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CRC
MATERIALS
SCIENCE and
ENGINEERING
HANDBOOK
FOURTH EDITION
CRC
MATERIALS
SCIENCE and
ENGINEERING
HANDBOOK
FOURTH EDITION
James F. Shackelford
Young-Hwan Han
Sukyoung Kim
Se-Hun Kwon
Boca Raton London New York
CRC Press is an imprint of the

Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
CRC Press
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© 2016 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
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No claim to original U.S. Government works

Version Date: 20150316
International Standard Book Number-13: 978-1-4822-1656-1 (eBook - PDF)
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Contents
Preface...................................................................................................................... vii
Authors...................................................................................................................... ix
Section I Traditional Materials

1 Metals
Physical Properties....................................................................................................................................... 3
Chemical Properties..................................................................................................................................180
2 Ceramics
Physical Properties................................................................................................................................... 339
Chemical Properties................................................................................................................................. 378
3 Glasses
Physical Properties....................................................................................................................................419
Chemical Properties.................................................................................................................................460
4 Polymers
5 Composites
Chemical Properties..................................................................................................................................581
6 Semiconductors
Section II Advanced Materials

7 Low-Dimensional Carbons and Two-Dimensional Nanomaterials
v
vi Contents
8 MAX Phases
Chemical Properties.................................................................................................................................606
References..................................................................................................................................................607
9 Amorphous Metals
Physical Properties.................................................................................................................................... 611
References...................................................................................................................................................619
Index�� 625
Preface
This fourth edition of the CRC Materials Science and Engineering Handbook builds on the previous edi-
tion that provided a comprehensive, single-volume source of data on a wide range of engineering mate-
rials. In this regard, we are indebted to Dr. William Alexander who was a coeditor of each of the first
three editions and Dr. Jun Park who was a coeditor for the second edition. Those previous editions fea-
tured data verified through major professional societies in the materials field, such as ASM International
and the American Ceramic Society. The third edition is the basis of Section I (Traditional Materials) of
this fourth edition. While the third edition was organized according to categories of properties, this
edition has been organized according to categories of materials: metals, ceramics, glasses, polymers,
composites, and semiconductors. For each of these material types, properties have been sorted accord-
ing to two broad categories: physical and chemical. The correspondence between these two categories
and the more detailed list of properties found in the third edition is as follows:
Physical Properties:
Structure of Materials
Thermal Properties of Materials
Mechanical Properties of Materials
Electrical Properties of Materials
Optical Properties of Materials
Chemical Properties:
Composition of Materials
Thermodynamic and Kinetic Data
Water Absorption and Corrosion
This edition provides a new Section II (Advanced Materials) corresponding to some of the most
actively studied constituents in contemporary materials research: low-dimensional carbons, two-
dimensional nanomaterials, MAX phases, and amorphous metals. These tables were generated by
the coeditors from Pusan National University and Yeungnam University in Korea, who also wish to
acknowledge the considerable effort of their students:
Pusan National University:
Ms Zhixin Wan, Graduate School of Convergence Science
Mr Woo-Jae Lee, Graduate School of Convergence Science
Mr Seung-Il Jang, Graduate School of Convergence Science
Ms Eun-Young Yun, Graduate School, School of Materials Science and Engineering
Ms Ha-Jin Lee, Graduate School, School of Materials Science and Engineering
Mr Dong-Kwon Lee, Graduate School, School of Materials Science and Engineering
vii
viii Preface
Yeungnam University:
Mr Duk-Yeon Kim, Graduate School, School of Materials Science and Engineering
Mr Jae Hui Jeon, Graduate School, School of Materials Science and Engineering
As appropriate for the Advanced Materials section, the sources of the data in the contemporary
research literature are detailed, including extensive reference sections at the end of Chapters 8 and 9. It
is the editors’ hope that the Advanced Materials section will be useful to the research community and
facilitate further development and applications of these materials.
Finally, the editors are grateful to CRC editor Allison Shatkin for her encouragement and support
throughout the production of this new edition. She and the entire CRC team could not have been more
helpful.
Authors
James F. Shackelford earned BS and MS in ceramic engineering from the University of Washington,
Seattle, Washington and a PhD in materials science and engineering from the University of California
(UC), Berkeley, California. Following a postdoctoral fellowship at McMaster University in Canada, he
joined the University of California (UC), Davis, where he is currently distinguished professor emeri-
tus in the Department of Chemical Engineering and Materials Science. For many years, he served as
the associate dean for undergraduate studies in the College of Engineering and later as the director of
the University Honors Program that serves students from a wide spectrum of majors. Dr. Shackelford
also served as associate director for education for the National Science Foundation-funded Center for
Biophotonics Science and Technology and as faculty assistant to the director of the McClellan Nuclear
Research Center of UC Davis. He teaches and conducts research in the structural characterization and
processing of materials, focusing on glasses and biomaterials. His current focus in teaching is using
online technologies. A member of the American Ceramic Society and ASM International, he was
named a Fellow of the American Ceramic Society in 1992 and a Fellow of ASM International in 2011.
Dr. Shackelford received the Outstanding Educator Award of the American Ceramic Society in 1996.
In 2003, he received a Distinguished Teaching Award from the Academic Senate of the University of
California, Davis. In 2012, he received the Outstanding Teaching Award of the College of Engineering at
UC Davis and, in 2014, an Outstanding Service Award from UC Davis Extension. He has published well
over 100 archived papers and books, including Introduction to Materials Science for Engineers now in its
8th edition and which has been translated into Chinese, German, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Portuguese,
and Spanish.
Young-Hwan Han earned BS and MS degrees in metallurgical engineering from the Sung Kyun Kwan
University in Korea and MS and PhD degrees in materials science and engineering from the University
of Nevada, Reno, Nevada. He is currently a foreign professor in the School of Materials Science and
Engineering at Yeungnam University, Korea. For many years, he worked as a postdoctoral research
associate at UC Davis and UC Berkeley. Dr. Han also worked as an invited professor and research pro-
fessor at Sung Kyun Kwan University, Keimyung University, and Pusan National University in Korea.
He teaches materials science courses and conducts research in the structural characterization and pro-
cessing of materials, focusing on nanoceramics. He has published over 60 technical papers and trans-
lated books into Korean, including Introduction to Materials Science for Engineers, Seventh Edition by
James F. Shackelford.
Sukyoung Kim earned a BS in ceramic engineering from the Inha University, Korea and an MS in
ceramic engineering at the Seoul National University, Korea and at the New York State College of
Ceramics at Alfred University, New York. He earned a PhD in materials science and engineering at the
University of Vermont, Burlington, Vermont in 1990. After graduation, he was a postdoctoral fellow at
the University of Vermont Hospital, where he was involved in the development and characterization of
ix
x Authors
surface hard coatings on ceramics and wear studies on ceramic hip and knee joint implants. In 1991,
he joined the biomaterials group in the Center for Biomaterials at the University of Toronto, Ontario,
Canada. At that time, he was involved in a project for the development of biodegradable ceramic–
polymer composite materials for orthopedic and dental applications with Dr. Pilliar and Dr. Smith.
In 1994, Dr. Kim joined the faculty of the School of Materials Science and Engineering at Yeungnam
University, Korea. Dr. Kim is a member of several associations/societies such as the American Society
for Biomaterials, Canadian Society for Biomaterials, Korean Society for Biomaterials, Korean Ceramic
Society, Korean Tissue Engineering and Regenerative Medicine Society, and the International Society
for Ceramics in Medicine. In addition, Dr. Kim served as a chairman, organizing the Bioceramics 22
meeting in 2009 in Daegu, Korea. In 2012, he organized the 29th International Korea–Japan Seminar
on Ceramics, also in Daegu, Korea. Currently, he is an international executive committee member of
the International Society of Ceramics in Medicine (ISCM). His research interests include the synthesis
of biodegradable bioceramics and the development of porous ceramics for biodegradable ceramic bone
substitutes, drug delivery, and peptide loading. He is also studying bioceramic coatings on dental and
orthopedic metallic implants for improving osseointegration.
Se-Hun Kwon earned BS, MS, and PhD degrees and served as a postdoctoral associate in materi-
als science and engineering at the Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST). In
2009, he joined the Pusan National University (PNU), Korea, where he is currently associate profes-
sor in the School of Materials Science and Engineering. Dr. Kwon also worked as an adjunct profes-
sor of the School of Convergence Science at PNU. He is a member of several societies including the
American Ceramic Society (ACerS), Electrochemical Society (ECS), American Vacuum Society (AVS),
Material Research Society of Korea (MRS-K), the Korean Vacuum Society (KVS), the Korean Institute
of Metals and Materials (KIM), and the Korean Institute of Surface Engineering (KISE). His research
group, “Surface Materials Laboratory,” focuses on the design and synthesis of multifunctional surfaces
and interfacial layers using atomic layer deposition (ALD) techniques and on the fabrication of highly
ordered nanostructures for semiconductors, photovoltaic devices, and nano-devices by utilizing hybrid
bottom-up and top-down fabrication approaches. Dr. Kwon has published over 70 archived papers and
over 20 published patents.
I
Traditional
Materials
1 Metals............................................................................................................................................... 3
Physical Properties • Chemical Properties
2 Ceramics...................................................................................................................................... 339
3 Glasses.......................................................................................................................................... 419
4 Polymers...................................................................................................................................... 461
5 Composites...................................................................................................................................561
6 Semiconductors.......................................................................................................................... 583
1
1
Metals
Physical Properties
TABLE 1.1 Electronic Structure of Selected Elements
At. Electronic Configuration

