Ecological Migration Development and Transformation A Study of Migration and Poverty Reduction in Ningxia 1st Edition Peilin Li

Ecological Migration Development and
Transformation A Study of Migration

and Poverty Reduction in Ningxia 1st
Edition Peilin Li
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://textbookfull.com/product/ecological-migration-development-and-transformation
-a-study-of-migration-and-poverty-reduction-in-ningxia-1st-edition-peilin-li/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...
Identifying Emerging Issues in Disaster Risk Reduction,

Migration, Climate Change and Sustainable Development:
Shaping Debates and Policies 1st Edition Karen
Sudmeier-Rieux
https://textbookfull.com/product/identifying-emerging-issues-in-
disaster-risk-reduction-migration-climate-change-and-sustainable-
development-shaping-debates-and-policies-1st-edition-karen-
sudmeier-rieux/
A Comparative Study of Korean Literature: Literary

Migration 1st Edition Sangjin Park (Auth.)
https://textbookfull.com/product/a-comparative-study-of-korean-
literature-literary-migration-1st-edition-sangjin-park-auth/
Adjusting to a World in Motion: Trends in Global

Migration and Migration Policy 1st Edition Douglas J.
Besharov
https://textbookfull.com/product/adjusting-to-a-world-in-motion-
trends-in-global-migration-and-migration-policy-1st-edition-
douglas-j-besharov/
The Road Map of China s Steel Industry Reduction

Innovation and Transformation Xinchuang Li
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-road-map-of-china-s-steel-
industry-reduction-innovation-and-transformation-xinchuang-li/
Diverse development paths and structural transformation
in the escape from poverty 1st Edition Andersson
https://textbookfull.com/product/diverse-development-paths-and-
structural-transformation-in-the-escape-from-poverty-1st-edition-
andersson/
China s Domestic and International Migration

Development Huiyao Wang
https://textbookfull.com/product/china-s-domestic-and-
international-migration-development-huiyao-wang/
The Digital Transformation of the Public Sphere:

Conflict, Migration, Crisis and Culture in Digital
Networks 1st Edition Athina Karatzogianni
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-digital-transformation-of-
the-public-sphere-conflict-migration-crisis-and-culture-in-
digital-networks-1st-edition-athina-karatzogianni/
Migration Agriculture and Rural Development IMISCOE

Short Reader Michele Nori
https://textbookfull.com/product/migration-agriculture-and-rural-
development-imiscoe-short-reader-michele-nori/
Return Migration and Regional Development in Europe:

Mobility Against the Stream 1st Edition Robert Nadler
https://textbookfull.com/product/return-migration-and-regional-
development-in-europe-mobility-against-the-stream-1st-edition-
robert-nadler/
Peilin Li · Xiaoyi Wang Editors
Ecological Migration,
Development and
Transformation
A Study of Migration and Poverty
Reduction in Ningxia
Ecological Migration, Development
and Transformation
Peilin Li · Xiaoyi Wang
Editors
Ecological Migration,
Development and
Transformation
A Study of Migration and Poverty
Reduction in Ningxia
13
Editors
Peilin Li Xiaoyi Wang
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Institute of Sociology
Beijing Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
China Beijing
China
Sponsored by Innovation Project of CASS
ISBN 978-3-662-47365-8 ISBN 978-3-662-47366-5 (eBook)

DOI 10.1007/978-3-662-47366-5
Library of Congress Control Number: 2015940422
Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2016
Translation from the Chinese language edition: 生态移民与发展转型—宁夏移民与扶贫研究

© Social Sciences Academic Press 2013. All rights reserved
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publishers, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or
information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publishers, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made.
Printed on acid-free paper
Springer-Verlag GmbH Berlin Heidelberg is part of Springer Science+Business Media

(www.springer.com)
Committee Members
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), China National Conditions Research

Series Compiling Committee
Chair
Shenming Li
Associate Chairs
Ying Wu and Haotao Huang
Members
Bingmeng He
Hanlin Li
Zheng Wang
Zihao Wang
v
Foreword
After over 30 years of reform and opening up, China’s aggregate economic
volume has jumped to second in the world. However, the level of development is
far from even across the country. The 18th Communist Party of China’s (CPC)
National Congress set up various goals related to comprehensively building a
moderately prosperous society by 2020. One arduous task is to “significantly
reduce the size of those living in poverty.” In 2012, an income of 2300 yuan is the
benchmark for relieving the poor. By this criterion, 98,990,000 people are still liv-
ing below the poverty line. This number makes up 10.2 % of the registered rural
population.
China’s poor rural population is mostly concentrated in a dozen of the poor
regions that are adjacent to one another. These regions are mostly dry, have a
shortage of water, are cold, mountainous, of high altitude, and have steep slopes.
These regions also suffer from water and soil erosion and frequent natural dis-
asters. The most typical is the karst landform region in southwest China and the
Sanxi (the Three Xi’s) region in northwest China. The inhospitable natural envi-
ronment and poor infrastructure results in abject poverty in these areas, which in
turn exacerbates environmental degradation.
In the past more than 10 years, many provinces in the western region of China
have implemented ecological migration projects of different scales, which have
attracted wide attention both in China and abroad. The projects indicate, first, that
there is an urgent need for them. Whether it is for reducing poverty or for protect-
ing the environment, we need to move the poor population out of the ecologically
fragile regions. Western China covers a vast area, and it is highly diverse in terms
of environmental endowments. Some of those living in the remote mountainous
area have always been poor. The environmental challenges are always there no
matter how we develop the economy. In order to improve their living conditions,
we must get the people in the harsh conditions out of the regions and move them
to a better place. A Chinese saying goes like this, “when a man moves, he stays
alive. When a tree is moved, it ends up dead.” The projects indicate, secondly,
that the Chinese government is capable of meeting this need. Migration projects
are complex and costly. Without sufficient financial resources and systematic
vii
viii Foreword
planning, migration may not be able to reduce poverty and, worse, may even
aggravate it. Rapid economic growth in China, however, makes the migration
projects affordable.
The Xihaigu region in the south of the Ningxia Autonomous Region is one of the
poorest regions in China that feature connecting counties. Together with Hexi and
Dingxi in Gansu province, they are known as Sanxi (or the “Three Xi’s”). Beginning
in the 1980s, the central government has attached great importance to poverty
reduction in the Xihaigu region. The Sanxi poverty reduction program has helped
improve the living condition of the people in this region. However, the region is still
far from being lifted out of poverty. In the central government’s poverty reduction
plan that was implemented in 2011, Xihaigu was again listed as one of the impor-
tant areas in the Liupan Mountain region that features contiguous poor counties.
In order to build a moderately prosperous society on pace with the rest of
China, Ningxia takes ecological migration as an important measure for economic
and social development. The regional government plans to move 350,000 people
during the “12th Five-Year Plan” period. This is to say, the Ningxia regional gov-
ernment is trying to increase the number of migrants in five years, which would be
half of the number achieved in the past 30 years. In other words, it plans to com-
plete in 5 years the work that would have taken 15 years in the past. The difficulty
of this undertaking is unimaginable. More scientifically sound decision-making
efforts are needed. The focus of the resettlement program should be on how to
help the migrants settle down and catch up with the rapid economic and social
development in northern Ningxia.
The resettlement program in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region was started
in the latter part of the twentieth century. Even though the concept of ecological
migration did not exist, poverty reduction migration and ecological migration
share the same objective, that is, to reduce population pressure in the ecologi-
cally fragile region and enrich the poor farmers. The intra-regional differences
in Ningxia are very pronounced. The northern regions benefit from the irrigation
of the Yellow River and from ancient times have been known as “Jiangnan at the
frontier.” In contrast, the Xihaigu region in southern Ningxia is “known for its
unmatched destituteness.” The poor population mainly lives in the mountainous
regions in the south.
The developmental differences between the south and north of Ningxia are due
to the differences in water resources. Ningxia’s regional government’s migration
strategy of “letting people follow the water and letting water flow where there are
people” has captured the heart of the matter regarding the uneven development of
the regions. “People go after the water” means resettling the people, while “water
flows where there are people” means building needed basic infrastructure. The
strategy of “letting people follow water and letting water flow where there are peo-
ple” integrates following nature with transforming nature. It emphasizes adapting
to nature and transforming nature as human beings see fit.
Through over 30 years of efforts, Ningxia has succeeded in moving hundreds of
thousands of the poor population in the ecologically fragile regions of the central
and southern regions to the north where the Yellow River irrigation is available.
Foreword ix
These migrants steadily shake off poverty and see a significant rise in income.
This achievement is pronounced, owing in large part to the innovative work of the
local governments.
Migration is only a means. The true end is to help the population shake off pov-
erty steadily and improve their standard of living. The key to accomplishing this is
the transformation of the people. In some places, the migrants’ standard of living
improves, while in some other places the migrants become poorer. The key issue
here is whether the migrants can succeed in realizing self-transformation.
When they move into a new place, the migrants are confronted with many new
things and new difficulties. They need to be good at studying new things and con-
stantly change themselves in order to adapt to the new environment. For example,
they were formerly engaged in dryland agriculture, and after the migration, they
need to adapt to irrigation agriculture. This is a big change for them. In order to
increase their income, they need to study how to grow cash crops or to be able to
find a job outside their home. If they are able to settle down a few years after the
migration, it shows that they have succeeded in realizing this transformation.
Effective transformation of the migrants requires matching transformation of
government policies. The resettlement has been organized by the government. A
steady increase in income requires that the government does a lot of work. The
regional government needs to build infrastructure, organize training programs for
the migrants, provide necessary fund for production as well as make connection
between the production and markets for the migrants. Therefore, the focus of the
migration work is not on the migration itself. Rather, it is on the supporting facili-
ties and transition works done in the migration destination. In the resettlement pro-
cess, the more sufficiently and completely is the work done in the destination, the
more adaptive the migrants will be to the new area. From this vantage point, to do
the resettlement work well, the local government must transform its work style,
changing its role as a manager to one of a service worker. It must find out where
the difficulties are for the migrants and take effective measures to remove them.
The central government of China has formulated a plan to build an all-around
moderately prosperous society by 2020. This increases the urgency for ecological
migration programs on the one hand and, on the other hand, offers new opportuni-
ties for ecological migrants. It requires that the government plans the migration
programs from a high vantage point and places it in the context of building an eco-
logical civilization across the nation.
To realize the goal of building a moderately prosperous society all across the
board in all respects in China, the government must consider the two most impor-
tant constraining factors such as poverty and ecological degradation, especially in
western China. Moving the people out of the ecologically dreadful regions will
help to restore the environment and reduce poverty. The series of poverty reduc-
tion and ecological protection programs initiated by the central government also
provides more funding support to the migrants. More importantly, with the launch
of the Great Western Development and New Urbanization Construction initiatives,
the migrants are provided with more channels to get jobs. All these create favora-
ble conditions for the migrants.
x Foreword
We must also realize that under the new situation, ecological migrants are more
demanding than earlier migrants. In the past, as the ecological fragile regions were
very poor, it was easy to satisfy the migrants by increasing their income. However,
as a series of pro-farmer policies are implemented, the income of the people in
the ecological fragile region also increases, especially when various subsidies also
increase. Ningxia is a region with a large presence of ethnic minorities and people
with strong religious beliefs. In the process of ecological migration, great impor-
tance should be attached to maintaining social harmony and stability.
Beijing Weiguang Wang

