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MIDDLE EAST TODAY

Laura Galián
 Middle East Today

Series Editors
Fawaz A. Gerges
Department of International Relations
London School of Economics
London, UK

Nader Hashemi
Josef Korbel School of International Studies,
Center for Middle East Studies
University of Denver
Denver, CO, USA
The Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Iran-Iraq War, the Gulf War, and the
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currently governed by a party with Islamic roots; the Gulf monarchies,
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Middle East.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14803
 Laura Galián

Colonialism,
Transnationalism,
and Anarchism
in the South
of the Mediterranean
Laura Galián
University of Granada
Granada, Granada, Spain

Middle East Today

ISBN 978-3-030-45448-7 ISBN 978-3-030-45449-4 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-45449-4

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To Sameh Said Abud (1956–2018), To my family
 Acknowledgments

This book owes a huge debt to Luz Gómez, to whom I am immensely

grateful. Her generosity of spirit, attention to detail and critical verve have
been invaluable throughout my adult life, intellectually and personally.
This book has benefited enormously from the input of Elena Arigita.
Her advice, insights and ongoing support and friendship helped me
throughout. I am indebted to Carlos Cañete, whose conversations on
power, embodiment and colonization have pushed me to delve deeper
into things that I had hastily touched upon.
The research of this book was supported by the public funding
received: Pre-doctoral Scholarship for Research Staff Training (FPI-
UAM), Erasmus Mundus Ibn Battuta, RETOPEA’s postdoctoral fellow-
ship and Juan de la Cierva’s fellowship program, which I gratefully
acknowledge.
I am thankful to my colleagues at the Department of Arabic and
Islamic Studies at Universidad Autónoma de Madrid as well as my
current colleagues at the Department of Semitic Studies at Univer-
sidad de Granada. The professionals I have the pleasure to work closely
with in the research projects and groups: “Islam 2.0: cultural markers
and religious markers of the Mediterranean societies in transformation”
(ALAM 2.0, FFI2014-54667-R), “Religious Toleration and Peace Project
(RETOPEA)” of the program Horizon 2020 and “Representations of
Islam in the Glocal Mediterranean: Conceptual Cartography and History”
(REISCONCEP) (FEDER-MICINN: RTI2018-098892-B-100), Grupo

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

de Investigación en Estudios Árabes Contemporáneos (HUM 108) and

Ideologías y Expresiones Culturales Árabes Contemporáneas (F-219) have
been of inevaluable help, personally and professionally.
The input from the anonymous reviewers for Palgrave Macmillan
further improve this project along. I am grateful to the editors Mary Fata,
Rachel Moore and Alina Yurova, for their feedback and constant help. I
am indebted to Kirstin Turner, Nicholas Callaway, Nathaniel Miller and
Iona Feldman for proofreading and editing parts of the earlier drafts of
this project.
Some chapters of this book have been already published, in a shorter
version, in different languages. All of them are part of my Ph.D. Thesis:
“El anarquismo descolonizado: una historia de las experiencias antiautori-
tarias en Egipto (1860–2016)” (2017). Madrid: Universidad Autónoma
de Madrid. The arguments and debates have been further developed
and restructured for this book’s purpose. Some ideas of Chapter 4
appeared in “From Marxism to Anti-Authoritarianism: Egypt’s New
Left”. In Communist Parties in the Middle East. 100 Years of History,
eds. Laura Feliu and Ferrán Izquierdo Brichs. London: Routledge: Taylor
and Francis Group, 268–281. Some ideas of Chapter 5 appeared in
“New Modes of Collective Actions: The Reemergence of Anarchism in
Egypt”. In Contentious Politics in the Middle East. Popular Resistance and
Marginalized Activism beyond the Arab Uprisings, ed. Fawaz Gerges. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 351–372 and “Squares, Occupy Movements
and the Arab Revolutions”. In The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism,
eds. Carl Levy and Matthew Adams. London, Loughborough: Palgrave
Macmillan, 715–732. All these texts have been rethought, expanded and
rewritten in order to be included in the present book. They have a new
dimension and are absent from their original form.
I would like to acknowledge Ediciones del Oriente y del Mediter-
ráneo for permission to include original material in Chapter 5 of this
book from my previously published article, “El anarquismo truncado: Los
trabajadores italianos ante los privilegios epistémicos de la colonización”.
In Islam y Desposesión. Resignificar La Pertenencia, ed. Luz Gómez
García. Madrid: Ediciones de Oriente y del Mediterráneo, 261–276, as
well as the financial support of “Representations of Islam in the Glocal
Mediterranean: Conceptual Cartography and History” (REISCONCEP)
(FEDER-MICINN: RTI2018-098892-B-100) for the proofreading of
Chapter 4.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix

I am very fortunate to have an amazing family and group of friends,

who I immensely love. I am grateful to them for always understanding
my prolonged absences and having always been supportive. I wish I
could thank everyone (family, friends, colleagues and students) who have
encouraged and inspired me over the years. I hope you all know who you
are. I am beholden to all of you.
I can never be thankful enough to Yasir Abdallah for his love and
support, without whom this book would not exist.