No. Element Sym 1s 2s 2p 3s 3p 3d 4s 4p 4d 4f 5s 5p 5d 5f 6s 6p 6d 7s
1 Hydrogen H 1
2 Helium He 2
3 Lithium Li . 1
4 Beryllium Be . 2
5 Boron B . 2 1
6 Carbon C . 2 2
7 Nitrogen N . 2 3
8 Oxygen O . 2 4
9 Fluorine F . 2 5
10 Neon N . 2 6
11 Sodium Na . . . 1
12 Magnesium Mg . . . 2
13 Aluminum Al . . . 2 1
14 Silicon Si . . . 2 2
15 Phosphorus P . . . 2 3
16 Sulfur S . . . 2 4
17 Chlorine Cl . . . 2 5
18 Argon Ar . . . 2 6
19 Potassium K . . . . . 1
20 Calcium Ca . . . . . 2
21 Scandium Sc . . . . . 1 2
22 Titanium Ti . . . . . 2 2
23 Vanadium V . . . . . 3 2
24 Chromium Cr . . . . . 5 1
25 Manganese Mn . . . . . 5 2
26 Iron Fe . . . . . 6 2
27 Cobalt Co . . . . . 7 2
28 Nickel Ni . . . . . 8 2
29 Copper Cu . . . . . 10 1
(Continued)
3
4 CRC Materials Science and Engineering Handbook
TABLE 1.1 (Continued) Electronic Structure of Selected Elements

30 Zinc Zn . . . . . 10 2
31 Gallium Ga . . . . . 10 2 1
32 Germanium Ge . . . . . 10 2 2
33 Arsenic As . . . . . 10 2 3
34 Selenium Se . . . . . 10 2 4
35 Bromine Br . . . . . 10 2 5
36 Krypton Kr . . . . . 10 2 6
37 Rubidium Rb . . . . . . . . 1
38 Strontium Sr . . . . . . . . 2
39 Yttrium Y . . . . . . . . 1 2
40 Zirconium Zr . . . . . . . . 2 2
41 Niobium Nb . . . . . . . . 4 1
42 Molybdenum Mo . . . . . . . . 5 1
43 Technetium Tc . . . . . . . . 6 1
44 Ruthenium Ru . . . . . . . . 7 1
45 Rhodium Rh . . . . . . . . 8 1
46 Palladium Pd . . . . . . . . 10
47 Silver Ag . . . . . . . . 10 1
48 Cadmium Cd . . . . . . . . 10 2
49 Indium In . . . . . . . . 10 2 1
50 Tin Sn . . . . . . . . 10 2 2
51 Antimony Sb . . . . . . . . 10 2 3
52 Tellurium Te . . . . . . . . 10 2 5
53 Iodine I . . . . . . . . 10 2 5
54 Xenon Xe . . . . . . . . 10 2 6
55 Cesium Ce . . . . . . . . . . . 1
56 Barium Ba . . . . . . . . . . . 2
57 Lanthanum La . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2
58 Cerium Ce . . . . . . . . . 2 . . 2
59 Praseodymium Pr . . . . . . . . . 3 . . 2
60 Neodymium Nd . . . . . . . . . 4 . . 2
61 Promethium Pm . . . . . . . . . 5 . . 2
62 Samarium Sm . . . . . . . . . 6 . . 2
63 Europium Eu . . . . . . . . . 7 . . 2
64 Gadolinium Gd . . . . . . . . . 7 . . 1 2
65 Terbium Tb . . . . . . . . . 9 . . 2
66 Dysprosium Dy . . . . . . . . . 10 . . 2
67 Holmium Ho . . . . . . . . . 11 . . 2
68 Erbium Er . . . . . . . . . 12 . . 2
69 Thulium Tm . . . . . . . . . 13 . . 2
70 Ytterbium Yb . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 2
71 Lutetium Lu . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 1 2
72 Hafnium Hf . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 2 2
73 Tantalum Ta . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 3 2
74 Tungsten W . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 4 2
(Continued)
Metals 5
TABLE 1.1 (Continued) Electronic Structure of Selected Elements

75 Rhenium Re . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 5 2
76 Osmium Os . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 6 2
77 Iridium Ir . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 9
78 Platinum Pt . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 9 1
79 Gold Au . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 1
80 Mercury Hg . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 2
81 Thallium Tl . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 2 1
82 Lead Pb . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 2 2
83 Bismuth Bi . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 2 3
84 Polonium Po . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 2 4
85 Asatine At . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 2 5
86 Radon Rn . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 10 2 6
87 Francium Fr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
88 Radium Ra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
89 Actinium Ac . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2
90 Thorium Th . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 2
91 Protoactinium Pa . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . 1 2
92 Uranium U . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . 1 2
93 Neptunium Np . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 . . 1 2
94 Plutonium Pu . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 . . 2
95 Americium Am . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 . . 2
96 Curium Cm . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 . . 1 2
97 Berkelium Bk . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 . . 2
98 Californium Cf . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 . . 2
99 Einsteinium Es . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 . . 2
100 Fermium Fm . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 . . 2
101 Mendelevium Md . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 . . 2
102 Nobelium No . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 2
103 Lawrencium Lw . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 . . 1 2
TABLE 1.2 Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

Element Mass No. Natural Abundance (%)
Hydrogen 1 99.985
2 0.015
Helium 3 0.00013
4 ≈100.0
Lithium 6 7.42
7 92.58
Beryllium 9 100.0
Boron 10 19.78
11 80.22
Carbon 12 98.89
13 1.11
Nitrogen 14 99.63
15 0.37
Oxygen 16 99.76
17 0.04
18 0.20
Fluorine 19 100.0
Neon 20 90.92
21 0.26
22 8.82
Sodium 23 100.0
Magnesium 24 78.70
25 10.13
26 11.17
Aluminum 27 100.0
Silicon 28 92.21
29 4.70
30 3.09
Phosphorus 31 100.0
Sulfur 32 95.0
33 0.76
34 4.22
36 0.014
Chlorine 35 75.53
37 24.47
Argon 36 0.34
38 0.06
40 99.60
(Continued)
Metals 7
TABLE 1.2 (Continued) Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

Potassium 39 93.1
40a 0.01
41 6.9
Calcium 40 96.97
42 0.64
43 0.14
44 2.06
46 0.003
48 0.18
Scandium 45 100.0
Titanium 46 7.93
47 7.28
48 73.94
49 5.51
50 5.34
Vanadium 50b 0.24

51 99.76
Chromium 50 4.31
52 83.76
53 9.55
54 2.38
Manganese 55 100.0
Iron 54 5.82
56 91.66
57 2.19
58 0.33
Cobalt 59 100.0
Nickel 58 67.84
60 26.23
61 1.19
62 3.66
64 1.08
Copper 63 69.09
65 30.91
Zinc 64 48.89
66 27.81
67 4.11
68 18.57
70 0.62
Gallium 69 60.4
71 39.6
(Continued)

Germanium 70 20.52
72 27.43
73 7.76
74 36.54
76 7.76
Arsenic 75 100.0
Selenium 74 0.87
76 9.02
77 7.58
78 23.52
80 49.82
82 9.19
Bromine 79 50.54
81 49.46
Krypton 78 0.35
80 2.27
82 11.56
83 11.55
84 56.90
86 17.37
Rubidium 85 72.15
87 27.85
Strontium 84 0.56
86 9.86
87 7.02
88 82.56
Yttrium 89 100.0
Zirconium 90 51.46
91 11.23
92 17.11
94 17.40
96 2.80
Niobium 93 100.0
Molybdenum 92 15.84
94 9.04
95 15.72
96 16.53
97 9.46
98 23.78
100 9.63
(Continued)
Metals 9

Ruthenium 96 5.51
98 1.87
99 12.72
100 12.62
101 17.07
102 31.61
104 18.60
Rhodium 103 100.0
Palladium 102 0.96

104 10.97
105 22.23
106 27.33
108 26.71
110 11.81
Silver 107 51.82

109 48.18
Cadmium 106 1.22

108 0.88
110 12.39
111 12.75
112 24.07
113 12.26
114 28.86
116 7.58
Indium 113 4.28

115c 95.72
Tin 112 0.96

114 0.66
115 0.35
116 14.30
117 7.61
118 24.03
119 8.58
120 32.85
122 4.72
124 5.94
Antimony 121 57.25

123 42.75
Tellurium 120 0.09

122 2.46
123 0.87
124 4.61
(Continued)