November 2013
Contents
1 Introduction: Poverty Reduction, Ecological Migration

and Sustainable Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Peilin Li and Xiaoyi Wang
2 The History and Present Condition of Ecological Migration

in Ningxia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Xihong Shu
3 The Economic and Social Lives of the Ecological Migrants

in Ningxia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Yudong Wang
4 The Social Relation of the Ecological Migrants in Ningxia

and Their Social Evaluation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Yudong Wang
5 Social Management Problems Facing the Ningxia Ecological

Migration Zones and Their Solutions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Xihong Shu and Jun Nie
6 Ningxia Ecological Migration and the Sustainable Development

of Resources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Lei Fan
7 Intra-county Migration in Ningxia—A Case Study of Pengyang

County and Xiji County. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Lili Xun
xi
xii Contents
8 Inter-county Migration in Ningxia: A Case Study of Heshun

New Village and Binhe Home. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
Lili Xun
9 The Policy Needs of Ecological Migrants in Ningxia

and Assessment of Satisfaction Levels. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Lei Fan
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
Contributors
Lei Fan Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), Beijing,
China
Peilin Li Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), Beijing, China
Jun Nie Beifang Institute of Nationalities, Yinchuan, China
Xihong Shu Beifang Institute of Nationalities, Yinchuan, China
Xiaoyi Wang Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS),
Beijing, China
Yudong Wang Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
(CASS), Beijing, China
Lili Xun Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS),
Beijing, China
xiii
Chapter 1
Introduction: Poverty Reduction,
Ecological Migration and Sustainable
Development
Peilin Li and Xiaoyi Wang
The Chinese Government has set various goals toward building China into a
moderately prosperous society in all respects. These goals concern economics,
politics, culture, society and ecology. One of the most arduous tasks is to “greatly
reduce the size of the population living in poverty”. The poverty line in the rural
area has been raised continuously as the income level of the rural residents has
increased since China implemented the reform and opening-up policy. In 2011, the
poverty line increased to a net income of 2300 yuan per person for the farmers.
This is roughly equivalent to the international poverty line of 2 PPP (monetary unit
of international dollar). By this criterion, still over 122 million rural residents lived
in poverty in 2011. Though the number was reduced to 98.99 million in 2012, it
still made up 10.2 % of the registered rural population.
In the meantime, with the rapid development of China’s economy, ecological
problems are worsening. From January to March in 2013, smog lasted for several
days on end in Beijing. The Bureau of Meteorology issued an orange alert, the
highest alert level for smog. The smog held up a large number of passengers at the
airport due to extremely limited visibility. It was so widespread that it spread from
the North and Northeast to central parts as far as the Yellow and Huai Rivers regions
and southeast of the Yangtze River region. The serious air pollution affected the
central and eastern parts of China on a large scale. In some areas, visibility was
less than 100 m. Of the 120 key cities monitored by the Environmental Protection
Ministry, 67 suffered from bouts of pollution. Twenty two highways in 11 provinces
were partially shut down. All of this caused the people to rethink about the severity
of environmental issues in China. Ecological problems have become a bottleneck in
the Chinese drive to build a moderately prosperous society all across the board.
P. Li (*)
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), Beijing, China
X. Wang
Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), Beijing, China
© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2016 1

P. Li and X. Wang (eds.), Ecological Migration, Development and Transformation,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-662-47366-5_1
2 P. Li and X. Wang
In China, poverty and fragile ecological conditions are closely linked. The poor
rural population in China is mostly concentrated in the 18 regions. These regions are
normally dry and deficient in water. Sometimes the surface water leaks and has no
way of being utilized. Sometimes the regions are cold and effective accumulated tem-
perature is too low. At other times, the regions have high mountains and steep slopes
and there are water loss and land erosion, which create frequent disasters. The most
typical regions are karst land forms in China’s southwest and the “sanxi” regions in the
northwest. The ecologically fragile areas are often lacking in infrastructure due to their
natural conditions and end up lagging far behind other regions in terms of infrastruc-
ture (Li Zhou 2007). The dreadful natural environment, coupled with poor infrastruc-
ture, leads to abject poverty, which in turn exacerbates the environment all the more.
The Xihaigu region in the south of Ningxia is one of the poorest in China that
features contiguous poor counties. It is called sanxi “Three Xi’s” along with Hexi
and Dingxi in Gansu. Beginning in the 1980s, the central government has attached
great importance to reducing poverty in this region. The government has launched
a sanxi poverty reduction initiative, which has improved the economic condi-
tion of this region. However, up until now, the poverty is still widespread. Under
the new initiative of poverty reduction that began in 2011, the Xihaigu Region
has become one of the most important areas among the poor counties in Liupan
Mountain and is a main target for the government’s poverty alleviation program.
For those who live in these dreadful environments with scarce natural
resources, moving to a different locality is an important means of improving their
living conditions and enhancing opportunity of development. By 2010, the
Chinese government had moved over 7.70 million poor people to a new locality,
which effectively improved their living conditions in areas such as residence,
transportation and power consumption (PRC State Council Information Office
2011).1 In this period, Ningxia effectively carried out the migrations projects with
the dual goals of poverty reduction and environmental protection.
Owing to different natural endowments, Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region fea-
tures three distinctive regions. In the north, the Yellow River irrigates the land and
so the agricultural condition is better than other regions. The economic output is
also the highest. For the people living in the mountainous regions in the south and
in the dry lands in the central region, where the natural conditions are bad and the
resources are scarce, economic development is slow. The people there have long
been in poverty. In the past 30 years, through initiatives such as the Diaozhuang
style of migration, migration to a different location, ecological migration and intra-
county migration in the central dry land area, a total number of 660,000 of the poor
farmers from the central and southern regions have moved to better places (Zhu
Liyan 2011).2 The living conditions of the migrants have improved significantly,
1Zhonghua renmin gongheguo guowuyuan xinwen bangongshi (Information Office of State Council
of the people’s Republic of China). 2011. New Progress in the Poverty Reduction and Devlopment
in Rural China. The People’s Press.
2Zhu, Liyan. 2011. “Ecological Migration and Fight against Poverty in Xihaigu Region in
Ningxia”. Agricultural Modernization Studies. No. 4.

1 Introduction: Poverty Reduction … 3
especially for those moving to the region due to irrigation from the Yellow River.
In the meantime, with the population on the move, the population pressure in the
central and southern regions has been reduced and the ecological condition
restored. With that the living condition also improves. Ecological migration con-
tributes positively to the improvement of the economic conditions of the poor and
restoration of the ecological condition.
Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region plans to continue to move another 350,000
people during the “12th Five Years Plan” period (2011–2015). This will help the
farmers in the remote mountainous areas to be free from the curse of poverty. In
the meantime, it will help the mountainous area in the south better restore its eco-
logical function. However, the large scale of migration brings with it a series of
problems, especially when Ningxia migration mingles with ethnic minority issues
and religious issues.
In order to assist the Ningxia ecological migration, the Institute of Sociology
at Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, The Institute of Sociology and Ethnic
Fig 1.1 Destination and source regions of Ningxia’s migrants

4 P. Li and X. Wang
Studies and Beifang University of Nationalities jointly conducted survey research

on Ningxia’s ecological migration in September and October, 2012 (entitled
“Research Team’s 2012 Survey”. The survey data used in this book are from this
survey unless otherwise indicated.”).
This survey strictly follows the scientific method of sampling. It utilizes mul-
tiple stages of sampling by municipality–district/county–town/xiang–house-
hold–individual. It consists of two subsamples from the two aggregates of
migration population and potential migration population. The samples are taken
in the migration destination regions—Xixia District and Jinfeng District of
Yinchuan, Hongsipu District of Wuzhong, and the migration source regions—
Tongxin County belonging to Wuzhong and Xiji County belonging to Guyuan
(Geographical distributions are found in Fig. 1.1). The samples are taken on four
levels: xiang (township), village committee, village household and villagers. 1200
effective samples were obtained, among which 800 samples are from the settlers
and 400 samples are from the potential migrants. They represent the settler popu-
lation and the potential migrant population who range in age from 18 to 69 in the
regions surveyed (See Table 1.1).
Table 1.1 Regional distribution of Ningxia migrants in 2012