A Note on Transliteration and Translation

The frequent Arabic names—people, places, movements, journals or
groups- had lead me after much hesitation to apply a system of translit-
erating Arabic into English. Following the Encyclopedia of Islam in its
Third Edition, I decided to apply its system without the diacritics -
except the ‘ayn- as a convenience to nonspecialists. Students of Arabic and
Middle East studies should need no guidance to go through out them. If
names already had an equivalent and appear as cited in particular works in
Western languages, they have been kept in the same way.
Translations are all my own unless otherwise stated.
 Contents

1 Toward a History of Southern Mediterranean

Anarchism 1
Why Anarchism in South of the Mediterranean? 1
What We Talk About When We Talk About Anarchism? 4
Main Debates Within the Anarchist Tradition 7
Where Does This Work Stand? Goals and Positionality 12
On Transnational History 18
Chapter’s Content 20
References 23

2 Decolonizing Anarchism 27
Coloniality and Modernity 27
Anarchist Criticism of Coloniality/Modernity 32
Universalism and Anarchism 34
Nationalism and Anarchism 35
The Anarchist Myth: The Question of Race 39
The Imperative of Decolonizing Anarchism 41
Studying Anarchism in the South of the Mediterranean 48
References 51

xi
xii CONTENTS

3 Mediterranean Anarchist Meeting: The Unresolved

Postcolonial Question 55
Mediterranean Anarchist Meeting (MAM) 55
Canonical History of Anarchism 60
The Ongoing Postcolonial Debate 67
Anarchism and Eurocentrism 67
Anarchism and Anti-colonialism 70
Anarchism and Islam: An Unrecognized Encounter 73
On Anarcho-Orientalism 76
On Anarcho-Ijtihad 78
References 85

4 Al-Anarkiyya bel ‘Arabiyya: Arabic from Theory

to Practice as the Language of Anarchism 91
A Conceptual History of Anarchism in Arabic 91
Al-Anarkiyya bel-Arabiyya 91
On Conceptual Change 95
Translation as Direct Action: On Arabic as Translation 100
Theory as Practice, Practice as Theory: The Failure of Arab
Socialism and the Search for Political Alternatives 105
“Anarchism Is the Solution”: Theory as Practice 110
Surrealism, Anarchism and Counter-Culture in Egypt:
Practice as Theory 114
The Formation of an Eclectic Libertarian School
of Thought 120
Art and Liberty’s Writings and Exhibitions 124
Concluding Remarks 127
References 130

5 Mapping the South of the Mediterranean 135

From the End of the Ottoman Empire to the Unfinished
Decolonization 136
Lebanon and Syria: Fragmentation and Local Organizing 136
Palestine and Jordan: ‘Citizenship’, Nationalism
and Decolonization 147
Transnational Networks of Dissent: Migration
and Colonialism in Egyptian Anarchism 152
Coloniality and Subalternity of European Anarchists 152
 CONTENTS xiii

Internationalism in the Face of Colonialism:

The Civilizing Work of the European Left 158
The New Egyptian Anarchists 164
Political Exiles and Decolonial Anarchism in the Maghreb 172
From Hosting European Political Exiles 172
To the Creation of Decolonial Projects 175
Against Millenarism 184
References 187

6 Conclusions: Anarchism Is Still Pertinent 195

References 204

Index 205
 Abbreviations

CGATA Confédération Générale Autonome des Travailleurs en Algérie

(General Autnomous Confederation of Algerian Workers)
CGT Confederación General del Trabajo
CGT-SR Confederation général du travail- Socialiste Revolutionaire (Revolu-
tionary Syndicalist General Labor Confederation)
CLA Conceils des Lyceès d’Algérie (High Schools Council of Algeria)
CNT Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confeederation of
Labour)
DIT Do it yourself
DLM Democratic Left Movement
FA Fédération Anarchiste
FAI Féderation Anarchiste International (International Anarchist Federa-
tion)
LA Libertarian Alternative
LC Libertarian Commune
LCP Lebanese Comunist Party
LSM Libertarian Socialist Movement
MAM Mediterranean Anarchist Meeating
NDP National Democratic Party
RASH Red and Anarchist Skinhead
RB Radical Beirut
UAR Union of Artists of the Revolution
UDC Union des Diplômés Chômeurs (Union of Unemployed Graduates)
UGET Union Génerale des étudiants de Tunisie (Tunisian Student General
Union)

xv
xvi ABBREVIATIONS

UGTT Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail (Tunisian General Labour

Union)
WSF World Social Forum
 List of Figures

Image 4.1 Logo of the anarchist group al-anarkiyya al-misriyya

(Egyptian Anarchism) on Facebook (Photo credit by
gharbeia) 100
Image 5.1 Street in Downtown Cairo (Photo credit: Luz Gómez) 170
Image 5.2 Mohammed Mahmud Street in Downtown Cairo
(Photo credit: Francesco Schiro) 172
Image 5.3 Downtown Tunis (Photo credit: Laura Galián) 180

xvii
 CHAPTER 1

Toward a History of Southern Mediterranean

Anarchism

Why Anarchism in South of the Mediterranean?

In November 2019, a recently founded anarchist movement Kafeh!
(Fight!) issued a manifesto where it declared its total support for the
Lebanese revolution. According to its manifesto, the group is an anarchist
movement whose goal is to achieve a decentralized and non-authoritarian
society and considers that the ongoing Lebanese revolution represents the
philosophy of anarchism: it exercised direct decision making, it is decen-
tralized, non-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian. It rejects sectarianism,
racism and bureaucracy. It is against the “authoritarian and patriarchal
system in Lebanon and the existing dominant organization” (Kafeh 2019)
and supports absolute freedom. According to its writing and manifesto,
Kafeh! sees itself to be at the forefront of the revolution, a revolution that
is considered to represent the same anarchists ideals that they uphold.
The emergence of Kafeh! and its anarchist ideology and discourse on
the ongoing Lebanese revolution should not come as a surprise. Since
the spark of the social uprisings in the South of the Mediterranean in
2011, anarchists from the South of the Mediterranean have continuously
assured the anarchist hallmarks of these revolutions and their experience
of anarchism through them.
Seven years ago on the Second Anniversary of the 25th January revo-
lution in Egypt a group of hooded youth who identified themselves
as the Egyptian Black Bloc emerged in the country. The appearance,