125 6.99
126 18.71
128 31.79
130 34.48
Iodine 127 100.0
Xenon 124 0.096

126 0.090
128 1.92
129 26.44
130 4.08
131 21.18
132 26.89
134 10.44
136 8.87
Cesium 133 100.0
Barium 130 0.101

132 0.097
134 2.42
135 6.59
136 7.81
137 11.30
138 71.66
Lanthanum 138 0.09

139 99.91
Cerium 136 0.193

138 0.250
140 88.48
142d 11.07
Praseodymium 141 100.0
Neodymium 142 27.11

143 12.17
144 23.85
146 17.22
148 5.73
150 5.62
Samarium 144 3.09

147e 14.97
148f 11.24
149g 13.83
150 7.44
152 26.72
154 22.71
(Continued)
Metals 11

Europium 151 47.82
153 52.18
Gadolinium 152h 0.20

154 2.15
155 14.73
156 20.47
157 15.68
158 24.87
160 21.90
Terbium 159 100.0
Dysprosium 156i 0.052

158 0.090
160 2.29
161 18.88
162 25.53
163 24.97
164 28.18
Holmium 165 100.0
Erbium 162 0.136

164 1.56
166 33.41
167 22.94
168 27.07
170 14.88
186 1.59
Thulium 169 100.0
Ytterbium 168 0.135

170 3.03
171 14.31
172 21.82
173 16.13
174 31.84
176 12.73
Lutetium 175 97.40

176j 2.60
Hafnium 174k 0.18

176 5.20
177 18.50
178 27.14
179 13.75
180 35.24
(Continued)

Tantalum 180 0.012
181 99.988
Tungsten 180 0.14

182 26.41
183 14.40
184 30.64
186 28.41
Rhenium 185 37.07

187l 62.93
Osmium 184 0.018

187 1.64
188 13.3
190 26.4
192 41.0
Iridium 191 37.3

193 62.7
Platinum 190m 0.013

192 0.78
194 32.9
195 33.8
196 25.3
198 7.2
Gold 197 100.0
Mercury 196 0.146

198 10.02
199 16.84
200 23.13
201 13.22
202 29.80
204 6.85
Thallium 203 29.50

205 70.50
Lead 204 1.48

206 23.6
207 22.6
208 52.3
Bismuth 209 100.0
Thorium 232nr 100.0

(Continued)
Metals 13

Uranium 234or 0.0006
235pr 0.72
238qr 99.27
Source: Wang, Y. (Ed.), Handbook of Radioactive Nuclides, The Chemical
Rubber Co., Cleveland, 1969, p. 25.
a Half-life = 1.3 × 109 year.
b Half-life >1015 year.
c Half-life = 5 × 1014 year.
d Half-life = 5 × 1014 year.
e Half-life = 1.06 × 1011 year.
f Half-life = 1.2 × 1013 year.
g Half-life = 4 × 1014 year.
h Half-life = 1.1 × 1014 year.
i Half-life = 2 × 1014 year.
j Half-life = 2.2 × 1010 year.
k Half-life = 4.3 × 1015 year.
l Half-life = 4 × 1010 year.
m Half-life = 6 × 1011 year.
n Half-life = 1.4 × 1010 year.
o Half-life = 2.5 × 105 year.
p Half-life = 7.1 × 108 year.
q Half-life = 4.5 × 109 year.
r Naturally occurring.
TABLE 1.3 Periodic Table of the Elements

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
IA VIIA
1 2
H IIA IIIA IVA VA VIA VIIA He
3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Li Be B C N O F Ne
11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
Na Mg IIIB IVB VB VIB VIIB ----- VIII ----- IB IIB Al Si P S Cl Ar
19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36
K Ca Sc Ti V Cr Mn Fe Co Ni Cu Zn Ga Ge As Se Br Kr
37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54
Rb Sr Y Zr Nb Mo Tc Ru Rh Pd Ag Cd In Sn Sb Te I Xe
55 56 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86
Cs Ba Hf Ta W Re Os Ir Pt Au Hg Tl Pb Bi Po At Rn
87 88
Fr Ra
57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71
La Ce Pr Nd Pm Sm Eu Gd Tb Dy Ho Er Tm Yb Lu
89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103
Ac Th Pa U Np Pu Am Cm Bk Cf Es Fm Md No Lw
TABLE 1.4 Periodic Table of Elements in Metallic Materials
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
IA VIIA
IIA IIIA IVA VA VIA VIIA

3 4 5
Li Be B
11 12 13
Na Mg IIIB IVB VB VIB VIIB ----- VIII ----- IB IIB Al
19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
K Ca Sc Ti V Cr Mn Fe Co Ni Cu Zn Ga
37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51
Rb Sr Y Zr Nb Mo Tc Ru Rh Pd Ag Cd In Sn Sb
55 56 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83
Cs Ba Hf Ta W Re Os Ir Pt Au Hg Tl Pb Bi
87 88
Fr Ra
57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71
La Ce Pr Nd Pm Sm Eu Gd Tb Dy Ho Er Tm Yb Lu
89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103
Ac Th Pa U Np Pu Am Cm Bk Cf Es Fm Md No Lw
TABLE 1.5 Periodic Table of Elements in Superconducting Metals
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
IA VIIA
IIA IIIA IVA VA VIA VIIA

4
Be
13
IIIB IVB VB VIB VIIB ----- VIII ----- IB IIB Al
22 23 30 31
Ti V Zn Ga
40 41 42 43 44 48 49 50 51
Zr Nb Mo Tc Ru Cd In Sn Sb
73 74 75 76 77 80 82
Ta W Re Os Ir Hg Pb
57
La
90 91
Th Pa
Metals 15
TABLE 1.6 Atomic and Ionic Radii of the Elements

Atomic Atomic Radius Ionic Radius
Number Symbol (nm) Ion (nm)
1 H 0.046 H− 0.154
2 He – – –
3 Li 0.152 Li+ 0.078
4 Be 0.114 Be2+ 0.054
5 B 0.097 B3+ 0.02

6 C 0.077 C4+ <0.02
7 N 0.071 N5+ 0.01–0.2
8 O 0.060 02− 0.132
9 F – F− 0.133
10 Ne 0.160 – –
11 Na 0.186 Na+ 0.098
12 Mg 0.160 Mg2+ 0.078
13 Al 0.143 Al3+ 0.057

14 Si 0.117 Si4− 0.198
· Si4+ 0.039
15 P 0.109 P5+ 0.03–0.04
16 S 0.106 S2− 0.174

17 Cl 0.107 Cl− 0.181
18 Ar 0.192 – –
19 K 0.231 K+ 0.133
20 Ca 0.197 Ca2+ 0.106
21 Sc 0.160 Sc2+ 0.083
22 Ti 0.147 Ti2+ 0.076

Ti3+ 0.069
Ti4+ 0.064
23 V 0.132 V3+ 0.065

V4+ 0.061
V5+ 0.04
24 Cr 0.125 Cr3+ 0.064

Cr6+ 0.03–0.04
25 Mn 0.112 Mn2+ 0.091
Mn3+ 0.070
Mn4+ 0.052
26 Fe 0.124 Fe2+ 0.087

Fe2+ 0.067
27 Co 0.125 Co2+ 0.082
Co3+ 0.065
28 Ni 0.125 Ni2+ 0.078

29 Cu 0.128 Cu+ 0.096
30 Zn 0.133 Zn2+ 0.083
31 Ga 0.135 Ga3+ 0.062
(Continued)
TABLE 1.6 (Continued) Atomic and Ionic Radii of the Elements

32 Ge 0.122 Ge4+ 0.044
33 As 0.125 As3+ 0.069
As5+ ~0.04
34 Se 0.116 Se2− 0.191

Se6+ 0.03–0.04
35 Br 0.119 Br− 0.196

36 Kr 0.197 – –
37 Rb 0.251 Rb+ 0.149

38 Sr 0.215 Sr2+ 0.127
39 Y 0.181 Y3+ 0.106
40 Zr 0.158 Zr4+ 0.087
41 Nb 0.143 Nb4+ 0.074

Nb5+ 0.069
42 Mo 0.136 Mo4+ 0.068
Mo6+ 0.065
43 Tc – – –
44 Ru 0.134 Ru4+ 0.065
45 Rh 0.134 Rh3+ 0.068
Rh4+ 0.065
46 Pd 0.137 Pd2+ 0.050
47 Ag 0.144 Ag+ 0.113

48 Cd 0.150 Cd2+ 0.103
49 In 0.157 In3+ 0.091
50 Sn 0.158 Sn4− 0.215
Sn4+ 0.074
51 Sb 0.161 Sb3+ 0.090

52 Te 0.143 Te2− 0.211
Te4− 0.089
53 I 0.136 I− 0.220
I5+ 0.094
54 Xe 0.218 – –
55 Cs 0.265 Cs+ 0.165
56 Ba 0.217 Ba2+ 0.13

57 La 0.187 La3+ 0.122
58 Ce 0.182 Ce3+ 0.118
Ce4+ 0.102
59 Pr 0.183 Pr3+ 0.116

Pr4+ 0.100
60 Nd 0.182 Nd3+ 0.115
61 Pm – Pm3+ 0.106
(Continued)
Metals 17
TABLE 1.6 (Continued) Atomic and Ionic Radii of the Elements