Type of region Municipality District/county xiang/Township Village
Source regions for Guyuan Xiji Xiaohe Guanzhuang
migration Hongquan
Longbao
Sugou
Wuzhong Tongxin Yuwang Chenshitang
Guoyangwa
Hejiayuan
Nanguan
Destination region Yinchuan Jinfeng Liangtian Jinglong
Xingyuan
Xixia Xingjing Jinghe
Jinghua
Xigan
Xingsheng
Zhenbeipu Tuanjie
Xinhua
Wuzhong Hongsipu Dahe Dahe
Kaiyuan
Hongyan
Xiangyuan
Hongsipu Chaoyang
Tuanjie
Yuchi
Lihua
The total samples cover the settlers in the central and northern parts of
Ningxia, which number around 720,000. The subsamples are from 800 people.
One sample represents about 900 settlers. The sampling population makes up
91.6 % of the planned migrants in the 12th Five-Year Plan period (785,800). The
sampling population of the potential migrants is 276,800. The subsample is 400.
One sample represents about 692 potential migrants. The sampling population
makes up 80 % of the planned potential migrants in the period of the 12th Five-
Year Plan (346,000).
This research report seeks to evaluate the migration projects on the basis of the
survey results and offers suggestions on future migration work in light of the prob-
lems discovered.
1.1 Poor Natural Conditions Cause Historically Vicious

Cycle of Poverty and Ecological Degradation
One feature of China’s West is the unequal distribution of resources. This is espe-
cially true in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region. Different natural endowments
cause unbalanced development in the region.
Currently, the added value of agricultural output in Ningxia makes up less than
10 % of the total production output of the region. But still, 50 % of the people are
engaged in agricultural activity. Agriculture heavily relies on water resources with
the distribution of water resources being highly uneven in Ningxia. In the central
and southern parts of Ningxia, the shortage of water is perennial. Natural disasters
occur often. On top of that, these regions are high in altitude with low tempera-
tures. The agricultural yield has remained low. In the early 1980s, nearly 3/4 of the
rural population was below the poverty line.3 Although the government continually
makes efforts to reduce poverty in this region with most people now being above
the poverty line, the economic growth is still very slow. The scarcity of water is
one of the principal factors that constrain the development of the local economy.
From Table 1.2, we can see that although the precipitation in the mountainous
regions in the south is higher than that of the north, the retention of water resource
per capita is far smaller than the region with irrigation from the Yellow River.
The combination differences of water and heat—too much water and not
enough heat or too much heat and not enough water will adversely affect agricul-
tural production. The precipitation comes mainly in the months of July and August
every year, but the plants need water mainly in April, May and June. This will
badly affect the growth of the plants, especially the summer plants.4 Drought is a
3Fan, liming, Yang Guotao, Fan Ziying. 2010. “Decisive Factors for Inequality of Income in the
Poor Region: an Analysis Based on the Data Collected on Farmers in Xihaigu”. World Economic
Papers, No. 3.
4Chen, Yuning, ed. 2004. Green Path: A Study of Ecological Reconstruction in the Ningxia
Southern Mountainous Region, 25. China Social Sciences Press.

6
Table 1.2 Water resource availability by region in Ningxia (per capita per mu)
Division Population Irrigation size Arable land Locally usable water Locally usable water Plus usable yellow
(mu) size (mu) resource vol- resource volume river resource per
ume(0.1 billion capita
cubic meters) Per capita Per mu Per capita Per mu
(m3) (m3) (m3) (m3)
Yellow river 3,070,000 5,370,000 5,280,000 1.5 49 28 945 539
irrigation
region
Central dry 1,860,000 1,500,000 6,190,000 0.51 27 8 302 89
land region
Southern 1,370,000 6,200,000 5,470,000 2.49 182 45 222 54
mountainous
region
All regions 6,300,000 7,490,000 1,694,000 4.5 71 27 598 218
Source Ma Zhongyu editor. 2012. A strategic study of Ningxia in response to global climatic change. Huanghe Chuban Media Group and Yangguang Press
P. Li and X. Wang
natural disaster that occurs most often in the Xihaigu Region. It often continues
for a very long time. It so happened that the drought lasted across an entire season
or year, which did great damage to agricultural production. For example, in
1991–1995, the continuous drought made those who had climbed above the pov-
erty line revert to poverty again. The crisis was such that the people lacked food,
the animals lacked forage grass and the land lacked seeds. Besides, natural disas-
ters such as water logging, hailstones and strong wind often occur in the moun-
tainous region in the south. The torrential rain comes once every two or three years
and hailstones come two to seven times every year.5
After over two centuries of over cultivation, grazing and the gathering of wood,
the central and southern parts of Ningxia have suffered a severe ecological crisis.
The land degradation in the form of soil erosion makes the ecological condition
deteriorate. The southern mountainous region in Ningxia is characterized by soil
erosion, typical of Loess Plateau. The size of erosion area is 2158 km2, which con-
stitutes 84.6 % of the total area. Among them, 23.7 % of the land has suffered a
severe loss of soil. The gully extends 10 m every year, which damages the arable
land of about 500 mu. The soil erosion takes with it a large amount of nutritious
elements. According to one estimate, every year there is a loss of 1260 tons of
organic matter, 94,500 tons of total nitrogen, 260,400 tons of total phosphorus,
which are equivalent to 265,400 tons of urea and 1050 tons of calcium superphos-
phate. The soil erosion severely damages the land resources and reduces the effi-
cient use of water conservancy facilities. It also reduces the usable water
resources, which badly affects agricultural production.6
Under such natural conditions, the construction of agricultural infrastructure is
slow and it is difficult for the infrastructure to assume proper function. The central
and southern regions of Ningxia long remain on the level of marginal profitabil-
ity in agriculture. In the region with irrigation from the Yellow River, 100 % of
agriculture is irrigated. In the dry lands of the central region, less than 25 % of
arable land has irrigation systems. In the south, no more than 12 % have irrigation
systems.
Beginning in the 1980s, due to a large scale government initiative to reduce
poverty through development, the farmers’ income level has increased somewhat
in the central and southern regions of Ningxia. Yet the gap between these regions
and the north with irrigation from the Yellow River has widened in terms of farm-
ers’ income. In 2000, the income difference between the mountainous regions
and the northern region was 1713 yuan. In 2009, the difference increased to
2344 yuan. Constrained by natural conditions, Ningxia’s mountainous regions still
have a very low agricultural production level.
5Dong, Mei, Liu Suansuan. 2011. An Evaluation and Study of the Comprehensive Benefits of
the Ecological Migrants in the Ecotone between Agriculture and Animal husbandry, 75. Chinese
Social Sciences Press.
6Fan, liming, Yang Guotao, Fan Ziying. 2010. “Decisive Factors for Inequality of Income in the
Poor Region: an Analysis Based on the Data Collected on Farmers in Xihaigu”. World Economic
Papers, No. 3.
8 P. Li and X. Wang
In the central and southern regions of Ningxia, the main cause of poverty is the
deterioration of ecological conditions. To eliminate poverty and narrow the gap,
it is necessary that the vicious cycle of ecological deterioration and poverty be
broken.
1.2 Ecological Migration Effectively Promotes Poverty

Reduction and Ecological Protection
Population migration is an effective means to break the cycle of environmental