© The Author(s) 2020 1

L. Galián, Colonialism, Transnationalism, and Anarchism
in the South of the Mediterranean, Middle East Today,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-45449-4_1
2 L. GALIÁN

performance and visibility of these new identities with new repertoires of

contentious politics, unseen in the region until the Arab revolutions but
closely related to the political culture of anarchism of the West, attracted
a lot of attention from the media and from Western anarchists and activist
circles.
Joshua Stephens (2013a, 2013b) wrote an interesting article entitled
“Representation and the Egyptian Black Bloc: The Siren Song of Orien-
talism?” where he critically questioned the media coverage and activist’s
interest in the West on this newly emerged tactic that reflected and
repeated some of the well-known practices of the Black Block (that as
a reminder appeared in Germany in the 1980s) and how some circles
were already debating the existence of anarchist ideologies in the Arabic-
speaking countries. It was the first time anarchism was a question on the
political and ideological spectrum in the societies of the South of the
Mediterranean. This newly emerged tactic posed important questions on
whether their attention was due to an orientalist symptom or a real revival
or reemergence of anarchism in the South of the Mediterranean. There
were some questions that needed to be answered: Was there an ideology
as such of anarchism in the South of the Mediterranean? Or as Joshua
Stephens underlined, was it an “Orientalist Siren”? Was it momentum for
anarchism, and if so, how was this political philosophy understood and
experienced?
The practice of anarchism as prefigurative politics has influenced a
whole generation of young activists and has expressed the most profound
libertarian desire of Southern Mediterranean societies. If the Islamist
agenda or a supposed “authoritarianism”, endemic to the Arab soci-
eties, marked the sociopolitical agenda until 2011, the emergence of the
Black Bloc and other anarchist groups and antiauthoritarian repertoires
of collective actions from Morocco to Palestine going through Algeria,
Tunisia, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and Jordan, have changed the
focus and have attracted a great deal of interest in academic, journalist and
activist spheres. Despite all of that, and despite the archival evidence of
the existence of anarchist movements, groups and thought in the South
of the Mediterranean since the end of the nineteenth century, as well as a
growing literature about this anti-authoritarian and transnational history,
the voices of these forgotten activists are still missing from the main refer-
ence books on the history of ideas and the history of anarchism. Why is
that the case?
 1 TOWARD A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN MEDITERRANEAN ANARCHISM 3

The emergence of anarchism as a political philosophy and a self-

declared ideology and its history in the South of the Mediterranean is
deeply rooted in the creation of the first capitalist economies and their
relation with the economic peripheries. The first anarchists arrived in
North Africa throughout the colonial project, carrying with them their
emancipatory and civilizational claims. The need of specialized workers to
create and develop the industrial fabric of the European colonial project
attracted a great deal of Spanish, Italian, Greek and French workers to the
Southern shore at the end of the nineteenth century. These workers and
political exiles who were mostly but not exclusively men helped spread
and disseminate anarchist and socialist propaganda from the First Inter-
national. In Tunisia and Egypt, this political philosophy emerged with the
settlement of activist and workers from Italy and Greece in the coastal
and industrial cities (Khuri-Makdisi 2010; Gorman 2010). In Algeria,
Republican Spanish political exiles in collaboration with French anarchists
were instrumental in the creation of a local and anti-colonial Algerian
movement (Porter 2011). In Lebanon and Syria, Arabic publications and
transregional editorials echoed the importance of the events related to
anarchism and libertarian thought in the Mediterranean societies and
Latin America. ‘Propaganda by the deed’ was not the only repertoire
used by these activists. Their propaganda mostly focused on dissemi-
nating the ‘idea’ through ‘propaganda by the word’ by founding journals,
educational clubs and intuitions such as the L’Università Popolare Libera
in 1901, especially important in promoting the educational program of
Francisco Ferrer’s Escuela Moderna (Gorman 2005).
Despite the pioneering work these activists achieved in developing
anarchist political thought in the Arabic speaking countries, historians
have not paid the necessary attention to this ideological and social
phenomenon. An overview of anti-authoritarian literature and anarchist
thought in the South of the Mediterranean shows the lack of studies that
analyze and reconstruct these narratives, but moreover, the reluctance of
many European activists to name them as such.
Where is it possible to find the traces of this history? How can we
reconstruct the history of the anti-authoritarian experiences and cultural
expressions in the South of the Mediterranean? How have these anar-
chisms been formulated? What characteristics do they share with other
libertarian experiences? Why are there hardly any studies on anarchism in
non-Western contexts and, specifically, in Arab-speaking contexts, despite
their trans-Mediterranean connections? Does this historiographical gap
respond to exclusive historical factors?
4 L. GALIÁN

I ask these and other questions in this book. Its aspiration is twofold:
to critically review the anti-authoritarian geographies in the South of the
Mediterranean, from Morocco to Palestine and to rethink the postcolo-
nial condition of emancipatory projects such as anarchism, which is still
often enunciated from a white-privilege hetero-normative epistemic posi-
tion that reproduces colonial power relations. This brings us to the book’s
main imperative: decolonizing anarchism.
The unfinished decolonization of anarchism has led the anarchist canon
to ignore non-Western anti-authoritarian and anarchist narratives, which
are not always and not only enunciated as a self-declared ideology. Hence,
the libertarian, anti-authoritarian and decentralized emancipation projects
that arise in the Arab societies of the South of the Mediterranean have not
been integrated into most histories of anarchism, despite sharing many
similarities with the European political philosophy. The anti-authoritarian
experiences presented in the book, that range from 1860 to 2019 are
multiple, diverse in form and content and glocal , that is, they are at
the same time global and local. All of them emphasize form as political
praxis and in many cases have been and are the alternative to Marxism,
and they are built in rhizomatic networks. These projects become polit-
ical proposals to rethink the main thesis of the book: Anarchism is still
pertinent but it needs to be decolonized.