62 Sm 0.181 Sm3+ 0.113
63 Eu 0.204 Eu3+ 0.113
64 Gd 0.180 Gd3+ 0.111
65 Tb 0.177 Tb3+ 0.109
Tb4+ 0.089
66 Dy 0.177 Dy3+ 0.107

67 Ho 0.176 Ho3+ 0.105
68 Er 0.175 Er3+ 0.104
69 Tm 0.174 Tm3+ 0.104
70 Yb 0.193 Yb3+ 0.100

71 Lu 0.173 Lu3+ 0.099
72 Hf 0.159 Hf4+ 0.084
73 Ta 0.147 Ta5+ 0.068
74 W 0.137 W4+ 0.068

W6+ 0.065
75 Re 0.138 Re4+ 0.072
76 Os 0.135 Os4+ 0.067
77 Ir 0.135 Ir4+ 0.066
78 Pt 0.138 Pt2+ 0.052

Pt4+ 0.055
79 Au 0.144 Au+ 0.137
80 Hg 0.150 Hg2+ 0.112
81 Tl 0.171 Tl+ 0.149

Tl3+ 0.106
82 Pb 0.175 Pb4− 0.215
Pb2+ 0.132
Pb4+ 0.084
83 Bi 0.182 Bi3+ 0.120

84 Po 0.140 Po6+ 0.067
85 At – At7+ 0.062
86 Rn – – -
87 Fr – Fr+ 0.180
88 Ra – Ra+ 0.152
89 Ac – Ac3+ 0.118
90 Th 0.180 Th4+ 0.110

91 Pa – – –
92 U 0.138 U4+ 0.105
Source: Data from R. A. Flinn and P. K. Trojan, Engineering Materials and Their
Applications, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1975.
Note: The ionic radii are based on the calculations of V. M. Goldschmidt, who
assigned radii based on known interatomic distances in various ionic crystals.
TABLE 1.7 Key to Tables of Crystal Structure of the Elements

Table Title Table Number
The Seven Crystal Systems Table 1.8
The 14 Bravais Lattices Table 1.9
Periodic Table of the Body Centered Cubic Elements Table 1.10

Periodic Table of the Face Centered Cubic Elements Table 1.11
Periodic Table of the Hexagonal Close Packed Elements Table 1.12
Periodic Table of the Hexagonal Elements Table 1.13
TABLE 1.8 The Seven Crystal Systems

System Axial Lengths and Angles Unit Cell Geometry
Cubic a = b = c, α = β = γ = 90°
Tetragonal a = b ≠ c, α = β = γ = 90°
Orthorhombic a ≠ b ≠ c, α = β = γ = 90°
Rhombohedral a = b = c, α = β = γ ≠ 90°
(Continued)
Metals 19
TABLE 1.8 (Continued) The Seven Crystal Systems

System Axial Lengths and Angles Unit Cell Geometry
Hexagonal a = b ≠ c, α = β = 90°, γ = 120°
Monoclinic a ≠ b ≠ c, α = γ = 90° ≠ β
Triclinic a ≠ b ≠ c, α ≠ β ≠ γ ≠ 90°
Source: Data from J. F. Shackelford, Introduction to Materials Science for

Engineers, 4th Edn., Prentice-Hall, Upper Saddle River, NJ, 1996.
TABLE 1.9 The 14 Bravais Lattices
Simple cubic Body-centered Face-centered