degradation and poverty. In pre-modern China, in order to get arable land or gar-
rison the frontier, the migrants usually came from the densely populated region to
the frontier. A large percentage of the people in the central and southern regions
of Ningxia are descendants of those who migrated to this place from elsewhere
either by involuntarily or voluntarily since the Qing dynasty. Modernization led
to population increase, as economic development requires it. In the first 20 years
of reform and opening-up, the eastern coastal region of China enjoyed rapid eco-
nomic growth. A large number of people flooded there from the central and west-
ern regions. After the year 2000, a drastic change started to take place, following
some pattern of regional development. The effect of the strategy of the Great
Development of the Western Region spearheaded by the central government started
to be felt. The pace of economic development in the Western region was hastened.
A number of economic centers were formed. Ningxia’s northern Yellow River irri-
gation region with Yinchuan as its core is becoming one of these regional centers. It
radiates out to the neighboring regions such as Inner Mongolia, Shanxi and Gansu
provinces. As the function of this center is strengthened, this region will attract a
larger population. In this context, the northern region of Ningxia will become an
important destination for the migrants from the central and southern regions.
Generally speaking, population migration is conducted in two modes: voluntary
and involuntary. The migrant workers in China may be considered as typically vol-
untary. Mobility of the large number of migrant workers have stimulated China’s
industrialization and made a great contribution to the increase of the farmers’
income. In contrast, owing to the construction of large projects, some people had
to move out of their homeland. This is a typical involuntary migration, because
their land is expropriated and they have to move to other regions. The ecological
migration is a mixed type of migration or a regulated voluntary migration. It has
been the migrants’ long time wish to move out of the ecologically dreadful regions
to the regions with better ecological conditions. However, this type of migration is
different from purely voluntary migration in that the former is a project directed
by the regional government.
The farmers who live in the ecologically fragile regions have a strong desire
to migrate. The resources of their original place of residence cannot lift them out
of poverty. For them, to live at subsistence level is already difficult. They wish to
move to a region with comparatively rich resources. However, without the plan
and support from the government, they are not capable of making such a move.
The poor farmers are such a group of people. Ecological migration combines the
government plan with the wish of migrants, providing necessary conditions for the
poor farmers: arable land, affordable housing and a new migrant community.
The past 30 years of migration indicates that migration enriches the poor farm-
ers, and promotes the economic development of the destination region and the
ecological restoration of the source region.
1. The migrants’ means of production has changed drastically. Before the migra-
tion, they mainly relied on rain for their agriculture. They had a fairly large
land size. They conducted extensive modes of operation and there was little
guarantee for agricultural yields. After they migrated to the Yellow River irri-
gation area, their arable land was reduced. However, they now have good irri-
gation and the agricultural yields are guaranteed. The size of land per person
in each household before the migration was 5.12 mu, mostly dry land. They
also possessed small patches of forests in the mountains. After the migration,
the size of land per person is 1.68 mu, of which irrigated land is 1.56 mu (see
Table 6.10).
Stable irrigation ensures relatively steady agricultural production. Droughts, which
threatened agricultural production, are now under control. An investigative report
indicates that migration mitigates water shortages for most migrants. Among the
settlers, over 70 % surveyed think that now they have adequate water supply for
meeting the needs for production and life. Among the potential migrants, 63.3 %
surveyed believe that they have an insufficient supply of water (See Table 6.37).
2. The income of the ecological migrants increases significantly. The new
migrant community is close to the city with convenient transportation and
easy access to information. This creates an opportunity for earning non-agri-
cultural income. A comparison of the incomes between the settlers and poten-
tial migrants shows that the income of the settlers is significantly higher than
that of the potential migrants. Both agricultural income and odd job income
made by the settlers are higher than those made by the potential migrants. The
agricultural income is nearly 70 % higher while odd job income is over 90 %
higher (Table 3.2).
3. The infrastructure has improved significantly. The settlers enjoy much bet-
ter public service. The education, health and infrastructure in the resettle-
ment areas are much better than before. The distance from the residence to the
school, clinic and town center is greatly shortened, which enables settlers to
enjoy better access to public services. For example, before the migration, many
migrants had to travel at least 10 km to get to the nearest school. That distance
has been reduced by half, to around 5 km. Before the migration, 50 % of the
people had to walk for more than an hour to reach the nearest school. After the
migration, that percentage has been reduced to only 5.1 % (Table 1.3).
10 P. Li and X. Wang
Table 1.3 Distance to the nearest clinic and school, before and after migration
Before the After the
migration (%) migration (%)
The nearest clinic The percentage of people who 65.2 83.5
could reach it on foot in less
than an hour
The percentage of people who 34.8 16.5
could reach it on foot in more
than an hour
The nearest The percentage of people who 50 94.9
school could reach it on foot in less
than an hour
The percentage of people who 50 5.1
could reach it on foot in more
than an hour
Source Research group’s 2012 sample survey
Part of the migration program is that the government builds new houses for set-
tlers, so that the settlers’ housing conditions are greatly improved. From our sam-
ple survey, after the migration, the housing size per person increases by nearly
10 m2. Most of the houses are brick tile houses, unlike the mud houses the settlers’
live in before the migration.
4. Whether the Ningxia migration program is successful or not depends ulti-
mately on whether the migrants are satisfied with it or not. Our survey results
show that the ecological migrants in Ningxia have a higher satisfaction level
than that of other groups of migrants in China. This result is good news. It
shows that the migration program in Ningxia has been carried out in great
details and with great care. From the survey on the migrants at the destination,
91.8 % of the migrants are satisfied with migration, and only 2.7 % are not
satisfied with it (Table 2.7). 91.8 % of the migrants are satisfied with the hous-
ing conditions. 91.1 % of the migrants are satisfied with the production condi-
tions. 94.6 % are satisfied with the living conditions.
More importantly, migration changes the farmers’ views and values. Their participa-
tion in public affairs and social interactions is greatly increased. Before the migra-
tion, most villagers lived in scattered places and were very seldom involved in public
affairs. In the process of migration, more and more migrants are involved in public
affairs and express their ideas. The survey shows that after the migration, the villag-
ers are much more active in public affairs than before. For example, after the migra-
tion, about 40 % of the people either often or once in a while participated in Village
Council. Before the migration, that number stood at 27 %. Before the migration,
when villagers ran into a problem, they would first turn to their relatives for help.
After the migration, though the first source of help might still be relatives, the per-
centage of the people turning to neighbors and village cadres increase significantly.
The number of those who seek neighbors for help increases from 17.5 to 25.4 %.
The number of those who seek village cadres for help increases from 3.7 to 5.8 %.
The second beneficiary is the migration source region. The migration not only
reduces the population pressure in the mountainous area in the south, but also
improves the ecological condition of the area. In addition, through human inter-
vention, ecological conditions also improve in the settlement area. After part of the
population was moved out of the mountainous areas in the south, the population
pressure was lessened. Through the programs of letting farm land revert to forest
and returning grazing land to pasture, the ecological condition on the southern
mountainous area is restored. The important water source is protected. In the
migration destination region, through the Yellow River Pumping Project, the for-
merly desertified land is turned into arable land, which prevents the land from deg-
radation. In our sample survey, most of those surveyed hold that population
pressure is the main cause of environmental problems in the southern mountainous
region of Ningxia. They also hold that migration plays an important role in lifting
poverty and improving the environment. The professional study from the field of
environmental science also indicates that the environment of the southern moun-
tainous region has improved markedly since 2006.7
According to the Ningxia Autonomous Region’s plan, the lands and residen-
tial plots left behind by the migration of 350,000 people during the period of
“12th Five-year Plan” will all be converted to ecological construction. This will
increase forest acreage and conservation of water resources, which will result in
the improvement of ecological conditions.
With reduced population pressure and a restoration of ecological conditions,
there is a marked increase in farmers’ income in the southern mountainous region
after 2006. In 2010, the net income of the southern mountainous region increased
by 16, 1.8 % higher than that of the northern region. The farmers’ income gap
between the south and the north is thus narrowed.
However, the effects of the ecological migration on the destination region are
manifold. For the past more than 30 years, nearly one million people have moved
to the Yellow River irrigation area, which increases population pressure resulting
in a resource shortage in the destination region. On the other hand, the increase in
population contributes to local economic development and promotes the formation
of an economic center in the Yinchuan area. Although the migration helps greatly
to increase the migrants’ income and change their social structure, a lot of work
needs to be done to assimilate the migrants into the social and economic develop-
ments of the northern region and to truly eliminate poverty and grow in sync with
the region. The Yellow River irrigation area on the border of Yinchuan is becom-
ing a regional economic center and so it is more and more attractive to the people.
Meanwhile, the poor population in the central and southern regions is moving to
this region. The parallel developments do not seem to intersect. Economic growth
makes limited contribution toward migrant employment, and many settlers con-
tinue to be farmers.
7Yang, Xianming et al. 2013. “A Study and Evaluation of The Ecological Migration Benefits in
Ningxia”. The Journal of Arid Land Resources and Environment, No. 4.

1.3 Problems Confronting Ecological Migrants
Resettlement successfully solves the problems of poverty and basic livelihood. To