What We Talk About When

We Talk About Anarchism?
Anarchism means different things for different people. It might be defined
as a body of shared ideas and experiences. Among these shared ideas and
experiences is the imperative to be cognizant of our collective and indi-
vidual privileges and the power relations that we establish in every aspect
of our lives. Anarchism is a way of living with oneself and with others. It
is, as Alfredo Bonanno stated in his famous book The Anarchist Tension
(1996, p. 4) “a state we must play, day after day”. Anarchism cannot be
defined for once and for all. It is not definitive and is being continuously
defined by those who are part of its philosophy.
What is and what is not anarchism? What does it mean to be an anar-
chist and why? These questions have been answered variously by different
people along its history, sometimes with contradictory and opposite
answers. Those definitions have varied along its history, the geograph-
ical and socio-political position of those who define it as well as their
 1 TOWARD A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN MEDITERRANEAN ANARCHISM 5

social context. It can be said that anarchism has as many interpretations

as anarchists exists. “Anarchists are those who work to further the cause
of anarchism” assures researcher Ruth Kina (2005, p. 4).
Let’s take three definitions from anarchists from different times and
geographical locations in order to see how they emphasize different
aspects of anarchism:
The first one, Emma Goldman (1868–1940), one of the few anarchist
women who have been generally recognized as part of classical anarchist
history, describes anarchism in her book Anarchism and Other Essays
(1911) as:

The philosophy of a new social order based of liberty unrestricted by man-

made law; the theory that all forms of government rest on violence, and
are therefore wrong and harmful, as well as unnecessary. (Goldman 1911,
p. 56)

Then she continues:

The new social order rests, of course, on the materialistic basis of life; but
while all Anarchists agree that the main evil today is an economic one, they
maintain that the solution of that evil can be brought about only through
the consideration of every phase of life, -individual, as well as the collective;
the internal, as well as the external phases. (Goldman 1911, p. 56)

As we can see from the quotations, Goldman considers that states and
governments are institutions based on the use of violence to maintain
an economic order, the capitalist one. Following this analysis, Goldman
proposes a “new social order”, that of anarchism, which means individual
and collective liberation from the yoke of oppression. Goldman’s anti-
statist and anti-capitalist vision greatly differs from the North American
second-generation feminist Peggy Kornegger (1975) when she declares
that:

The radical feminist perspective is almost pure anarchism. The basic theory
postulates the nuclear family as the basis for all authoritarian systems. The
lesson the child learns, from father to teacher to boss to God, is to OBEY
the great anonymous voice of Authority. To graduate from childhood to
adulthood is to become a full-fledged automaton, incapable of questioning
or even thinking clearly. We pass into middle-America, believing everything
6 L. GALIÁN

we are told and numbly accepting the destruction of life all around us.
(Kornegger 1975, p. 10)

Kornegger identifies a system of power and authority that goes beyond

the organization of the state and penetrates the whole structure of society,
from the family, to the teacher, to the chief, etc. In order to subvert this
system of power, Kornegger sees the feminist struggle as a tool of emanci-
pation that is comparable to anarchism, and that is where both traditions
converge. For the author, anarchism and feminism are two sides of the
same coin. Both are inseparably related since they question the system of
authority by which society is structured. Kornegger’s vision also differs
from the definition given by the Indian anarchist Maia Ramnath (2011).
For the Indian decolonial author, there are two types of anarchism, Anar-
chism with a capital A, derived from the nineteenth-century European
tradition, and anarchism with lowercase a, that refers to the tenden-
cies concerned with form rather than ideology and put the emphasis on
prefigurative politics rather than speech:

With a small a, the word anarchism implies a set of assumptions and prin-
ciples, a recurrent tendency or orientation –with the stress on movement
in a direction, not a perfected condition- toward more dispersed and less
concentrated power; less top-down hierarchy and more self-determination
through bottom-up participation; liberty and equality see as directly rather
than inversely proportional; the nurturance of individuality, mutuality, and
accountability; and an expansive recognition of the various forms that
power relations can take, and correspondingly, the various dimensions of
emancipation. (Ramnath 2011, p. 7)

Maia Ramnath attaches special importance to ‘form’ as an essential char-

acteristic of what anarchism—with lower case a—is, that is, anarchism that
has not been recognized as part of the canonical tradition of Anarchism—
with a capital A. But beyond form there is content. For the author,
anarchism has to admit the different forms that power relations can take
and the different aspects of emancipation. Ramnath’s understanding of
anarchism is a response to anarchism with capital A, which is the one
that comes from the classical-European tradition and understands anar-
chism as an anti-capitalist and anti-statist struggle that leaves aside other
oppressions and struggles such as the feminist, the queer and the ecologist
struggles to name a few.
 1 TOWARD A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN MEDITERRANEAN ANARCHISM 7

Despite an exhaustive and almost desperate search for a definition that

can encompass such a heterogeneous corpus of ideas and practices, there
is no satisfactory and minimally unified definition. In this sense, Yasir
Abdallah, an Egyptian postanarchist in his article ‘Kayfa yumkin ta‘arif
al-ishtirakiyya al-taharruriyya?’ (How can we define libertarian socialism?)
(2011) raises the question of the impossibility of defining ‘libertarian
socialism’ in a ‘libertarian’ and non-oppressive way, since defining as an
act carries a degree of orthodoxy and authority in its doing: “In the end,
it is not the name what is important, it is the content what is the most
important” states Yasir following Wayne Price’s saying.