cubic cubic
Simple Body-centered Simple Body-centered

tetragonal tetragonal orthorhombic orthorhombic
(Continued)
Another random document with
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question as to the function and purpose of that strange
Mesopotamian institution of temple-prostitutes. But, leaving this latter
alone for the moment, we find explicit testimony in Herodotus to the
fact with which we are immediately concerned. In describing the
great temple of Bel at Babylon,265.1 he asserts, on the authority of
his “Chaldean priests,” that the deity chose as his nightly partner
some native woman, who was supposed to pass the night on the
couch with him, and who was obliged to abstain from all other
intercourse with men; and he compares a similar practice of belief
found in the temple of Zeus in Egyptian Thebes, and in the oracular
shrine of Apollo at Patara in Lycia. Now Herodotus’ trustworthiness
in this matter has been doubted by Assyriologists;265.2 nevertheless,
a phrase used in the code of Hammurabi concerning a holy woman
dedicated to temple service, calling her “a wife of Marduk,” seems to
give some colour to the Herodotean statement.265.3 Only, this term
might have merely a spiritual-symbolic significance, like the
designation of a nun as “the bride of Christ”; for the original
Babylonian documents have supplied as yet, so far as I am aware,
no evidence of a woman fulfilling the rôle of Belit, the wife of Bel.
As regards the adjacent religions, the idea that a mortal might
enter into this mode of communion with the divinity was probably an
ancient heritage of the Phrygian religions, for it crops up in various
forms. The priest of Attis was himself called Attis, and, therefore,
probably had loving intercourse with the goddess, and the later
mysteries of Kybele extended this idea and offered to every votary
the glory of a mystic marriage;266.1 it was the unconscious stimulus
of an immemorial tradition that prompted the Phrygian heresiarch
Montanus to give himself out as the husband of the Virgin Mary.266.2
It also appears as a fundamental tenet of the Sabazian mystery and
of the Hellenistic-Egyptian Hermetic theosophy. The simple ritual-
fact, namely, that a woman serves as the bride of the god, could
probably be traced far afield through many widely distant peoples.
According to Sahagun,266.3 the human sacrifices of the Mexicans
had sometimes the purpose of sending away a woman victim into
divine wedlock. In pre-Christian Sweden we find a priestess
generally regarded as the wife of the god Freyr, and enjoying
considerable power from the connection.266.4 Similar examples can
be quoted from modern savage communities. Therefore if we find
the same institution in the Mediterranean, we shall not think it
necessary to suppose that it was an import from Babylon or from any
Semitic people. As regards the Minoan worship, it is legitimate at
least to regard the legend of Pasiphaë and her amour with the bull-
god as an unfortunate aetiologic myth distorting the true sense of a
ritual in which a mortal woman enjoyed this kind of divine
communion, and here again we should mark a religious affinity
between Crete and Phrygia. And it is likely that the idea was not
unfamiliar to the Hellenes, though the record of it is scanty and
uncertain. According to the early Christian fathers, the inspiration of
the Pythia of Delphi was due to a corporeal union with Apollo akin at
least to—if not identical with—sexual intercourse. Of more value is
Herodotus’ definite assertion that the priestess of Patara gained her
inspiration by her nuptial union with Apollo. In the rare cases where
the cult of a Hellenic god was administered by a priestess we may
suspect that a ἱερὸς γάμος was part of the temple-ritual; in the two
examples that I have been able to find, the cults of Poseidon at
Kalaureia and of Heracles at Thespiai, the priestess must be a
maiden, as on this theory would be natural.267.1 The maiden-
priestesses of the Leukippides, the divine brides of the Dioskouroi at
Sparta, were themselves called Leukippides; in all probability
because they were their mortal representatives in some ceremony of
holy marriage.267.2 But the most salient and explicitly recorded
example is the yearly marriage of the Queen-Archon at Athens with
Dionysos, the bull-god, in the feast of Anthesteria, the significance of
which I have discussed elsewhere.267.3 It seems that the Queen by
uniting her body with the god’s, unites to him the whole Athenian
state and secures its prosperity and fruitfulness; this historic fact may
also explain the myth of the union of Althaia, Queen of Kalydon, with
the same god. Finally, let us observe that nothing in any of these
Hellenic records suggests any element of what we should call
impurity in the ritual; we are not told that these holy marriages were
ever consummated by the priest as the human representative of the
god; or that the ceremony involved any real loss of virginity in the
maiden-priestess. The marriage could have been consummated
symbolically by use of a puppet or image of the deity. We may
believe that the rite descends from pre-Homeric antiquity; the ritual
which the Queen-Archon performed might naturally have been
established at the time of the adoption into Athens of the Dionysiac
cult, and there are reasons for dating this event earlier than 1000
B.C.268.1
We now come to a very difficult and important question concerning
the position of women in the old Mesopotamian temple-ritual. Our
first document of value is the code of Hammurabi, in which we find
certain social regulations concerning the status of a class of women
designated by a name which Winckler translates doubtfully as
“God’s-sisters,” regarding it, however, as equivalent to consecrated,
while Johns translates it merely as “votary.”268.2 At least, we have
proof of a class of holy women who have certain privileges and are
under certain restrictions. They were the daughters of good families
dedicated by their fathers to religion; they could inherit property,
which was exempt from the burden of army-tax; they could not
marry, and were prohibited from setting-up or even entering a wine-
shop under penalty of death. It is something to know even as much
as this about them, but we would very gladly learn more. Is it to their
order that the personage described as “the wife of Marduk”269.1
belongs, who has been considered above? Is it from among them
that the priestesses of Ishtar were chosen, who interpreted the
oracles of the goddess?269.2 It seems clear that a father could
dedicate his daughter to any divinity, that their position was
honourable, and that they are not to be identified with the temple-
prostitutes of Babylon or Erech, who excited the wonder and often
the reprobation of the later Greek world. This peculiar order of
temple-harlots is also recognised—according to some of the best
authorities269.3—in Hammurabi’s code, where they are mentioned in
the same context with the “consecrated” or the “God-sisters,” and yet
are clearly distinct from them; another clause seems to refer to male
prostitutes (§ 187). Certain rules are laid down concerning their
inheritance of property, and concerning the rearing of their children, if
they had any, who might be adopted into private families. Evidently
these “Qadishtu” were a permanent institution, and there is no hint of
any dishonour. There may be other references in Babylonian
literature to these temple-women; in the Epic of Gilgamesh, the
courtesan who won over Eabani evidently belongs to the retinue of
Ishtar of Erech.
From these two institutions we must distinguish that other, for
which Herodotus is our earliest authority:269.4 according to his
explicit statement, once in her lifetime every Babylonian woman,
high or low, had to stand in the temple-precincts of the goddess
Mylitta—probably a functional appellative of Ishtar, meaning “the
helper of childbirth”—and to prostitute herself to any stranger who
threw money into her lap and claimed her with the formula, “I invoke
the goddess Mylitta for you.” Herodotus hastens to assure us that
this single act of unchastity—which took place outside the temple—
did not afterwards lower the morality of the women, who, as he
declares, were otherwise exemplary in this respect. But he is
evidently shocked by the custom, and the early Christian and
modern writers have quoted it as the worst example of gross pagan
or Oriental licentiousness. Some devoted Assyriologists have tried to
throw doubt on the historian’s veracity:270.1 the wish is father to the
thought: and it is indeed difficult for the ordinary civilised man to
understand how an ancient civilisation of otherwise advanced
morality could have sanctioned such a practice. But Herodotus’
testimony ought not to be so impugned; nor is it sufficient evidence
for rejecting it that no reference to the custom which he describes
has been found hitherto in the cuneiform literature. Strabo merely
repeats what Herodotus has said; but independent evidence of some
value is gathered from the apocryphal Epistle of Jeremias:270.2 “The
women also with cords about them sit in the ways, burning bran for
incense; but if any of them, drawn by some that pass by, lie with
them, she reproacheth her fellow that she was not thought as worthy
as herself, nor her cord broken.” The context is altogether religious,
and this is no ordinary secular immorality; certain details in the
narrative remind us of Herodotus, and make it clear that the writer
has in mind the same social usage that the historian vouches for.
This usage may be described as the consecration to the goddess of
the first-fruits of the woman’s virginity before marriage; for, though
Herodotus does not explicitly say that it was a rite preliminary to
marriage, yet the records of similar practices elsewhere in Asia
Minor assure us on this point.
We have now to begin the comparative search in the adjacent
regions, keeping distinct the three types of consecration which I have
specified above, which are too often confused.271.1
The first type has its close analogies with the early Christian,
mediaeval, and modern conventual life of women. The code of
Hammurabi presents us with the earliest example of what may be
called the religious sisterhood; the Babylonian votaries were
dedicated to religion, and while the Christian nuns are often called
the brides of Christ, their earliest prototypes enjoyed the less
questionable title of “God’s-sisters.” We find no exact parallel to this
practice in ancient Greece; from the earliest period, no doubt, the
custom prevailed of consecrating individual women of certain
families as priestesses to serve certain cults, and sometimes chastity
was enforced upon them; but these did not form a conventual
society; and usually, apart from their occasional religious duties, they
could lead a secular life. In fact, the monastic system was of Eastern
origin and only reached Europe in later times, being opposed to the
civic character of the religion of the old Aryan states.
The second class of consecrated women served as temple-harlots
in certain cult-centres of Asia Minor. We cannot say that the custom
in all cases emanated from Babylon; for there is reason to think that
it was a tradition attaching to the cult of the goddess among the
polytheistic Semitic stocks. We have clear allusions in the Bible to
temple-prostitution practised by both sexes in the Canaanite
communities adjacent to the Israelites, who were themselves
sometimes contaminated by the practice.272.1 We hear of “hierodouli”
among the pagan Arabs,272.2 of women “of the congregation of the
people of Astarte” at Carthage,272.3 of numbers of dedicated slave
women in the cult of Aphrodite at Eryx,272.4 which was at least semi-
Semitic; and it is likely that some of these at least were devoted to
the impure religious practice. As regards non-Semitic worships, it is
only clearly attested of two, namely, of the worship of Mā at Comana
in Pontos,272.5 and of Aphrodite Ourania in Corinth.272.6 In these
cases we have the right to assume Semitic influences at work; for we
do not find traces of this practice in the ancient cult of Kybele; and
Ma of Cappadocia and Pontus, who had affinities with her, was partly
contaminated with Anahita, a Persian goddess, who had taken on
Babylonian fashions. Nor can we doubt that the practice gained
recognition at Corinth in post-Homeric times through its Oriental
trade; for it was attached to the cult of Aphrodite Ourania, whose
personality, partly at least, was identical with that of the Semitic
goddess. The practice survived in Lydia in the later period of the
Graeco-Roman culture. For a woman of Tralles, by name Aurelia
Aemilia, erected a column with an inscription that has been
published by Sir William Ramsay,273.1 in which she proclaims with
pride that she had prostituted herself in the temple service “at the
command of an oracle,” and that her female ancestors had done
likewise. Finally, we may find the cult-practice reflected in certain
legends; in the legend of Iconium, for instance, of the woman who
enticed all strangers to her embraces and afterwards slew them, but
was herself turned to stone by Perseus, and whose stone image
gave the name to the State.273.2
The other custom recorded by Herodotus of Babylon, the
consecration of the first-fruits of virginity to the goddess before
marriage, which I have considered as distinct from the foregoing,
may often have been combined or confused with it; for the temple-
harlotry, carried on for some considerable period, might be
occasionally a preliminary to marriage. The most exact parallels to
the Babylonian custom are found in the records of Byblos, Cyprus,
and the Syrian Heliopolis or Baalbec. Lucian attests the rule
prevailing at Byblos, that in the festival of Adonis women exposed
themselves for purchase on one single day, and that only strangers
were allowed to enjoy them; but that this service was only imposed
upon them if they refused to cut off their hair in lamentation for
Adonis.274.1 Similarly the Byzantine historian Sozomenos declared
that at Heliopolis (Baalbec), in the temple of Astarte, each maiden
was obliged to prostitute herself before marriage, until the custom
and the cult were abolished by Constantine.274.2 The statements
about Cyprus, though less explicit, point to the same institution:
Herodotus, having described at length the Babylonian practice,
declares that it prevailed in Cyprus also, and Justin274.3 that it was a
custom of the Cyprians “to send their virgins before marriage on
fixed days to the shore, to earn their dowry by prostitution, so as to
pay a first-offering to Venus for their virtue henceforth (pro reliqua
pudicitia libamenta Veneri soluturas).” The procession to the shore
may indicate the rule that intercourse was only allowed them with
strangers,274.4 and nothing points to prolonged prostitution. It is
probably the same rite that the Locrians of the West vowed to
perform in honour of Aphrodite in the event of deliverance from a
dangerous war.275.1 But in the worship of Anaitis at Akilisene in
Armenia, according to Strabo,275.2 the unmarried women served as
temple-harlots for an indefinite time until they married; and Aurelia
Aemilia of Tralles may have been only maintaining the same ancient
ritual in Lydia. In these two countries, then, it seems as if there had
been a fusion of two institutions that elsewhere were distinct one
from another, harlot-service for a prolonged period in a temple, and
the consecration of each maiden’s virginity as a preliminary to
marriage.
Such institutions mark the sharpest antagonism between the early
religious sentiment of the East and the West. Of no European State
is there any record, religious or other, that the sacrifice before
marriage of a woman’s virginity to a mortal was at any time regarded
as demanded by temple ritual. Such a rite was abhorrent to the
