupations were encouraged amongst them. The
Kanemboos who inhabit the northern and eastern borders of the lake
Tchad are a bold and hardy people, extremely expert with the spear,
swift of foot, and practised hunters.
The tusk of the elephant, the horns of the buffalo, both which may
be obtained at a very low price, and in exchange for English goods,
are eagerly bought even at Tripoli, and at all the European ports in
the Mediterranean, at high prices: the cultivation of indigo, also, of a
very superior kind, might be carried to any extent, as it now grows
wild, as well as senna, in many parts of the country. The zibet, or
musk from the civet cat, is also to be procured, about two hundred
per cent. lower than it will sell for in Tripoli.
The following are the prices in Bornou, of some of those articles
which would be most esteemed in Europe, viz.—
Ostrich skins, from three to six dollars each.
Elephants’ teeth, two dollars the 100 lbs.
Raw hides may also be purchased, at about two dollars for 100
skins.
Probably the strong desire of the sheikh to improve the state of
his country, and the habits of his people, cannot be better
exemplified than in his having given me the designs for three coins,
which he entreated might be laid before the king of England, with his
request to have the stamp and apparatus for striking money, so that
he might introduce a more convenient medium of exchange than the
one at present in use amongst them; one of these pieces of money
he intended should be of gold, a second of silver, and the third of
iron. This chief, also, as well as all the principal people, entreated
that some one of our party should remain in their country, “to
receive,” as they said, “the English merchants that were coming.”
And it was under the idea of securing to ourselves the great
advantages we had gained, by so firm a footing in the very centre of
Africa, as the sheikh’s friendship enabled us to boast of, that I
recommended Mr. Tyrwhitt’s remaining at Kouka, with all the
privileges granted to Barbary consuls, until the pleasure of His
Majesty’s Government should be known.
I consider the establishment of a friendly intercourse with this
potentate beyond the Great Desert, by whose means the unknown
parts of Africa may at no distant period be visited, of the greatest
importance, in every point of view. By encouraging a commercial
intercourse, all the objects of African discovery must be advanced:
not alone will the cause of science and research be benefited, but
the real philanthropist must see, that an opening is now made, by
means of which, with judicious arrangements, thousands of his
fellow beings may be saved from slavery.
Until introduced by the Moors, the trading in slaves was little
known amongst them; the prisoners taken in battle served them, and
were given as portions to their children, on their marriage, for the
same duties; but they were seldom sold. Even now the greater part
of the household of a man of rank are free, with the exception of the
women, who often die in the service of the master of their youth.
They are treated always like the children of the house, and corporal
punishment is a rare occurrence amongst them. I have more than
once known a Bornouese, on his morning visit to my hut, say, with
tears, that he had sent a slave to be sold, who had been three years
a part of his family: then he would add, “but the devil has got into her,
and how could I keep her after that?”
In short, it is to the pernicious principles of the Moorish traders,
whose avaricious brutality is beyond all belief, that the traffic for
slaves in the interior of Africa not only owes its origin, but its
continuance. They refuse all other modes of payment for the articles
which they bring with them; they well know the eagerness with which
these articles are sought after; and by offering what appears to the
natives an amazing price, tempt them to sell their brethren, to the
most inhuman of all human beings, while they gain in Fezzan,
Bengazi, and Egypt, sometimes a profit of 500 per cent. I am not,
however, without hopes, that a more extended intercourse with
Barbary might detach even the proverbially unfeeling Moor from
dealing in human flesh; and it was with feelings of the highest
satisfaction that I listened to some of the most respectable of the
merchants, when they declared, that were any other system of
trading adopted, they would gladly embrace it, in preference to
dealing in slaves: knowing, too, how often we interfered to
ameliorate the situation of any of these unfortunates, when they
were oppressed or ill-treated, they would continually point out to us,
as if to excite our approbation, how well dressed, and well fed, their
own slaves were, in comparison with those of others, as we
traversed the Desert, on our return to Tripoli.
D. D.
FOOTNOTES:
[63]Tirab, his favourite Shouaa chief, was intrusted with this

duty, and acquired the name of Bagah-furby, Gatherer of horses.
A horse of the best breed in this country, which was sent by the
Sheikh of Bornou as a present to His Majesty, is described by Mr.
Sewell as possessing great strength, to be supple, and extremely
active. He also adds, “His movements remind me strongly of the
brown Dongala horse, whose picture I have.”
[64]The articles most in request amongst the Negro nations
are:—
Writing paper, on which the profit is enormous.