Main Debates Within the Anarchist Tradition

In many occasions, anarchism has been defined not by what it is but by
what it is not. In its dispute with Marxism, anarchism has tried at all
costs to differentiate itself from this other ‘authoritarian’ socialisms. In
other occasions, anarchism has tried to dissociate itself from the labels
that relates it to terrorism, violence, chaos, naïve idealism or utopia with
the aim of fighting for a self-managed and anti-authoritarian society. The
Indian anarchist and pacifist M. P. T. Acharya (1887–1954) is a good
example. Critically engaging with the ideas of Gandhi and Tolstoy on
anarcho-pacifism, Acharya was also an admirer of Gandhism since he
believed it helped at exposing the atrocities of British Government in
India and taught the people to resist and combat it (Acharya 2019, p. 18).
It is an arduous and complex task that leaves aside multiple nuances
and voices to find a sufficiently broad definition that encompasses both
the theories and movements of the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first
centuries, as well as the less orthodox formulations of this political philos-
ophy. But there have been debates among its different tendencies and
practitioners that are fundamental to understand the primary questions
that guide this book: When can we speak about anarchism? And what is
the relation between ‘form’ and ‘content’ in this political philosophy?
One of the greatest debates revolves around the historical beginning of
anarchism. The Russian geographer and thinker Peter Kropotkin (1842–
1921), one of the greatest exponents of classical anarchism, noted in his
entry to the Encyclopaedia Britannica in 1905 that the best exponent
of anarchist philosophy in ancient Greece was Zeno (342-267 or 270
B.C.), the founder of the Stoic school who opposed Plato’s statist utopia
with the conception of a free community without government (Kropotkin
8 L. GALIÁN

1910, p. 915). Kropotkin, when speaking of Zenon as a great exponent

of anarchist philosophy, situates the historical birth of anarchism before
its own articulation, that is, he sees anarchism as a basic aspect of human
nature and not as a point in history:

The conception of society just sketched, and the tendency which is its
dynamic the tendency expression, have always existed the mankind, in
opposition to the governing hierarchic conception and tendency- now
the one and now the other taking the upper hand at different periods
of history. (Kropotkin 1910, p. 914)

Decades later the Canadian anarchist historian Robert Graham differen-

tiates between ‘anarchist societies’, as those without government, and
‘anarchism’, as a doctrinal body that wishes to aspire to an ‘anarchist
society’. For Graham, a society without government has always existed
while the doctrine associated to it is a modern and recent development
(Graham 2005, p. xi). Thus, there is a schism between the appearance of
the -ism in anarchism and the analysis and existence of anarchist societies.
From this premise arises the contemporary search for intrinsically anar-
chist characteristics in different societies throughout history, and from
here the contemporary relationship between anarchism and anthropology
was also developed. In 1963, in the British journal Anarchy, Australian
anthropologist Kenneth Maddock argued that establishing a connection
between anarchism and anthropology was not so much to understand
how primitive tribal societies functioned but to give an argument of legit-
imacy to what “future societies” would look like (Kina 2005, p. 87).
Arguments were sought in the past to legitimize the present. Ruth Kina
(2005, pp. 87–88) identifies four schools of thought that she divides as
follows: For Kropotkin, the lack of state was, on the one hand, a primitive
condition and the basis of human evolution; and, on the other, the “prim-
itive” life and the lack of state was a condition that had to be protected in
order to aspire to an anarchist society. Harold Barclay (b. 1924), anthro-
pologist and anarchist, is the representative of the second school. Stateless
societies are examples of “functioning anarchies” and he uses anthro-
pological evidence to demonstrate the validity of anarchist premises.
American anarchist thinker Murray Boochkin (1921–2006) represents the
third school. Boochkin considers that anthropological study helps acquire
the ethical and ecological knowledge necessary for the organization of
anarchism. The last school is represented by John Zerzan (b. 1943), an
 1 TOWARD A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN MEDITERRANEAN ANARCHISM 9

American primitivist anarchist, and Fredy Perlman (1934–1985). These

authors review arguments about stateless societies and analyze the “natu-
ral” attitudes that have been lost with the development of “civilizations”
through anthropology (Kina 2005, p. 97).
All of these schools show how anarchists theories have looked at the
past in order to prove how anarchism and anarchist societies have worked,
currently work and might work in the future. But how anarchism became
an -ism is a nineteenth-century phenomenon. The development of capi-
talism and the formation of nation-states gave birth to anarchism as a
recognized “-ism” in most of Europe. According to Robert Graham,
anarchism as a doctrine, was born at that historical moment even if “anar-
chist societies” have always existed and have been used for legitimation
and search. For this reason, the Argentinean thinker Ángel Cappelletti
(2006) differentiates between the “prehistory of anarchism” and the “his-
tory of anarchism”. With the term “prehistory”, Capelletti intends to
overcome other terms such as “protoanarchism” or “paleoanarchism”
coined by Victor García (1971) and Woodcock (1962), respectively. For
Cappelletti “[…] this prehistory may shed some light to history, as history
must lend them to theory and praxis” (Cappelletti 2006, p. 11).
Unlike other forms of socialism, anarchism does not attempt to scien-
tifically analyze social development. Instead it is characterized by the
strategy it employs to achieve an anti-authoritarian and anti-hierarchical
society. For anarchism, the analysis of the material conditions of the
present is as important as the process to follow in order to achieve its
‘imagined community’ in Benedict Anderson’s terms. This process cannot
reproduce the abuses of power by authority that they themselves seek to
overcome and destroy. That is why, for anarchism, content—that is, the
theoretical corpus that justifies its existence and practice—is as important
as form, the way the struggle and the strategy is articulated. This is the
starting point of Bakunin’s criticism of Marx which ended with his expul-
sion from the First International. In the anarchist narrative and ethos, the
socialist state and the communist “dictatorship of the proletariat” would
repeat the characteristics of oppression and privilege of a minority over a
majority, as the liberal bourgeois state does.
‘Anarchy’ is a word derived from the Greek “anarkhia”- ¢ναρχία
composed of the prefix ¢ν (an), which means “no” and αρχία -arkhia-
which comes from the term ¢ρχή –arkhê: “origin”, “principle”, but also
“mandate”, “authority“ and “power”. Historically, the term “anarchy“
has been used to refer to societies without government and as a synonym
10 L. GALIÁN

of “chaos”. On the contrary for anarchists, there is nothing further from

reality since “Anarchy is order” as Proudhon stated. The engine of anar-
chism is the denial of authority. In fact, anarchists also define themselves
as non-authoritarian or anti-authoritarian. The rejection of authority leads
anarchists to refuse any imposed authority, whether they are governments,
states, police and chiefs as well as priests, parents or teachers. Cappelletti
argues that anarchists can perfectly accept the authority of a doctor or
whoever they might consider, not because they have been chosen by a
minority to be in that power position or they have imposed their authority
by violence but because they do choose to grant them that authority. In
his words:

[anarchists] they can perfectly admit the intrinsic authority of the physician
with regard to illness and public health in general, or of the agronomist
with regard to the cultivation of the field: they cannot accept, on the other
hand, that the physician or agronomist, by virtue of having been elected
by universal suffrage or imposed by the force of money or arms, decide
permanently on anything, substitute the will of each one, determine the
destiny and life of all. (Cappelletti 2010, p. 13)

This anti-authoritarian stand means anarchism cannot be defined by

any individual, iconic figure or canonical text. But there are personalities
within its history that enjoy a notable weight in its articulation as a polit-
ical philosophy such as Bakunin, Kropotkin, Proudhon, Goodwin, and
Goldman.
The denial of any imposed authority has led anarchists to also reject
parliamentary democracy. This is the starting point to their critique of
representation. As Cohn asserts in his book Anarchism and the Crisis of
Representation (2006), this crisis questions the relationship between the
concepts and the reality they sustain. For the anarchist tradition to “repre-
sent” may seem equal to dominate; “there is no escape to representation,
ergo, there is no end to domination” (Cohn 2006, p. 12). In an effort
to create systems of signification (at the level of language, but also at
the level of gender, canon, tradition, etc.), the systems of representation
speak for the multitude and silence multiplicity, asserts Cohn in his quest
to theorize anarchist literary theory.
Anarchists’ critique of liberal democracy is not a critique of democracy
itself, but a critique of democracy as representation. Integral to anar-
chism is direct democracy, where political power is exercised directly by
 1 TOWARD A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN MEDITERRANEAN ANARCHISM 11

the individual in assemblies or in other spaces. According to anarchists,

representative democracy or liberal democracy materializes the farce of
the rule of majority. In Bakunin’s words: “The representative system, far
from being a guarantee for the people, propitiates and guarantees, on the
contrary, the permanent existence of a governmental aristocracy that acts
against the people” (as cited in Taibo 2013, p. 45). Hence from the anar-
chist perspective the electoral system implies the delegation of power to
others, and therefore the loss of political freedom and action. Anarchism’s
emphasis on political action, in its own jargon “direct action”—the action
led by the individual when she or he takes part in it without the media-
tion of representatives, be them the leaders, governments or parties, gives
the individual a substantial role in its configuration as a political subject.
This is because for anarchism the human being is the element around
which this political philosophy revolves. While there are great divergences
among her/his theorists on the nature of “human condition” broadly
speaking anarchists believe that through solidarity and mutual aid, it is
possible to live without coercion and authority (Taibo 2013, p. 35). An
anarchist society and the realization of its ‘utopia’ is based upon soli-
darity and mutual support. A utopia that we could summarize as a socialist
society without classes, without authority, anti-hierarchical, decentralized,
self-managed, that prioritizes both the collective action and the autonomy
of the individual.
Although the political theory of anarchism revolves around these great
premises, anarchists have been in constant debate and dialogue about
how to organize revolutionary strategy which explains the existence of
different schools of thought. The currents within anarchism, as Andrej
Grubacic and David Graeber (2004) assert, unlike other currents of
socialism based on their founders (Leninism, Maoism, Marxism): “[…], in
contrast, almost invariably emerge from some kind of organizational prin-
ciple or form of practice: Anarcho-Syndicalists and Anarcho-Communists,
Insurrectionists and Platformists, Cooperativists, Councilists, Individual-
ists, and so on” (Grubacic and Graeber 2004, paragraph 8).
Thus, among anarchists we find those who place a greatest emphasis on
the individual over any other construction or social reality, that is anarcho-
individualism, which advocates that personal or group relations be based
on total freedom, without contracts or commitments; but also those who
consider that ownership of the means of production should be social and
administered collectively by the workers themselves gathered in associa-
tions, known as anarcho-collectivism. Starting from this classical division
12 L. GALIÁN

among anarchists different schools of thought have emerged throughout

the twentieth century, especially after the 1960s. Hence we find trends
such as eco-anarchism or green anarchism, which places emphasis on envi-
ronmental issues, anarcho-feminism that prioritizes the struggle against
patriarchy as thought to be part of the class conflict and the fight against
the state, capitalism and any other form of oppression; insurrectionary
anarchism, which stands as a revolutionary tool organized into ‘affinity
groups’1 that emphasizes insurrection within the anarchist practice, or
queer anarchism, a school that advocates anarchism and social revolution
as a means of queer liberation.
Finally for the purposes of this book, it is necessary to mention the
conflictive relationship between anarchism and religion, understanding
religion as the hegemonic, orthodox institutionalization of spiritual belief
which colludes with political, economic and elite forces in competi-
tion. Although anarchism in the West has traditionally opposed religions
because they are organized in institutionalized in hierarchical organiza-
tions, religion, as faith and spirituality has also found a place within
anarchism, which have generated important disagreements among those
who call themselves anarchists.2 In this way, we find anarchists who define
themselves as atheists and anarchists who try to see in religion an eman-
cipatory and libertarian potential. This is the case of Mohamed Jean
Veneusse in his thesis “Anarca-Islam” (2009), where he tries to unify two
of his identities: that of being an anarchist and that of being a Muslim.
He demystifies the idea that anarchism is anti-religious and that Islam
is authoritarian per se. The same occurs with Christianity. In his article,
Christos Iliopoulos (2018) argues how these two terms come together
in anarcho-christian activism in their critical, active and radical reading of
the Holy Scriptures (Iliopoulos 2018, p. 177).