genuine Hellenic, as it was to the Hebraic, spirit; and only in later
times do we find one or two Hellenic cult-centres catching the taint of
the Oriental tradition: while such legends as that of Melanippos and
Komaitho and the story of Laokoon’s sin express the feeling of horror
which any sexual licence in a temple aroused in the Greek.275.3
It is imperative to try to understand the original purpose or
significance of the Semitic and Anatolian rites that we have been
dealing with. To regard them as the early Christian and some
modern writers have done, as mere examples of unbridled Oriental
lust masquerading in the guise of religion, is a false and unjust view.
According to Herodotus, the same society that ordained this sacrifice
of virginity upon the daughters of families maintained in other
respects a high standard of virtue, which appears also attested by
Babylonian religious and secular documents. Modern anthropology
has handled the problem with greater insight and seriousness; but
certain current explanations are not convincing. To take the rite
described by Herodotus first, which is always to be distinguished
from the permanent institution of “hierodulai” in the sense of temple-
harlots: Mannhardt, who was the first to apply modern science to the
problem, explained it as a development of vegetation-ritual.276.1
Aphrodite and Adonis, Ishtar and Tammuz, represent vegetation, and
their yearly union causes general fertility; the women are playing the
part of the goddess, and the stranger represents Adonis! The
Babylonian rite, then, is partly religious μιμησις, the human acting of
a divine drama, partly religious magic good for the crops. But in spite
of Mannhardt’s great and real services to science, his vegetation-
theory leads him often astray, and only one who was desperately
defending a thesis would explain that stranger, a necessary
personage in the ritual at Babylon, Byblos, Cyprus, and Baalbec, as
the native god. There is no kind of reason for connecting the
Babylonian rite with Tammuz, or for supposing that the women were
representing the goddess,277.1 or that their act directly influenced the
crops, except in the sense that all due performance of religious
ceremonies has been considered at certain stages of belief as
favouring the prosperity of the land. Sir William Ramsay, in his Cities
and Bishoprics of Phrygia,277.2 would explain the custom as
preserving the tradition of the communism of women before regular
marriage was instituted. Dr. Frazer, who has dealt more fully with the
question, accepts this explanation,277.3 as he also accepts
Mannhardt’s in full; and, while he associates—as I think, wrongly—
the Babylonian rite with general temple-prostitution, he adds a third
suggestion, prompted by his theory of kingship: the king himself
might have to mate with one or more of the temple-harlots “who
played Astarte to his Adonis”:277.4 such unions might serve to
maintain the supply of human deities, one of whom might succeed to
the throne, and another might be sacrificed in his father’s stead
when religion demanded the life of the royal man-god. I do not find
this theory coherent even with itself; and, like the others, it fails to
explain all the facts, and, on the other hand, it imagines data which
are not given us by the records.
That state of communism when sexual union was entirely
promiscuous is receding further and further into the anthropological
background: it is dangerous to predicate it of the most backward
Anatolian State in any period which can come into our ken. When
the Byzantine Sokrates gravely tells us that the men of Heliopolis
had their wives in common, he does not know what he is saying. And
if this sacrifice of virginity before marriage was a recognition of the
original rights of all the males of the community, why did not some
representative of the community take the virginity, the priest or some
head-man? This ill-considered sociologic hypothesis shipwrecks on
that mysterious stranger.278.1
Prof. Westermarck, in his Origin and Development of the Moral
Ideas,278.2 regards the Mylitta-rite as intended to ensure fertility in
women through direct appeal to the goddess of fertility, and he
explains the formula which the stranger uttered—ἐπικαλέω τοι τὴν
θεὸν Μύλιττα—as signifying generally “May the goddess Mylitta
prosper thee.” Obviously the phrase, “I invoke the goddess for thee,”
could as naturally mean, “I claim thee in the name of the goddess,”
the stranger basing his right to the woman on this appeal. But his
general theory appears not so unsound as those which have just
been noted.
The comparative method ought to help us here; and though we
have no exact parallel, as far as I am aware, recorded of any people
outside the Mediterranean area to the Babylonian custom, we find
usages reported elsewhere that agree with it in one essential.
Lubbock quotes instances from modern India of the rule imposed
upon women of presenting themselves before marriage in the temple
of Juggernaut for the purpose—as he implies—of offering up their
virginity, though no such custom is recorded in the Vedic period of
religion;278.3 cases also are chronicled of the rule prevailing among
uncultured or semi-cultured tribes that the medicine-man or the
priest should take the virginity of the bride before the marriage
ceremony.279.1 These are probably illustrations of the working of the
same idea as that which inspired the Babylonian custom. Marriage
involves the entering upon a new state; change of life is generally
dangerous, and must be safeguarded by what Van Gennep has
called “rites de passage”; more especially is the sexual union with a
virgin dangerous and liable to be regarded with awe by primitive
sentiment; before it is safe to marry her, the tabu that is upon her
must first be removed by a religious act securing the divinity’s
sanction for the removal; just as the ripe cornfield must not be
reaped before religious rites, such as the consecration of first-fruits,
have loosened the tabu upon it: we may believe that Hellenic
marriage ritual secured the same end as the Babylonian by what
seems to us the more innocent method of offering the προτέλεια. So
the Babylonian safeguards the coming marriage by offering the first-
fruits of his daughter to the goddess who presides over the powers
and processes of life and birth. Under her protection, after appeal to
her, the process loses its special danger; or if there is danger still, it
falls upon the head of the stranger.279.2 For I can find no other way of
accounting for his presence as a necessary agent, in the ritual of at
least four widely separate communities of Semitic race: this
comparative ubiquity prevents us explaining it as due to some
capricious accidental impulse of delicacy, as if the act would become
less indelicate if a stranger who would not continue in the place
participated in it.
In his essay on the question, Mr. Hartland explains the Babylonian
rite as belonging to the class of puberty-ceremonies; nor would this
account of it conflict with the view here put forth, if, as he maintains,
primitive puberty-ceremonies to which girls are subjected are usually
preliminary to the marriage which speedily follows.280.1 But puberty-
ceremonies are generally performed at initiation-mysteries, and none
of the rites that we are considering appear to have been associated
with mysteries except, perhaps, at Cyprus, where the late record
speaks of mysteries instituted by Kinyras that had a sexual
significance, and which may have been the occasion of the
consecration of virginity that Justin describes;280.2 but the institution
of mysteries has not yet been proved for any purely Semitic religion.
In any case, Mr. Hartland’s statement does not explain why the loss
of virginity should be considered desirable in a puberty-ceremony or
as a preliminary to marriage.
The significance of the action, as I have interpreted it, is negative
rather than positive, the avoidance of a vague peril or the removal of
a tabu rather than the attainment of the blessing of fertility, as Dr.
Westermarck would regard it. And this idea, the removal of a tabu,
seems expressed in the phrase of Herodotus281.1 by which he
describes the state of the woman after the ceremony—
ἀποσιωσαμένη τῇ θεῷ; and the parallel that I have suggested, the
consecration of the first-fruits of the harvest to remove the tabu from
the rest of the crop, is somewhat justified by the words of Justin
already quoted—“pro reliqua pudicitia libamenta Veneri soluturas.”
As regards the other institution, the maintenance of “hierodoulai” in
temples as “consecrated” women, “kadeschim,” unmarried, who for a
period of years indulged in sexual intercourse with visitors, the
original intention and significance of it is hard to decide. We may be
sure that it did not originate in mere profligacy, and the inscription of
Tralles shows that even in the later Roman period it had not lost its
religious prestige.281.2 Such a custom could naturally arise in a
society that allowed freedom of sexual intercourse among young
unmarried persons—and this is not uncommonly found at a primitive
level of culture—and that was devoted to the worship of a goddess
of sexual fertility. The rituals in the temples of Ishtar of Erech, Anaitis
of Armenia, Mā of Comana, must have been instituted for some
national and social purpose; therefore Mr. Hartland’s suggestion, that
the original object of the Armenian rite was to give the maidens a
chance of securing themselves a suitable husband by experience,
seems insufficient. Dr. Frazer’s theory, that connects the institution
with some of the mystic purposes of kingship,282.1 floats in the air; for
there is not a particle of evidence showing any relation between
these women and the monarch or the royal harem or the
monarchical succession or the death of a royal victim. A simpler
suggestion is that the “hierodoulai,” or temple-women, were the
human vehicles for diffusing through the community the peculiar
virtue or potency of the goddess, the much-coveted blessing of
human fertility. Thus to consecrate slaves or even daughters to this
service was a pious social act.
The significance of the facts that we have been examining is of the
highest for the history of religious morality, especially for the varied
history of the idea of purity. We call this temple-harlotry vile and
impure; the civilised Babylonian, who in private life valued purity and
morality, called the women “kadistu,” that is, “pure” or clean in the
ritualistic sense, or as Zimmern interprets the ideogram, “not
unclean.”282.2 In fact, the Mediterranean old-world religions, all save
the Hebraic, agreed in regarding the processes of the propagation of
life as divine, at least as something not alien or abhorrent to
godhead. But the early Christian propagandists, working here on
Hebraic lines, intensified the isolation of God from the simple
phenomena of birth, thereby engendering at times an anti-sexual
bias, and preparing a discord between any possible biological view
and the current religious dogma, and modern ethical thought has not
been wholly a gainer thereby.
The subject that has been discussed at some length is also
connected with the whole question of ritual-purity and purification.
The primitive conception of purity had at an early stage in its
evolution been adopted by higher religion; and the essential effect of
impurity was to debar a person from intercourse with God and with
his fellow-men. Hence arises a code of rules to regulate temple-
ritual. So far as I am aware, the Babylonian rules for safeguarding
the purity of the shrines were not conspicuously different from the
Greek or the Hebraic.283.1 The taint of bloodshed and other physical
impurities was kept aloof; and it is in the highest degree probable
that the function of the “hetairai” was only performed outside the
temple, for Herodotus specially tells us that this rule was observed in
the Mylitta-rite. The cathartic methods of East and West agree in
many points. The use of holy water for purifying purposes was
known to the early Greeks.283.2 It was still more in evidence in the
Babylonian ritual: the holy water of the Euphrates or Tigris was used
for a variety of purposes, for the washing of the king’s hands before
he touched the statues, for the washing of the idol’s mouths,283.3
perhaps also for baptism. For we hear of some such rite in a hymn to
Enlil translated by Dr. Langdon284.1—the line that he renders “Son
whom in the sacred bowl she baptized,” seems to refer to a human
child. Ablution was prominent also in the exorcism-ritual, and the
“House of Washing” or “House of Baptism” was the centre of a liturgy
that had for its object deliverance from demons.284.2 The whole State
was at times purified by water.284.3 And in all this ritual the water
must itself be of a peculiar purity—rain-water, for instance,284.4 or the
water of the Euphrates, whence came probably the Water of Life that
was kept in Marduk’s temple with which the Gods and the Annunaki
washed their faces, and which was used in the feast of the Doom-
fixing.284.5 According to the Babylonian view ordinary water was
naturally impure (we may well believe that it was so at Babylon,
where the river and canals were so pressed into the service of man),
and a person incurred impurity by stepping over a puddle or other
unpurified water.284.6 The Greek did not need to be so scrupulous,
for most water in his land was naturally pure, being spring or brook;
yet in his cathartic rules we find often that only a special water was
suitable for the religious purpose, running water especially, or sea-
water, or in a particular locality one sacred fountain only.284.7 But
though it was to him as to most peoples, the simple and natural
means of purification, he did not apply it to such various cathartic
purposes as the Babylonian. Nor as far as we can discover had he
developed in old days the interesting rite of baptism: we hear of it
first in the records of the fifth century, and in relation to alien cults
like that of the Thracian goddess Kotytto.285.1
Equally prominent in the cathartic ritual of Mesopotamia was the
element of fire: in the prayer that followed upon the purification-
ceremonies we find the formula, “May the torch of the gleaming Fire-
God cleanse me.”285.2 The Fire-God, Nusku, is implored “to burn
away the evil magicians,”285.3 and we may believe that he owes his
development and exalted position as a high spiritual god to the ritual
use of fire, just as in the Vedic religion did Agni. The conception of
fire as a mighty purifying element, which appears in the Old and New
Testaments and in Christian eschatology, has arisen, no doubt, from
the cathartic ritual of the ancient Semites. Doubtless also the
spiritual or magic potency of this element was known in ancient
Europe: it is clearly revealed in the primitive ceremonies of the old
German “Notfeuer,” with which the cattle, fields, and men were
purified in time of pestilence.285.4 And there are several indications of
its use in Greek cathartic ritual; a noteworthy example is the
purification of Lemnos by the bringing of holy fire from Delos;285.5 the
curious Attic ritual of running with the new-born babe round the
hearth, called the Amphidromia, may have had a similar
intention;286.1 even the holy water, the χέρνιψ, seems to have been
hallowed by the insertion of a torch;286.2 and in the later records fire
is often mentioned among the usual implements of cleansing.286.3
The Eleusinian myth concerning Demeter holding the infant
Demophon in the flame to make him immortal was suggested
probably by some purificatory rite in which fire was used. Finally, the
fire-ordeal, which was practised both in Babylonia and Greece,286.4
may have been associated at a certain period with the cathartic
properties of fire. Nevertheless, the Hellenic divinities specially