Coral barrelled, and imitation coral.
Printed cottons of all kinds, with a great deal of red and yellow
in the pattern.
Coloured silks, in pieces for large shirts and shifts, of the most
gaudy patterns.
Imitations of damask, worked with gold thread, and flowers.
Common red cloth.
Green do.
White barracans, purchased in Tripoli.
Small looking-glasses.
White bornouses, purchased in Tripoli.
Small carpets, five or six feet long, purchased in Tripoli.
English carpets of the same size would sell better, and might
be bought at one-third of the price of Turkish ones.
Ornamented cheap pistols, with long barrels.
Common razors.
Red caps, purchased in Tripoli.
Turbans of all descriptions, large amber, for the Kanemboo
women, and the Shouaas.
Common China basins, much esteemed.
Coffee cups.
Brass basins, tinned in the inside.
Red breeches, made up.
Cotton caftans, striped, made up.
Pieces of striped cotton.
Handkerchiefs, and coarse white muslin.

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Canadian Politics Today: Democracy,

Diversity and Good Government

American Government and Politics Today Steffen W.

American Government and Politics Today: Essentials

American government in Black and White: diversity and

American Government and Politics Today - Enhanced 18th

Biota Grow 2C gather 2C cook Loucas

American Government and Politics Today: No Separate

Writing Today [Canadian Edition] Richard Johnson-

Public Net Worth: Accounting – Government - Democracy

Box 2-2 The Mtis Rise Up: Louis Riel and

and Public Safety in Schools 7 EnglishFrench Relations and the Development

Deliberative Democracy 8 of Quebec Nationalism 33

Social Democracy 9 Historical Background 34

Diversity 9 Language, Religion, and Education 34

Diversity and Unity 10 The Roots of Quebec Nationalism 35

Good Government 11 Modern Quebec Nationalism 37

Democracy and Good Government 11 Women,Farmers,and Workers 38

Analyzing Politics 13 Women 39

Identities 15 General Strike and the General Motors Strike 4

Institutions 16 Summary and Conclusion 41 Discussion Questions 41

External Influences 16 Further Reading 41

Summary and Conclusion 17 Discussion Questions 17

Bilingualism 52 Box 4-3 Minimum Hourly Wage in Provinces

Quebec Nationalism 52 and Territories, 2018 87

Federal Plans A and B 53 Women, Work, and Politics 87

Quebec Independence and Public Opinion 54 Addressing Gender Inequality 89

Immigration and Refugee Systems 55 Farmers and Farming 90

Immigration and Nation-Building 55 Indigenous People 90

The Contemporary Immigration System 56 Visible Minorities 90

The Refugee System 58 Regional Economic Inequality 91

Conservative Era Reforms 59 The Economy and the Environment 92

Immigration Debates and Public Opinion 61 The Importance of Environmental

Discrimination and Exclusion 62 The Paris Agreement 94

Anti-Discrimination Measures 64 Fossil Fuels and the Canadian Economy 95

Multiculturalism 65 Box 4-4 Alberta Oil 94

The North American Free Trade Formative Events Theory 104

The United StatesMexicoCanada Post-Materialist Theory 106

Learning Objectives 121 The Potential for Successful Influence 161

Chapter Introduction 122 Lobbyists 162

in the Provinces 124 Social Movements 165

Groups, Lobbyists, and Social The Bloc Qubcois 186

Movements 146 The Green Party 187

Party Organizations: Leaders, Candidates, and

Box 9-3 Fake News: An Existential Threat to

Acts of a Constitutional Nature 226 Rulings 258

Constitutional Conventions 227 The Supreme Courts Interpretation of

Constitutional Change 228 Negotiating Comprehensive Land Claims

The Aftermath of the Failure of Constitutional Specific Claims 261

Constitutional Amendments 271 Limits on the Prime Ministers Power 306

Cooperative Federalism 275 The Cabinet Decision-Making Process 311

Competitive Federalism 276 Cabinet Committees 312

Collaborative Federalism 276 The Budgetary Process 313

Open Federalism 277 Reform and the Prime Minister

Inter-Governmental Relations 280

The Formal Executive 293 The Passage of Bills 332

Box 13-1 A Governor General Stirs Up House of Commons Effectiveness 336

Increasing the Number of Officers of the Innovators 372