help settlers integrate into the new community, many other problems have to be
tackled.
1. A stable non-agricultural employment is the first problem to solve. Migrants
tend to be given land smaller in size than what they had before the move. The
survey by the research group indicates that before the migration, per capita ara-
ble land is 4.91 mu. After the migration, it is 1.68 mu. Though the condition of
the cultivated land in the resettlement area has sometimes improved, the land
yield is often inadequate for purpose of meeting basic needs. Besides, after the
migration, their previous side work such as grazing and gathering fuelwood are
unavailable in their adopted new home, which reduce their income even as cost
of living increases. From the data gathered in the survey, the average income
per capita for settlers is 5800 yuan. This is a very big increase over what they
had before the migration, but it is about 20 % lower than the average income
per capita for the people in the Yellow River irrigation area.
Most of the settlers have acquired land. However, as the size is small and it is a
newly reclaimed area, the soil’s fertility needs nurturing. These lands can only pro-
vide minimum security for the settlers, not enough to maintain a normal life. The
settlers also need time to adjust themselves as the extensive form of agriculture in
the mountainous regions has changed to an intensive form of agriculture. In some
resettlement villages, the land is given to an enterprise for cultivation and the set-
tlers do not need to farm their own lands. Agriculture is no longer the major chan-
nel for employment for the settlers. To increase their income, the settlers have to
seek non-agricultural employment. Although the migration villages are nearer to
the city and therefore they have an easier access to jobs there, their pay is gener-
ally low because of their lack of technical skills.
To promote employment in the non-agricultural sectors among settlers, more
job opportunities must be created. Generally, the non-agricultural sectors in the
western region of China are concentrated in capital-intensive heavy chemical
industries. It creates fewer jobs per unit of capital than does light industry. If we
compare Ningxia with Guangdong and Jiangsu provinces, we will see marked dif-
ferences. In Guangdong and Jiangsu, every 10,000 yuan worth of industrial out-
put can create employment for 0.10 person and 0.08 person, respectively, while
in Ningxia that is the cost of job creation for 0.05 person (Table 1.4). In both
Guangdong and Jiangsu, the number of jobs in the industrial sector is far larger
than that in the agricultural and the service sectors. In Ningxia, the number of jobs
in the industrial sector is very small. Most of the workforce remains in agriculture
or low-end services. This is the external factor that limits the number of jobs set-
tlers can find in the non-agricultural sectors.
2. Ecological conditions and water resources will be important factors constrain-
ing the sustainable development of the migrants. Through the ecological migra-
tion program, the environmental pressure in the southern mountainous region
1
Table 1.4 Employment creation efficiency of GDP in Ningxia, Jiangsu and Guangdong provinces (job/10,000 yuan)
Primary industry Secondary industry Tertiary industry
Introduction: Poverty Reduction …
Gross Number Number of persons Gross output Persons Number of persons Gross output Persons Number of persons
output of persons employed for the (100 billion employed employed for the (100 billion employed employed for the
(100 billion employed output of every yuan) output of every yuan) output of every
yuan) (millions) 10,000 yuan (person) 10,000 yuan (person) 10,000 yuan (person)
Ningxia 184.14 1.662 0.90 1056.15 553,500 0.05 861.92 1,181,000 0.14
Jiangsu 3064.78 10.25 0.33 25,203.28 20,174,900 0.08 20,842.21 17,177,200 0.08
Guangdong 2665.20 14.2734 0.54 25,447.38 25,264,800 0.10 24,097.70 20,069,200 0.08
Sources Ningxia statistical yearbook (2012), Jiangsu statistical yearbook (2012), Guangdong statistical yearbook (2012)
13
is lessened and a large amount of wasteland in the Yellow River irrigation area
is reclaimed. These greatly help improve ecological conditions. As the whole
region of Ningxia is made up of dry and semi-dry land, it depends on the water
from the Yellow River. If there is no effective measure to save water, water will
be in great shortage. First, there will be tension between residential and produc-
tive uses of water. With urbanization, there will be great increases in the demand
for water for residential purposes, which will compete against water for indus-
trial and agricultural purposes. Secondly, with the development of industries in
Ningxia, especially the construction of an energy chemical base in the eastern
part of Ningxia, the usage of water for industry will increase, further squeez-
ing water availability for agricultural use. The ecological migrants who rely on
water from the Yellow River will be affected. The mode of migration adopted
today still heavily relies on that water. Especially for migrants covered in reset-
tlement programs listed in the “12th Five-year Plan” period, after they move to
the northern region they still largely rely on irrigation. Thus the water resource
from the Yellow River is still an important factor affecting their lives and works.
A large scale of agricultural development and migration will produce some nega-
tive effects on the northern region, for which we need to keep alert. Some research
shows that the land in the resettlement zone starts to deteriorate. In some places,
irrigation caused land salinization. In some other places land reclamation caused
desertification. For example, of 94,600 mu of land reclaimed after 1999 in
Hongsipu, 24,000 mu of that land appeared desertified to a large or small extent.8
Our research also indicates that after the migration, more people feel affected by
the sand storms in their lives and work. Ecological migration helps the southern
mountainous region to restore its ecological condition, but population concentra-
tion, land reclamation and water resources depletion all produce important adverse
effects on the destination region.
Water resource is also a major source of social conflict. The research finds that due
to the shortage of land resources, in some places migrants engage in land cultivation
without permits. As the size of these areas expanded, water supply became insuffi-
cient. So did tension. Migrants resorted to various legally dubious and other other-
wise objectionable means to secure this precious resource. Conflicts over irrigation
occurred frequently, and gang fighting was not unheard of. The rational use of water
resources and effective management are the key to improving ecological conditions.
3. Standardized settlement scheme cannot meet the diverse needs of the migrants.
The government has formulated a standard procedure for things such as hous-
ing, arable land distribution and subsidy. But every household has different
situations and their needs also vary. The standard procedure cannot meet the
diverse needs of the migrants.
8Wen, Na. 2009. “An Explorative Study of the Possible Ecological Impacts from the Arid
Zone Migration and Ecological Construction in the Central Ningxia”. The Journal of Ningxia
Communist Party Institute, No. 3.
4. We are not too optimistic about future ecological migration. According to our
survey, nearly 70 % of migrants complied with the government’s arrangement,
but 30.9 % objected to it. Most of those who were unwilling to migrate were
unsatisfied with the migration settlement’s environment. This is especially true
with the 28,400 households, consisting of 121,100 people, who were arranged
by the government to make intra-county migration in the central and south-
ern mountainous regions of Ningxia. Because the natural condition of the
intra-county settlement was not so good, the enthusiasm for migration was
not so high. Only 30 % of villagers were willing to migrate to the destination
arranged by the government on the condition that the destination region must
be better than the source region in terms of overall condition.
Over 90 % of the villagers, who are not willing to migrate, are prepared to respond
to the government’s plan through “delay”, “resistance” and “(ill-faith) bargaining”.
Over 50 % of the these villagers are prepared to continue their delaying or resist-
ance efforts for over three years after all other villagers have moved out. They
would do so even if their village is supposed to move as a single unit. According
to the requirements by the Ningxia Bureau of Migration, single-person house-
holds, elderly couples aged 60 and up and newly-formed households that sepa-
rated from an original one after December 31, 2009 will not be required to move.
Neither would be those who have lived in the source region for a long time but
do not work as farmers, and widows, widowers, orphans and childless couples.
Currently, there are a fair number of people in both these categories in all the vil-
lages in the migration source region.
5. Innovations are needed in social management in the resettlement areas.
Because the local government organizes ecological migration projects, they
play an essential role in building the migrant community. But the government
has not paid enough attention to the community’s role in self-management. The
migration process is filled with conflicts of interests that could easily lead to
social conflict. In this respect, government administrative units at the lowest
level in the migrant community should be allowed to play a larger role than
they do now. For example, researchers have found that most migrants who
were interviewed believed that “the officials at the lowest levels of government
have weak administrative capacity”. Some even believe them to “lack integ-
rity”. Many interviewees hold that “they will appeal to higher levels of govern-
ment if their rights are violated”. The migrant community is a new community.
Its members come from different places. It lacks a community tradition. As
community members encounter many new problems, the role of administra-
tive organs at the basal level of government becomes prominent. But lower
level governments are far from meeting the needs of the community members.
And because the self-management capacity of the community is weak and the
administrative organs at the basal level of government do not play their due
role, a large number of social disputes have to be handled by the local gov-
ernment. This not only increases the cost of social management, but also does
harm to social stability.
In our research, we find that the primary problem facing migrants is the lack of
sufficient development fund (Table 9.6). Although the government provides them
with land and housing subsidy, migrating families still have to spend large sums of
money. Every migrating family has to spend almost 20,000 yuan out of their own
funds before getting a new house. This is a rather large burden for poor families.
More importantly, after the migration, low-cost dry farming is replaced by high-
cost irrigation farming. Besides, various other expenditures are incurred when
migrants move to a new community. As the expenditure increases rapidly, most
migrants feel the pinch.
The second difficulty that the migrants encounter is inadequate income. Thanks
to increases in government support, the number of the migrants who feel that
income is a major problem for them has dropped. For example, 20 % of the migrants
before 1997 felt that their biggest problem was income. But after 1997, only 5–7 %
of the migrants feel this way. This indicates that migrant income has steadily
increased. But it is still lower than that of the local residents in the northern region.
In our survey, housing is also a problem of great concern. Because all the
migrating families are allocated a standard-issue house, those families with more
members feel the house is too crowded. Especially in a three- generation family,
the average size house per person is small and cannot meet the need of the family.
Standard housing is good for migration planning and can avoid the social conflict
caused by diversified housing, but this standard pattern often cannot meet the need
of diversification.
In addition, the policy for intra-county migration and migration through labor
still has left much to be desired. The intra-county migrants who settle in south-
ern mountainous regions and central dry lands have worse overall conditions
when compared to the migrants who settle in the north. They are farther from the
city centers and benefit less from the radiation effect of the cities. The migrants
through labor have no property rights on the land or house, so they are not enthusi-
astic about migration.
Migration is a complex systematic engineering undertaking. In order to build
a stable society of migrants and develop it in sync with the development of the
northern Yinchuan region, migration should not be dealt with as a migration issue
only, but as an integral part of the development of Yinchuan regional economic
center and the strategy of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects.
1.4 Coordinating the Development of Cities and Rural

Regions and Building a Moderately Prosperous
Society in All Respects
Migration is a systematic social engineering undertaking. It must be integrated

into the overall consideration of the social and economic development of the
whole region of Ningxia in a bid to build a moderately prosperous society in all
respects. Compared with other provinces in China, Ningxia has a lower level of
attainment in the building moderately prosperous society. Measured by indicators
for building a moderately prosperous society as published by the State Statistical
Bureau, in 2010 the completion rate of Ningxia is less than 66.2 %. It is lower
than 80.1 %, on average nationwide. It is even lower than the 71.4 % average of
China’s western region. Of the six indicators monitored for a moderately pros-
perous society, resources and environment severely drag Ningxia’s heel (see
Table 1.5).
Ningxia should use the ecological migration as a breakthrough point and make
great efforts to improve environmental conditions. In the meanwhile, through the
ecological migration, it could stimulate economic development, enhance social
harmony and improve quality of life. Therefore, it should handle migration from
the perspective of coordinating the cities and countryside and building a mod-
erately prosperous society in all respects. The problem of migration cannot be
solved by restricting it to migration alone. The government must combine the
migration strategy with overall development strategy of Ningxia. Therefore, atten-
tion must be paid to the following aspects in the process of new migration.
1. The migration should be integrated with the construction of an economic center
of Yinchuan and the construction of new types of urbanization. Up until now,
the staple industry for migrants is still agriculture. Large quantities of people
are confined to agriculture. This will not only give rise to new environmental
problems such as shortage of water supply and salinization of land, but also
restrain the potential of the migrants to increase their income. In order to have
migrants blend into the new society in the settlement area and contribute to the
economic growth of Ningxia, it is necessary to create more jobs in non-agri-
cultural sectors. To increase jobs in non-agricultural sectors, it is imperative to
develop the second and tertiary industries and to change the structure of indus-
try. Especially, some relevant industrial policy must be issued to support the
development of labor intensive industry, so that more jobs for migrants would
be created.
Table 1.5 Moderately prosperous society index for Ningxia