concerned with this element, Hestia and Hephaistos, had little
personal interest in this ritual, and did not rise to the same height in
the national theology as Nusku rose in the Babylonian.
We might find other coincidences in detail between Hellenic and
Assyrian ritual, such as the purificatory employment of salt, onions,
and the sacrificial skin of the animal-victim.286.5 One of the most
interesting phenomena presented by the cathartic law of old
Babylonia is a rule that possessed an obvious moral value; we find,
namely, on one of the cylinders of Gudea, that during the period
when Gudea was purifying the city the master must not strike the
slave, and no action at law must be brought against any one; for
seven days perfect equality reigned, no bad word was uttered, the
widow and the orphan went free from wrong.287.1 The conception
underlying this rule is intelligible: all quarrelling and oppression,
being often accompanied with bloodshed and death, disturbs the
general purity which is desired to prevail; and I have indicated
elsewhere a similar law regulating the conduct of the Eleusinian
mysteries and the Dionysiac festival at Athens, both ceremonies of
cathartic value,287.2 and I have pointed out a similar ordinance
observed recently by a North-American Indian tribe, and formerly by
the Peruvians; to these instances may be added the statement by
Livy,287.3 that in the Roman “lectisternia,” when a table with offerings
was laid before the gods, no quarrelling was allowed and prisoners
were released, and the historian gives to the institution of the
lectisternia a piacular significance.
We must also bear in mind certain striking differences between the
Hellenic and the Babylonian cathartic systems. In certain purification-
ceremonies of Hellas, those in which the homicide was purged from
his stain, the washing with the blood of the piacular victim was the
most potent means of grace.287.4 We may find analogies in Vedic,
Roman, and Hebraic ritual, but hitherto none have been presented
by the religious documents of Babylon, where, as has been already
pointed out, scarcely any mystic use appears to have been made of
the blood of the victim.288.1 Again, the Babylonian purification
included the confession of sins, a purgation unknown and apparently
unnatural to the Hellene;288.2 and generally the Babylonian, while
most of its methods, like the Hellenic, are modes of transference or
physical riddance of impurity, had a higher spiritual and religious
significance; for it includes lamentations for sin and prayers to the
divinity that are not mentioned in the record of any Greek “katharsis.”
A long ritual-document is preserved containing the details of the
purification of the king:288.3 certain forms agree with the Hellenic, but
one who was only versed in the latter would find much that was
strange and unintelligible both in the particulars and in general
atmosphere. We discern an interesting mixture of magic and religion.
The gods are partly entreated, partly bribed, partly constrained; and
at the end the evil is physically expelled from the palace. The purifier
puts on dark garments, just as the ministers of the underworld-
deities did occasionally in Greece. The king himself performs much
of the ceremony, and utters words of power: “May my sins be rent
away, may I be pure and live before Shamash.” The ordering of the
cathartic apparatus is guided partly by astrology. It is curious also to
find that every article used in the process is identified by name with
some divinity: the cypress is the god Adad, the fragrant spices the
god Ninib, the censer the god Ib, etc.; and the commentary that
accompanies the ritual-text explains that these substances compel
the deities thus associated with them to come and give aid.
In fact, the differences between East and West in this religious
sphere are so important that we should not be able to believe that
the cathartic system of Greece was borrowed from Babylonia, even if
the points of resemblance were much more numerous and striking
than they are. For it would be possible to draw up a striking list of
coincidences between Hellenic and Vedic cathartic rites, and yet no
one would be able on the strength of it to establish a hypothesis of
borrowing.
In any case, it may be said, the question of borrowing does not
arise within the narrow limits of our inquiry, which is limited to the
pre-Homeric period, since all Greek “katharsis” is post-Homeric. The
latter dictum is obviously not literally true, as a glance through the
Homeric poems will prove. Homer is aware of the necessity of
purification by water before making prayer or libation to the gods:
Achilles washes his hands and the cups before he pours forth wine
and prays to Zeus,289.1 Telemachos washes his hands in sea-water
before he prays to Athena289.2; and there is a significant account of
the purification of the whole Achaean host after the plague;289.3 as
the later Greeks would have done, the Achaeans throw away into the
sea their λύματα, the infected implements of purification, wool or
whatever they used, that absorbed the evil from them. But it has
been generally observed that Homer does not appear to have been
aware of any need for purification from the stain of bloodshed or
from the ghostly contagion of death. It is true that Odysseus purifies
his hall with fire and sulphur after slaying the suitors, but we are not
sure that the act had any further significance than the riddance of the
smell of blood from the house. Sulphur is there called κακῶν
ἄκος,290.1 “a remedy against evil things”; but we cannot attach any
moral or spiritual sense to κακὰ, nor is Homeric κάθαρσις related, as
far as we can see, to any animistic belief. There is one passage
where Homer’s silence is valuable and gives positive evidence;
Theoklumenos, who has slain a man of his own tribe and fled from
his home, in consequence approaches Telemachos when the latter
is sacrificing and implores and receives his protection: there is no
hint of any feeling that there is a stain upon him, or that he needs
purification, or that his presence pollutes the sacrifice.290.2 All this
would have been felt by the later Greek; and in the post-Homeric
period we have to reckon with a momentous growth of the idea of
impurity and of a complex system of purification, especially in regard
to homicide, leading to important developments in the sphere of law
and morality which I have tried to trace out on other occasions.290.3
But Homer may well be regarded as the spokesman of a gifted race,
the Achaeans, as we call them, on whom the burden of the doctrine
of purification lay lightly, and for whom the ghostly world had
comparatively little terror or interest. Besides the Achaeans,
however, and their kindred races there was the submerged
population of the older culture who enter into the composition of the
various Hellenes of history. Therefore the varied development in the
post-Homeric period of cathartic ideas may be only a renaissance, a
recrudescence of forces that were active enough in the second
millennium. Attica may have been the home where the old tradition
survived, and cathartic rites such as the Thargelia and the trial of the
axe for murder in the Bouphonia have the savour of great antiquity.
May not the Minoan religion of Crete have been permeated with the
ideas of the impurity of bloodshed and the craving for purification
from sin? For at the beginning of the historic period Crete seems to
have been the centre of what may be called the cathartic mission;
from this island came Apollo Delphinios, the divine purifier par
excellence, to this island the god came to be purified from the death
of Python; and in later times, Crete lent to Athens its purifying
prophet Epimenides.291.1 If we believe, then, that the post-Homeric
blood-purification was really a recrudescence of the tradition of an
older indigenous culture, we should use this as another argument for
the view that the Greece of the second millennium was untouched or
scarcely touched by Babylonian influence. For, as we have seen,
purification by blood or from blood appears to have been wholly alien
to Babylonian religious and legal practice.
The ritual of purification belongs as much to the history of magic
as religion. Now, the student of religion is not permitted to refuse to
touch the domain of magic; nor can we exclude its consideration
even from the highest topics of religious speculation. Some general
remarks have already been made291.2 concerning the part played by
magic both in the worship and in the social life of the peoples that we
are comparing. Any exact and detailed comparison would be fruitless
for our present purpose; for, while the knowledge of early Babylonian
magic is beginning to be considerable, we cannot say that we know
anything definite concerning the practices in this department of the
Hellenic and adjacent peoples in the early period with which we are
dealing. From the Homeric poems we can gather little more than that
magic of some kind existed; and that Homer and his gifted audience
probably despised it as they despised ghosts and demons. It is only
by inference that we can venture to ascribe to the earliest period of
the Greek race some of the magic rites that are recorded by the later
writers. It would require a lengthy investigation and treatise to range
through the whole of Greek ritual and to disentangle and expose the
magic element which was undoubtedly there, and which in some
measure is latent in the ritual of every higher religion yet examined.
By way of salient illustration we may quote the ceremonies of the
scapegoat and the φαρμακός,292.1 modes of the magic-transference
of sin and evil; the strewing of sacred food-stuff that is instinct with
divine potency over the fields in the Thesmophoria; the rain magic
performed by the priests of Zeus Lykaios;292.2 we hear at Kleonai of
an official class of “Magi” who controlled the wind and the weather by
spells, and occasionally in their excitement gashed their own hands,
like the priests of Baal;292.3 such blood-magic being explicable as a
violent mode of discharging personal energy upon the outer objects
which one wishes to subdue to one’s will. Another and more thrilling
example of blood-magic is the process of water-finding by pouring
human blood about the earth, a method revealed by an old legend of
Haliartos in Boeotia about the man who desired water, and in order
to find it consulted Delphi, and was recommended by the oracle to
slay the first person who met him on his return; his own young son
met him first, and the father stabbed him with his sword; the
wounded youth ran round about, and wherever the blood dripped
water sprang up from the earth.293.1 No one will now venture to say
that all these things are post-Homeric; the natural view is that they
were an inheritance of crude and primitive thought indigenous to the
land. Many of them belong to world-wide custom; on the other hand,
some of the striking and specialised rites, such as the blood-magic
and the ritual of the φαρμακός, are not found at Babylon.
But before prejudging the question, some salient and peculiar
developments of Babylonian magic ought to be considered. One
great achievement of Mesopotamian civilisation was the early
development of astrology, to which perhaps the whole world has
been indebted for good and for evil, and which was associated with
magic and put to magic uses. Astrological observation led to the
attachment of a magic value to numbers and to certain special
numbers, such as number seven. Whether the Judaic name and
institution of the Sabbath is of Babylonian origin or not, does not
concern our question. But it concerns us to know that the seventh
days, the 14th, the 21st, and 28th of certain months, if not of all,
were sacred at Babylon, and were days of penance and piacular
duties when ordinary occupation was suspended.293.2 We can
discern the origin of the sanctity of this number: the observation of
the seven planets, and the division of the lunar month into four
quarters of seven days. The early Greeks, doubtless, had their
astrological superstitions, as most races have had; the new moon is
naturally lucky, the waning moon unlucky; but no one can discover
any numerical or other principle in the Hesiodic system, which is our
earliest evidence of Hellenic lucky and unlucky days. His scheme is
presented in naïve confusion, and he concludes humorously, “one
man praises one day, one another, and few know anything about
it.”294.1 His page of verse reflects the anarchy of the Greek
calendars; and we should find it hard to credit that either Hesiod or
the legislators that drew up those had sat attentively at the feet of
Babylonian teachers. But a few coincidences may be noted. Hesiod
puts a special tabu on the fifth day of the month; in fact, it is the only
one in his list that is wholly unlucky, a day when it would seem to be
best to do nothing at all, at least outside the house, for on this day
the Erinyes are wandering about.294.2 Now, a Babylonian text
published by Dr. Langdon contains the dogma that on the fifth day of
Nisan “he who fears Marduk and Zarpanit shall not go out to
work.”294.3 This Babylonian rule is the earliest example of what may
be strictly called Sabbatarianism, abstinence from work through fear
of offending the high god. Such would probably not be the true
account of Hellenic feeling concerning the “forbidden days,” which
were called ἀποφράδες or μιαραί.294.4 The high god had issued to
the Hellene no moral commandment about “keeping the Sabbath-
day holy”; his reluctance to do certain work on certain days rested on
a more primitive sentiment concerning them. Thus it was unlucky
both for himself and the city that Alcibiades should return to the
Piraeus when the Plynteria were going on; for this latter was a
cathartic ceremony, and evil influences were abroad. Nor, as
Xenophon declares, would any one venture to engage in a serious
work on this day.295.1 Nor were these μιαραὶ ᾑμέραι, like the seventh
days of the Babylonian months, necessarily days of gloom when
offended deities had to be propitiated; on the contrary, the day of
Χόες was a day of merry drinking and yet μιαρά: in fact, we best
understand the latter phrase by translating it “tabooed,” rather than
“sad” or “gloomy.”295.2
Another coincidence that may arrest attention is that in Hesiod’s
scheme the seventh day of the month was sacred because Apollo
was born on it; and throughout the later period this god maintains his
connection with the seventh day, also apparently with the first, the
fourteenth, and the twentieth of the month.295.3 This almost coincides
with the Sabbatical division of the Babylonian months. But we cannot
suppose that in Hellas these were days of mortification as they were
in the East; else they would not have been associated with the bright
deity Apollo.
Such dubious coincidences, balanced by still more striking
diversities, are but frail supports for the hypothesis of race-contact.
In Babylonian thaumaturgy nothing is more significant than the
magic power of the Word, whether spoken or written: and the Word,
as we have noted, was raised to a cosmic divine power and
possessed inherent creative force.295.4 This is only a reflection upon
the heavens of the human use of the magical or mesmeric word or
set of words. This use of them is found, indeed, all round the globe.
What seems unique in the Mesopotamian culture is that religion,
religious literature, and poetry should have reached so high a pitch
and yet never have risen above or shaken off the magic which is its
constant accompaniment. Men and gods equally use magic against
the demons; the most fervid hymn of praise, the most pathetic litany,
is only part of an exorcism-ritual; and so inevitably does the shadow
of magic dog religion here that Dr. Langdon is justified in his
conjecture296.1 that in a great hymn to Enlil, which contains scarcely