Where Does This Work Stand?

Goals and Positionality
This book is concerned with the anarchist and anti-authoritarian experi-
ences in the South of the Mediterranean and the colonial responses of
anarchisms from the Global North. Framed within the critical and decol-
onizing current of the traditional canon of anarchism, the study of this
political philosophy and its different expressions and experiences in the
South of the Mediterranean needs a theoretical and analytical body that
exceeds the keys elements of understanding European emancipation and
 1 TOWARD A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN MEDITERRANEAN ANARCHISM 13

resistance so that it adapts to a colonial and post-colonial context such

as that of societies in the South of the Mediterranean. Therefore, the
main goals of this book are: to include the experiences of anarchism in
the southern Mediterranean in the global history of anarchism and to
criticize and deconstruct the Eurocentric, white, hetero-normative char-
acter of the anarchist canon while contributing to the construction of a
new theoretical model for the study of anarchism that is decolonized and
decolonizes.

Why is there no history of anarchism in the South of the Mediterranean?

What leads anarchist historians to ignore anti-authoritarian experiences
arising in the Global South?
What happened to anarchism of the first globalization that came through
foreign workers to the region? Why couldn’t this first wave of anarchism
develop into a local, autonomous movement that lasted beyond World
War I?
Has the canonized history of anarchism (white and European) been able
to influence the lack of studies on anarchism in the South-Mediterranean?
How can we subvert this Eurocentric gaze when dealing with the study
of anarchism? How does the analysis of anarchist experiences in the South
of the Mediterranean help us to decolonize this political philosophy?

To solve these questions, we understand anarchism as proposed by Süriyya

Turkely Evren (2012): not as a body of doctrine emerging from Europe,
but as a series of ideas and practices that are expanded by a network of
revolutionaries in different parts of the world at different times in history.
A decentralized, fluid and rhizomatic chain:

And against it, we can argue that anarchism is not an idea founded by
Proudhon and then carried to other places or a movement founded by
Bakunin and then carried to other places; rather anarchism is a certain set
of ideas and practices formed with and through a specific network of radical
reformists/revolutionaries in different parts of the world. Anarchism is
multi-centered and has temporary centers; actually these temporary centers
are hubs, extra functioning nodes of the network. (Evren 2012, p. 92)

In order to enhance this perspective, I also consider intersectionality to

be of interest for the study of anarchism, as anarcho-feminism has already
demonstrated. This is the case because as it has been widely debated the
concept of ‘woman’ is not universal. It is socially constructed and depends
14 L. GALIÁN