Nationwide (%) Ningxia (%)
Building a moderately prosperous society in all respects 80.1 66.2
Economic development 76.1 61.7
Social harmony 82.5 70.0
Quality of life 86.4 73.2
Democracy and rule of law 93.6 88.4
Culture and education 68.0 58.7
Resources and environment 78.2 49.7
Source Pan Fan, editor-in-chief, 2011, Monitor report on building a moderately prosperous soci-
ety in all respects in China (2011), Social Sciences Academic Press (China)
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
constituted the only defences of the town of Kuching, and which, as
no enemy was suspected to exist in the country, were seldom
guarded by above four men each; but Mr. Crookshank, who was
then administering the government, took the precaution to man them
with an efficient garrison, as it was said that during one of their
periodical religious feasts, several hundred men were to collect
quietly, and make a rush for the defences which contained the
arsenal. On Sir James Brooke’s return, however, strict inquiries were
instituted, but nothing could be discovered to implicate the gold
company in a plot, and it appeared unlikely they would attempt it
during the absence of the ruler who could have so soon revenged it.
On the 18th of February, the chiefs of the gold company
assembled about 600 of their workmen at Bau, and placing all the
available weapons in their hands, marched them down to their chief
landing-place at Tundong, where a squadron of their large cargo
boats was assembled. It is generally reported that, until they actually
began to descend the stream, none but the heads of the movement
knew the object, the men having been informed that they were to
attack a Dayak village in Sambas, where some of their countrymen
had lately been killed.
During their slow passage down the river, a Malay who was
accustomed to trade with them, overtook them in a canoe, and
actually induced them to permit him to pass, under the plea that his
wife and children lived at a place called Batu Kawa, eight miles
above the town, and would be frightened if they heard so many men
passing, and he not there to reassure them; he pulled down as fast
as he could till he reached the town of Kuching, and going straight to
his relative, a Malay trader of the name of Gapur, who was a
trustworthy and brave man, told him the story, but he said, “Don’t go
and tell the chiefs or the rajah such a tissue of absurdities;” yet he
went himself over to the bandhar and informed him; but the datu’s
answer was, “The rajah is unwell, we have heard similar reports for
the last twenty years; don’t go and bother him about it; I will tell him
what your relative says in the morning.” This great security was
caused by the universal belief that the Chinese could not commit so
great a folly as to attempt to seize the government of the country, as
they did not number above 4,000, while, at that time, the Malays and
Dayaks, within the Sarawak territories, amounted to 200,000.
But at midnight the squadron of Chinese boats pulled silently
through the town, and dividing into two bodies, the smaller number
entered Suñgei Bedil, the little stream above the government house,
while the larger continued its course to the landing-place of the fort,
to endeavour to surprise the houses of Mr. Crookshank, the police
magistrate, and Mr. Middleton, the constable, while a large party was
told off to attack the stockades. The government house was situated
on a little grassy hill, surrounded by small, but pretty cottages, in
which visitors were lodged. The Chinese landing on the banks of the
stream just above a house in which I used to reside, marched to the
attack in a body of about a hundred, and passing by an upper
cottage, made an assault on the front and back of the long
government house, the sole inhabitants of which were the rajah and
a European servant. They did not surround the house, as their
trembling hearts made them fear to separate into small bodies,
because the opinion was rife among them that the rajah was a man
brave, active, skilled in the use of weapons, and not to be overcome
except by means of numbers.
Roused from his slumbers by the unusual sounds of shouts and
yells at midnight, the rajah looked out of the venetian windows, and
immediately conjectured what had occurred: several times he raised
his revolver to fire in among them, but convinced that alone he could
not defend the house, he determined to effect his escape. He
supposed that men engaged in so desperate an affair would
naturally take every precaution to insure its success, and concluded
that bodies of the insurgents were silently watching the ends of the
house; so summoning his servant, he led the way down to a bath-
room, which communicated with the lawn, and telling him to open the
door quickly, and then follow closely, the rajah sprang forth with
sword drawn, and pistol cocked, but found the coast clear. Had there
been twenty Chinese there, he would have passed through them, as
his quickness and practical skill in the use of weapons are not, I
believe, to be surpassed. Reaching the banks of the stream above
his house, he found the Chinese boats there, but diving under the
bows of one, he reached the opposite shore unperceived, and as he
was then suffering from an attack of fever and ague, fell utterly
exhausted, and lay for some time on the muddy bank, till slightly
recovering he was enabled to reach the government writer’s house.
An amiable and promising young officer, Mr. Nicholets, who had but
just arrived from an out-station on a visit, and lodged in the upper
cottage, was startled by the sound of the attack, and rushing forth to
reach the chief house, was slain by the Chinese; while Mr. Steel,
who was there likewise on a visit, and Sir James’s servant, escaped
to the jungle.
The other attacks took place nearly simultaneously, Mr. and Mrs.
Crookshank rushing forth, on hearing this midnight alarm, were cut
down, the latter left for dead, the former severely wounded. The
constable’s house was attacked, but he and his wife escaped, while
their two children and an English lodger were killed by the
insurgents.
The forts, however, were not surprised; the Chinese, waiting for
the signal of attack on the houses, were perceived by the sentinel,
and he immediately aroused Mr. Crymble, who resided in the
stockade, which contained the arsenal and the prison. He
endeavoured to make some preparations for defence, although he
had but four Malays with him. He had scarcely time, however, to load
a six-pounder field-piece, and get his own rifle ready, before the
Chinese, with loud shouts, rushed to the assault. They were led by a
man bearing in either hand a flaming torch. Mr. Crymble waited till
they were within forty yards; he then fired and killed the man, who,
by the light he bore, made himself conspicuous, and before the
crowd recovered from the confusion in which they were thrown by
the fall of their leader, discharged among them the six-pounder
loaded with grape, which made the assailants retire behind the
neighbouring houses or hide in the outer ditches. But with four men
little could be done, and some of the rebels having quietly crossed
the inner ditch, commenced removing the planks which constituted
the only defence. To add to the difficulty, they threw over into the
inner court little iron tripods, with flaming torches attached, which
rendered it as light as day, while all around was shrouded in
darkness.
To increase the number of defenders, Mr. Crymble released two
Malay prisoners, one a madman, who had killed his wife, the other a
debtor. The latter quickly disappeared, while the former, regardless
of the shot flying around, stood to the post assigned him, opposite a
plank which the Chinese were trying to remove; he had orders to fire
his carbine at the first person who appeared, and when, the plank
giving way, a man attempted to force his body through, he pulled the
trigger without lowering the muzzle of his carbine and sent the ball
through his own brains. Mr. Crymble now found it useless to prolong
the struggle, as one of his four men was killed, and another, a brave
Malay corporal, was shot down at his side. The wounded man
begged Mr. Crymble to fly and leave him there, but asked him to
shake hands with him first, and tell him whether he had not done his
duty; but the Englishman seized him by the arm and attempted to
drag him up the stairs leading to the dwelling-house over the gate,
but the Chinese had already gained the court-yard, and pursuing
drove their spears through the wounded man, and Mr. Crymble was
forced to let go his hold, and with a brave follower, Duud, swung
himself down into the ditch below. Some of the rebels seeing their
attempted escape, tried to stop Mr. Crymble, and a man stabbed at
him, but only glanced his thick frieze coat, and received in return a
cut across the face from the Englishman’s cutlass, which, if he be
still alive, will be a remembrance to carry to the grave.
The other stockade, though it had but a corporal’s watch of three
Malays, did not surrender, until finding that every other place was in
the hands of the Chinese, the brave defenders opened the gates,
and charging the crowd of rebels, sword in hand, made their escape,
though they were all severely wounded in the attempt.
The confusion which reigned throughout the rest of the town may
be imagined, as startled by the shouts and yells of the Chinese the
inhabitants rushed to the doors and windows, and beheld night
turned into day by the bright flames that rose in three directions,
where the extensive European houses were burning at the same
time.
It was at first very naturally thought that the Chinese contemplated
a general massacre of the Europeans, but messengers were soon
despatched to them by the kunsi, to say that nothing was further
from their intention than to interfere with those who were
unconnected with the Government.
The rajah had as soon as possible proceeded to the datu
bandhar’s house, and being quickly joined by his English officers,
endeavoured to organize a force to surprise the victorious Chinese,
but it was impossible; no sooner did he collect a few men, than their
wives and children surrounded them, and refused to be left, and
being without proper arms or ammunition, it was but a panic-stricken
mob; so he instantly took his determination, with that decision which
has been the foundation of his success, and giving up the idea of an
immediate attack, advised the removal of the women and children to
the left-hand bank of the river, where they would be safe from a land
attack of the Chinese, who could now make their way along the right-
hand bank by a road at the back of the town.
This removal was accomplished by the morning, when the party of
English under the rajah walked over to the little river of Siol, which
falls into the Santubong branch of the Sarawak, where obtaining
canoes, they started for the Samarahan river, intending to proceed to
the Batang Lupar to organize an expedition from the well-supplied
forts there. At the mouth of the Siol, the rajah found the war boat of
abang Buyong with sixty men waiting for him, which was soon joined
by six others, though smaller; as no sooner did the Malays of the
neighbouring villages hear that the rajah was at Siol, than they
began flocking to him. He now started for the Samarahan, and
rested at the little village of Sabang, and to the honour of the Malay
character, I must add that during the height of his power and
prosperity, never did he receive so much sympathy, tender attention,
and delicate generosity, as now when a defeated fugitive. They vied
with each other, as to who should supply him and his party with
clothes and food, since they had lost all, and if to know that he was
enshrined in the hearts of the people was any consolation to him in
his misfortunes, he had ample proofs of it then.
When morning broke in Kuching, there was a scene of the wildest
confusion; the 600 rebels, joined by the vagabonds of the town, half
stupefied with opium, were wandering about discharging their
muskets loaded with ball cartridge in every direction; but at eight
o’clock the chiefs of the gold company sent a message to the bishop
of Labuan, requesting him to come down and attend the wounded.
He did so, and found thirty-two stretched out, the principal being