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Section I Traditional Materials

Section II Advanced Materials

TABLE 1.1 Electronic Structure of Selected Elements

At. Electronic Configuration

TABLE 1.1 (Continued) Electronic Structure of Selected Elements

At. Electronic Configuration

TABLE 1.1 (Continued) Electronic Structure of Selected Elements

At. Electronic Configuration

TABLE 1.2 Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

TABLE 1.2 (Continued) Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

Vanadium 50b 0.24

TABLE 1.2 (Continued) Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

TABLE 1.2 (Continued) Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

Rhodium 103 100.0

Palladium 102 0.96

Silver 107 51.82

Cadmium 106 1.22

Indium 113 4.28

Tin 112 0.96

Antimony 121 57.25

Tellurium 120 0.09

TABLE 1.2 (Continued) Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

Iodine 127 100.0

Xenon 124 0.096

Cesium 133 100.0

Barium 130 0.101

Lanthanum 138 0.09

Cerium 136 0.193

Praseodymium 141 100.0

Neodymium 142 27.11

Samarium 144 3.09

TABLE 1.2 (Continued) Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

Gadolinium 152h 0.20

Terbium 159 100.0

Dysprosium 156i 0.052

Holmium 165 100.0

Erbium 162 0.136

Thulium 169 100.0

Ytterbium 168 0.135

Lutetium 175 97.40

Hafnium 174k 0.18

TABLE 1.2 (Continued) Available Stable Isotopes of the Elements

Tungsten 180 0.14

Rhenium 185 37.07

Osmium 184 0.018

Iridium 191 37.3

Platinum 190m 0.013

Gold 197 100.0

Mercury 196 0.146