on the experience of each woman. Each of these experiences is situ-

ated and located depending on race, class, gender, sexuality, nation, age,
physical condition, etc. Although the term intersectionality has become
a buzzword since its creation by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, it has
challenged the notion that women are a homogenous group equally posi-
tioned in terms of power relations in what bell hooks calls the structure
of “white supremacist capitalist patriarchy”. I am not the first one calling
attention to the importance of intersectionality for anarchism. I follow the
work of Shannon and Rogue (2009) who have worked on the relation
between these two terms inspired by feminists of color such as Patricia
Hill Collins. As in the case of feminism where intersectionality has been an
effective tool to analyze the different sources of oppression which have left
aside and prevented marginalized women from being part of the feminist
movement, the same can be applied to anarchism. An intersectional look
at the history anarchism would also prevent a privileged understanding
of this political philosophy, “Therefore, a non-reflective feminist move-
ment focused on the concern of “women” tends to reflect the interests
of the most privileged members of that social category” (Shannon and
Rogue 2009, p. 6). Intersectionality in this sense calls for the destruction
of any hierarchy created between the different forms of oppression and
domination and considers that all these forms need to be recognized and
subverted. Thus there is no single way of understanding anarchism, rather
it is what each subject considers it to be.
As intersectionality calls for positionality in order to reflect on the
different kind of oppressions, I consider myself to be a cis-gender White-
European woman—sometimes read as a Southern European depending
on the existing power relation with the Global North. I have conducted
this research within the Spanish academy which is experiencing a back-
lash of the neoliberal project and its workers—professors, administrative
or other personnel—with cuts in funding, precarization of its labor force,
and increasingly curtailed freedom of speech. But Spanish academia has
also served the purposes of its own imperial and colonial past and
ongoing interests in North of Africa, the Middle East and Latin America.
Conducting social research within the European academic colonial space
contributes to the perpetuation of existing and ongoing epistemolog-
ical imperialism. Social research can contribute to the construction and
perpetuation of “Othering”. Research is one of the ways in which
the code of imperialism and colonialism is inscribed, regulated, and
embodied. It is regulated through the formal rules of individual academic
Another random document with
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doen.—Tegelijk reikte hij Sokrates den beker. En deze nam hem aan
en zeer blijmoedig, o Echekrates, zonder eenigszins te beven of van
kleur of gelaatsuitdrukking te veranderen, maar den mensch met
strak-open oogen aanziende, zooals hij dat gewoon was, vroeg hij:
Wat denkt gij van dezen drank, is het geoorloofd daarvan aan
iemand te plengen of niet?—Zooveel, zeî hij, o Sokrates, mengen wij
C als wij meenen dat voldoende is tot drinken.—Juist, zeide hij.
Maar allicht is het geoorloofd, en ook passend, tot de goden te
bidden, dat de verhuizing van hier eene gelukkige moge zijn. Dit doe
ik dan ook, en moge het zoo geschieden. Dadelijk na deze woorden
bracht hij den beker aan zijn mond en dronk hem vlug en rustig leêg.
En de meesten van ons waren zoolang vrij-wel in-staat onze tranen
in te houden, maar toen wij zagen dat hij dronk en gedronken had,
niet meer, maar bij mij vloeiden de tranen met geweld in stroomen,
zoodat ik mij omhulde en mij-zelven beweende; want over hem
D weende ik niet, maar om mijn eigen lot, van welk een vriend ik
beroofd was. Kritoon was nog eer dan ik uit den kring opgestaan,
omdat hij niet in-staat was zijn tranen te bedwingen. En Apollodoros,
die ook al vroeger niet ophield te weenen, brak toen in luide
jammerklachten los en ontstelde elk der aanwezigen, behalve
Sokrates zelven. Doch deze zeide: Wat-voor dingen doet gij nu, mijn
bewonderenswaardigen! Ik echter heb boven-al om die reden de
vrouwen weggezonden, opdat zij met zulke dingen niet storen
E zouden. Want ik heb gehoord, dat men in heilige stilte behoort te
sterven. Doch houdt u rustig en kloek!—En wij op het hooren
hiervan, schaamden ons en lieten af van weenen. Hij wandelde eerst
rond, en nadat, zooals hij zeide, zijn beenen zwaar werden, legde hij
zich achterover neder. Want zoo verzocht hem de slaaf. En deze,
dezelfde die hem het gif had toegediend, onderzocht tegelijk van-tijd-
tot-tijd zijn voeten en beenen, door die te betasten, en daarop kneep
hij hem sterk in den éenen voet en vraagde of hij het voelde.
Sokrates zeide van-niet. En daarna kneep hij in de scheenbeenen,
118 en zoo omhooggaande, liet hij ons zien, dat hij langzamerhand
koud en stijf werd. Ook Sokrates zelf betastte zich en zeide, dat,
wanneer het zijn hart zoû bereiken, hij dan zoû heengaan. Reeds
begonnen ongeveer de deelen van ’t onderlijf koud te worden, toen
hij zijn gelaat onthulde—want hij had zich omhuld—, en het laatste
woord zeide, dat hij gesproken heeft: o Kritoon, wij zijn Asklepios
een haan schuldig. Geef hem dien en vergeet het niet.—Dat zal
geschieden, zeide Kritoon. Maar bedenk of gij nog iets anders te
zeggen hebt.—Op deze vraag van Kritoon antwoordde hij niet meer,
maar kort daarop kreeg hij een lichten schok, en de mensch
onthulde hem, en zijn oogen stonden star. Toen Kritoon dat zag,
drukte hij hem mond en oogen toe.
Dit was het einde voor ons, o Echekrates, van onzen vriend, een
man, zooals wij zouden zeggen, van zijn tijdgenooten die wij leerden
kennen, den besten, en ook overigens den wijsten en
rechtvaardigsten.
 AANTEEKENINGEN
60D. E u e n o s . Sofist en dichter, afkomstig van
het eiland Paros. Ook elders vermeldt
Platoon hem (Ap. 20B, Phaidros 267A), met
dezelfde goedmoedige ironie als hier.
89C. A r g e i e r s . Toen de Argeiers in 550 hun
zuidelijk grensgebied met de stad Thureai
aan de Lakedaimoniërs verloren, verboden
zij bij wet hun mannen lang haar, en hun
vrouwen gouden sieraden te dragen
zoolang die stad niet heroverd zoû zijn. Zie
Herodotos I 82.
I o l a o s . Neef van Herakles en diens
wagenmenner en trouwe metgezel. Toen
Herakles bij zijn strijd met de Hydra door
een reusachtige zeekrabbe werd
aangevallen, riep hij de hulp van Iolaos in.
Zie Platoons Euthydemos 297C.
90C. E u r i p o s . De om haar onstuimigheid
bekende enge zeestraat tusschen Boiotia
en het eiland Euboia op de hoogte der
steden Chalkis en Aulis.
95A. H a r m o n i a d e T h e b a a n s c h e .
Gemalin van Kadmos den Phoinikiër, den
mythischen stichter van Thebai.
97C. A n a x a g o r a s . Uit Klazomenai in Lydia.
500-428. Beroemd leerling der Ionische
natuurphilosofen. Hij vestigde zich te
Athenai en werd bevriend met den kring van
Perikles. Om zijn atheïstische stellingen
werd hij, evenals later Sokrates, van
„asebeia” beschuldigd en ontkwam alleen
 door Perikles’ invloed aan de doodstraf. Hij
stierf te Lampsakos. Van zijn hoofdwerk
„Over de natuur” bestaan nog slechts
fragmenten.
108D. G l a u k o s . Waarschijnlijk wordt gedoeld op
Glaukos van Chios, den uitvinder van het
soldeeren van ijzer. Zie Herodotos I 25.
118A. Wij zijn A s k l e p i o s een haan schuldig.
Het gewone offer aan den god der
geneeskunde, wanneer men van een ziekte
is hersteld.

Colofon
Duidelijke zetfouten in de originele tekst zijn verbeterd. Wisselende spelling is
gecorrigeerd. Daarnaast is aangepast:

Pagina Origineel Aangepast

5 Apollodoras Apollodoros
14 bovenal boven-al
14 daarstraks daar-straks
16 allang al-lang
20 allang al-lang
22 ten-minst tenminste
25 voorzoover voor-zoo-ver
26 wordingsovergang wordings-overgang
26 wordingsovergangen wordings-overgangen
28 methematische mathematische
30 daarstraks daar-straks
36 ons-zelven onszelven
41 een een een
42 voorzoover voor-zoo-ver
43 zonderdat zonder dat
60 mijzelf mij-zelf
61 mijzelf mij-zelf
66 mijzelf mij-zelf
88 zoo-lang zoolang
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