from gun-shot wounds; but among them he noticed one with a gash
across his face from the last blow Mr. Crymble had struck at the
rebels, and before his arrival they had buried five of their
companions.
It was evident that in the intoxication of victory the Chinese aimed
now, if not before, at the complete government of the country, and
summoned the bishop of Labuan, Mr. Helms, Mr. Ruppell, and the
datu bandhar to appear at the court-house; the English were obliged
to attend the summons, and the last came with great reluctance, and
contrary to the advice of his energetic brother, but it was thought
expedient to gain time.
The Chinese chiefs even in their most extravagant moments of
exultation, were in great fear that on their return the Malays might
attack their crowded boats, and destroy them, as on the water they
felt their great inferiority to their maritime enemies.
It must have been an offensive sight to the English and the
Malays to witness the arrangement of the court-house: in the rajah’s
seat sat the chief of the kunsi, supported on either side by the writers
or secretaries, while the now apparently subdued sections took their
places on the side benches. The Chinese chief issued his orders,
which were that Mr. Helms and Mr. Ruppell should undertake to rule
the foreign portion of the town, and that the datu bandhar should
manage the Malays, while the kunsi as supreme rulers should
superintend the whole, and govern the up country.
Everything now appeared to be arranged, when it was suggested
that perhaps Mr. Johnson might not quite approve of the conduct of
the Chinese in murdering his uncle and his friends; for the rajah at
that moment was supposed to be dead, and the head of Mr.
Nicholets was shown as the proof. At the mention of Mr. Johnson’s
name there was a pause, a blankness came over all their faces, and
they looked at each other, as they now remembered apparently for
the first time that he, the rajah’s nephew, was the governor of the
Sea Dayaks, and could let loose at least 10,000 wild warriors upon
them. At last it was suggested, after an animated discussion, that a
letter should be sent to him, requesting him to confine himself to his
own government, and then they would not attempt to interfere with
him.
The Chinese were very anxious to have matters settled, as with
all their boasts they did not feel quite comfortable, and were anxious
to secure the plunder they had obtained. They now called upon the
gentlemen and the Malay chiefs present to swear fidelity to the
kunsi, and under the fear of death they were obliged to go through
the Chinese formula of taking oaths by killing fowls. Next day the
rebels retired up country unmolested by the Malays, and a meeting
was at once held at the datu bandhar’s house to discuss future
proceedings; at first no one spoke, there was a gloom over the
assembly, as the mass of the population was deserting the town,
carrying off their women and children to Samarahan as a place of
safety, when abang Patah, son to the datu tumanggong, addressed
the assembly. He was a sturdy man, with a pleasant, cheerful
countenance, and a warm friend to English rule, and his first words
were,—“Are we going to submit to be governed by Chinese chiefs, or
are we to remain faithful to our rajah? I am a man of few words, and I
say I will never be governed by any but him, and to-night I
commence war to the knife against his enemies.”
This was the unanimous determination of the assembly, but they
were divided as to the course to be pursued. Patah, however, cut the
knot of the difficulty by manning a light canoe with a dozen Malays,
and proceeding at once up the river, attacked and captured a
Chinese boat, killing five of its defenders. In the meantime the
women and children were all removed from the town, and some
boats were armed and manned, but imperfectly, as the Chinese had
taken away the contents of the arsenal, and the principal portion of
the crews were engaged in conveying the fugitives to Samarahan.
Patah’s bold act was well-meaning, but perhaps premature, as the
Malays, being scattered, could not organize a resistance, and urgent
entreaties were made to the rajah by well-meaning but injudicious
friends, to return and head this movement. He complied, though he
knew its futility, and arrived at Kuching to find the rest of the English
flying, the town in the hands of the Chinese, and smoke rising in
every direction from the burning Malay houses. It appeared when the
news reached the Chinese that the Malays were preparing for
resistance, they determined to return immediately and attack them
before their preparations were completed. They divided their forces
into two portions, as they were now recruited by several hundreds
from the other gold workings, and had forced all the agriculturists at
Sungei Tañgah to join them; in fact, their great cargo boats would not
hold their numbers, so one-half marched down the road leading from
the fields I have mentioned, near the little hill of Stapok, while the
rest came by river.
As soon as the Malays saw the Chinese boats rounding the point,
they boldly dashed at them, forced them to the river’s banks, drove
out the crews, and triumphantly captured ten of the largest. The
Chinese, better armed, kept up a hot fire from the rising ground, and
killed several of the best men among the Malays, among others
abang Gapur, whose disbelief in his kinsman’s story enabled the
rebels to surprise the town, and who to his last breath bewailed his
fatal mistake; and one who was equally to be regretted, our old
follower Kasim, whom I have so often mentioned in the earlier
chapters. The latter lingered long enough to see the rajah again
triumphant, and said he died happy in knowing it. It was he who,
though a good Mahomedan, and without knowing he was a
plagiarist, used to say,—“I would rather be in hell with the English,
than in heaven with you, my own countrymen.” Notwithstanding their
losses, the Malays towed away the boats, fortunately laden with
some of the most valuable booty, and secured them to a large
trading prahu anchored in the centre of the river. Having thus
captured also some better arms and ammunition, they kept up a fire
on their enemies who lined the banks.
In the meantime the rajah arrived opposite the Chinese quarter,
and found a complete panic prevailing, and all those who had
preceded him flying in every direction; having vainly endeavoured to
restore a little order, he returned to carry out his original intention. He
joined the fugitives farther down the river, and having sent off the
ladies and the wounded to the secure fort of Lingga, under the care
of the bishop and as many Englishmen as he could spare, he
prepared on the following day to take the same route, in order to
obtain a base of operations, and a secure spot to rally the people
and await a fresh supply of arms. It was sad to think of the mischief
which might happen during this period of enforced inaction,
particularly as the datu bandhar and a chosen band were still in
Kuching anchored in the centre of the river, and making attacks
whenever they saw a chance. The Chinese were dragging up heavy
guns, and it was evident the Malays could not hold for many days,
and there was now nothing to defend, as the flames reddened the
horizon and the increasing volumes of smoke told the tale too well
that the town was being destroyed.
With feelings of the most acute distress these few Englishmen,
under their brave leader, put out to sea to bear away eastward; when
a cry arose among the men, “Smoke, smoke, it is a steamer!” and
sure enough there was a dark column rising in the air from a three-
masted vessel; for a moment it was uncertain which course she was
steering, but presently they distinguished her flag; it was the Sir
James Brooke, the Borneo company’s steamer, standing right in for
the Muaratabas entrance of the Sarawak River. The crew of the
rajah’s boat with shouts gave way, and the prahu was urged along
with all the power of their oars, to find the vessel anchored just within
the mouth.
Here, indeed, was a base of operations; the rajah felt the country
was saved. The native boats were taken in tow, and the
reinforcements of Dayaks, who were already arriving, followed up
with eager speed. What were the feelings of the Chinese when they
saw the smoke, then the steamer, it is not necessary to conjecture;
they fired one wild volley from every available gun and musket; but
the balls fell harmlessly; and when the English guns opened on
them, they fled panic-stricken, pursued by the rejoicing Malays and
Dayaks.
Early that morning a large party of Chinese had crossed from the
right to the left bank to burn the half of the town which had previously
escaped; but though they succeeded in destroying the greater
portion, they signed their own death warrant, as the Malays, now
resuming the offensive, seized the remainder of their boats, and the
relentless Dayaks pursued them through the forests. Not one of that
party could have escaped; some wandered long in the forests and
died of starvation, others were found hanging to the boughs of trees,
preferring death by suicide to the lingering torments of hunger. All
these bodies were afterwards found, and the natives said on every
one of them were from five to twenty pounds sterling in cash, silver
spoons or forks, or other valuables, the plunder of the English
houses.
Thus was the capital recovered; the Chinese on the right bank all
fled by the road, and thence retired up to the fort of Biledah, opposite
the town of Siniawan. The Land Dayaks were all ready assembled
under their different chiefs, and these without one exception stood
faithful to the government, and now rushed in every direction on the
Chinese, driving them from their villages, and compelling them to
assemble and defend two spots only, Siniawan and Bau, with the
landing places of the latter. The smoke rising in every direction
showed them that the loss they had inflicted on others was now
retaliated on them. The kunsi had in their blind confidence made no
preparations for an evil day, and it was well known that their stock of
food was small, as everything had been destroyed except their own
stores at Tundong, Bau, and a little at Siniawan, and they were
required to supply all those whom they had forced to join them from
the town and the whole agricultural population.
The harassing life they led must soon have worn them out without
any attacks, as they could no longer pursue their ordinary
occupations, or even fetch firewood or water without a strong armed
party, as the Dayaks hung about their houses and infested every
spot. It soon became a question of food, and they found they must
either obtain it, or retire across the border into Sambas. They
therefore collected all their boats and made a foray of eight miles
down the river to Ledah Tanah, and there threw up a stockade, in
which they placed a garrison of 250 of their picked men, under two of
their most trusted leaders. They put also four guns in position to
sweep the river, and these Chinese had the best of the government
carbines and rifles there. They also sacked a few of the Dayak
farmhouses, and one party made a bold attempt to reach the rajah’s
cottage at Peninjau, to which I have referred in my chapter on the
Dayaks of the right-hand branch.
But the villagers of Sirambau, Bombok, and Peninjau assembled
in force, threw up stockades across the steep path, and successfully
defended it against the assailants, who were driven back and
pursued with loss. To check the Chinese and afford assistance to the
Land Dayaks, the rajah sent up the datu bandhar and a small but
select force to wait his arrival below the Chinese stockade, but the
gallant bandhar, on being joined by the datu tumanggong and abang
Buyong, and a few Sakarang Dayaks, dashed at the fort, surprised
the garrison at dinner, and carried it without the loss of a man; the
Chinese threw away their arms and fled into the jungle, to be
pursued by the Sakarang Dayaks; stockade, guns, stores, and
boats, all were captured, and, what was of equal importance, the two
principal instigators of the rebellion were killed.
As soon as a few of the fugitives reached the fort at Beledah a
panic seized the Chinese, and they fled to Bau, where they made
preparations to retire into Sambas. The rajah, who was hurrying up
to the support of the bandhar, hearing of his success, despatched
Mr. Johnson with the light division to harass the enemy, and the
advance parties of his Sea Dayaks were on them immediately, but
the Chinese being well provided with fire-arms were enabled to retire
in tolerable order, from a few miles beyond Bau to the foot of the
Gombang range, along the good path which, as I have before
mentioned, they had constructed; but every now and then the active
Dayaks made a rush from the thick brushwood which borders the
path, and spread confusion and dismay, but the Chinese had every
motive to act a manly part, as they had to defend above a thousand
of their women and children who encumbered their disastrous flight.
At the foot of the steep hill of Gombang they made a halt, for the
usual path was found to be well stockaded, and a resolute body of
Malays and Dayaks were there to dispute the way. It was a fearful
position; behind them the pursuers were gathering in increasing
strength, and unless they forced this passage within an hour they
must all die or surrender. At last some one, it is said a Sambas
Malay, suggested that there was an upper path, which, though very
steep, was yet practicable; this was undefended, and the fugitives
made towards it.
The Sarawak Malays and Dayaks, too late seeing their error in
neglecting to fortify this also, rushed up the edge of the hill, and
drove back the foremost Chinese; their danger was extreme; at that
moment, as if by inspiration, all the young Chinese girls rushed to
the front and encouraged the men to advance, which they again did,
and cheered by the voices of these brave girls who followed them
close, clapping their hands, and calling to them by name to fight
bravely, they won the brow of the hill, and cleared the path of their
less numerous foes. They were but just in time, as the pursuers were
pressing hotly on the rearguard, and the occasional volley of
musketry told them that the well-armed Malays were upon them; but
they were now comparatively safe, as they soon cleared the
Sarawak borders, and, although a few pursued them, the main body
of the Malays and Dayaks halted on the Gombang range.
The miserable fugitives, reduced to two thousand, of whom above
a half were women and children, sat down among the houses of the
village of Sidin, and many of them it is said wept not only for the loss
of friends and goods they had suffered from the insensate ambition
of the kunsi, but that they must give up all hope of ever returning to
their old peaceful homes. The kunsi, which on the night of the
surprise had numbered six hundred men, were now reduced to a
band of about a hundred, but these kept well together, and were
better armed than the others, and formed the principal guard of the
Taipekong, or sacred stone, which they had through all their
disasters preserved inviolate.
Several times the assailants, who mistook it for the gold chest,
had nearly captured it, but on the cry being raised that the Taipekong
was in peril, the men gathered round and carried it securely through
all danger. But here at Sidin, all immediate apprehension being over,
the discontent of those who had been forced to join the rebels burst
forth without control, so that from words they soon came to blows,
and the small band of the kunsi’s men was again reduced by thirty or
forty from the anger of their countrymen. Continuing their disorderly
retreat, they were met by the officers of the Dutch government, who
very properly took from them all their plunder and arms, and being
uncertain which was their own property, erred on the safe side by
stripping them of everything. Thus terminated the most absurd and
causeless rebellion that ever occurred, which, during its continuance,
displayed every phase of Chinese character: arrogance, secrecy,
combination, an utter incapability of looking to the consequences of
events or actions, and a belief in their own power and courage,
which every event belied. The Chinese never have fought even
decently, and yet till the very moment of trial comes they act as if
they were invincible.
I think this insurrection shows that though the Chinese require
watching, they are not in any way formidable as an enemy, and it
also proves how firmly the Sarawak government is rooted in the
hearts of the people, since in the darkest hour there was no whisper
of infidelity. Had the Chinese been five times as numerous, there
were forces in the background which would have destroyed them all.
Before the Chinese had fled across the border thousands of Seribas
and Sakarang Dayaks had arrived, and the people of Sadong were
marching overland to attack them in rear, while the distant out
stations were mustering strong forces, which arrived only to find all
danger past.
I almost believe it was worth all the disaster to show how uniform
kindness and generous consideration are appreciated by the Malays
and Dayaks, and how firmly they may become attached to a
government which, besides having their true interests at heart,
encourages and requires all its officers to treat them as equals. The
conduct of the Malay fortmen, of Kasim and Gapur, the generous
enthusiasm of abang Fatah, and the gallant rush at the Ledah Tanah
stockade by the bandhar and his forces, show what the rajah has
effected during his tenure of power. He has raised the character of
the Malay, and turned a lawless race into some of the best
conducted people in the world.
I must add that the results of the Chinese insurrection were very
curious in a financial point of view; though above three thousand five
hundred men were killed or driven from the country, yet the revenue
rose instead of falling, which proves what an extensive system of
smuggling had been carried on. The breaking up of the kunsi was
felt by all the natives as a great relief; and if the Chinese were to
increase to ten times their former numbers, there would not be the
slightest danger if ordinary precautions were taken, and if there were
stringent rules well carried out to prevent them either forming
extensive companies, or proper measures pursued to crush all
attempts at banding themselves into secret societies.
The Dutch authorities who formerly suffered so much from that
very formidable association, the great gold kunsi of Montrado, are
now free from all anxiety, as they no longer permit the Chinese to
form companies more numerous than may prove sufficient to
develop a single working, and the same system is at present
pursued in Sarawak. It is not at all surprising that those Chinese who
were forced to join in the insurrection under threats of the vengeance
of the kunsi, should look back with regret to the quiet days they
spent whilst cultivating the fertile soil around Stapok or Suñgei
Tañgah, and should now petition for permission to return to Sarawak,
which they do. However, the regulation I have before mentioned as
in force in the Sambas territories, prevents their leaving, as they
cannot readily gather together the six pounds sterling necessary, and
if they remove they like to do so in a body, but small parties of
fugitives occasionally arrive. It is worthy of remark, that a few days
after the insurrection, boats full of armed Chinese arrived from
Sambas to inquire whether Sarawak were not now in the hands of
their countrymen, and were proceeding up to join them, but were
easily driven back and destroyed by the Malays, who, in a cause
which they have at heart, are more than a match for treble their
number of Chinese.
The Dutch authorities hearing of the rebellion in Sarawak sent
round a steamer with a party of soldiers to the assistance of the
authorities, but fortunately by that time all danger was passed, and
as soon as possible after the receipt of the news, Sir William Hoste,
who has always shown so intelligent an interest in Bornean affairs,
sailed for Sarawak in H. M. S. Spartan.
The news of the insurrection reached me after a very long delay,
as the first intimation I had of it was through a letter from Mr. Ruppell,
dated Singapore, as he had left Sarawak after the failure of the
Sunday attack, and I was kept in suspense for above a week, when
a more rapid sailing-vessel brought me the news that Sir James
Brooke had triumphed.
I went down to Sarawak by the first opportunity, and reached it in
July, to find everything proceeding apparently as if no insurrection
had occurred. Though the Malay town had been burnt down, yet the
inhabitants had soon recovered their energy, and had built their
houses again, which, though not so substantial as the former ones,
still looked very neat. Some things were missed in the landscape,
and the handsome government house with its magnificent library,
had disappeared; Mr. Crookshank’s and Mr. Middleton’s houses
were also gone, and, with the exception of the rajah, they were the
principal sufferers, as the Chinese had had no time to destroy either
the church or the mission-house, or the Borneo company’s premises,
and although they all suffered losses from pilferers, yet they were
comparatively trivial, when placed in comparison to that noble library,
which was once the pride of Sarawak.
I found, as I had expected, that the loss of worldly goods had had
little effect on the ruler of the country, who was as cheerful and
contented in his little comfortless cottage, as he had ever been in the
government house. His health, which before was not strong, had
been wonderfully improved by his great exertions to endeavour to
restore the country to its former state, and I never saw him more full
of bodily energy and mental vigour than during the two months I
spent at Sarawak in 1857. Everybody took their tone from their
leader, and there were no useless regrets over losses, and it was
amusing to hear the congratulations of the Malay chiefs, “Ah, Mr. St.
John, you were born under a fortunate star to leave Sarawak just
before the evil days came upon us.” Then they would laughingly
recount the personal incidents which had occurred to themselves,
and tell with great amusement the shifts they were put to for want of
every household necessary. There was a cheerfulness and a hope in
the future which promised well for the country.
There is at the present time a branch of the Tien Ti Hué,
established in our colony of Labuan, and last August its meeting-
house was discovered in the depths of the forest, but none of its
members were caught unlawfully assembling, though all its chief
officers are well known to the police, and as Labuan is a penal
settlement for Chinese convicts, the evil of permitting the secret
societies to continue is obvious.
The danger to be apprehended from the secret societies is that all
the members are banded together by the most solemn oaths, and
under the penalty of death, not to divulge one of its secrets, and to
aid and assist its members under every circumstance; to bear no
witness against them, whatever may be their crimes, to shield
fugitives from the laws of the country, and lastly to carry out the
orders of their chiefs, whatever may be the consequences. In
Singapore murdered men were formerly often found with the mark of
the secret societies upon them, and the ordinary operations of the
law are insufficient to meet these cases. In fact, when any of their
members are brought to trial, the wealth of these great societies is
sufficient to enable them to engage the services of the best
advocates, and to bribe most of the witnesses, and the Singapore
government has been thwarted in its efforts to put down the secret
societies, and to prevent pirate junks arming in the harbours, by the
technicalities of judges totally unacquainted with the condition of
eastern society, and by the perseverance of some of the lawyers
there, who consider it right to defend those curses to the country by
every means which are placed within their reach, by laws intended to
meet the requirements of a highly civilized people like the English,
and not a wild gathering from a hundred different countries, such as
is to be found in Singapore.
Not to interrupt the narrative, I have not before noticed that during
the height of the insurrection, when the rebels had only been driven
from the town a few days, news came that several hundred Chinese
fugitives from the Dutch territories had crossed the borders towards
the sources of the left-hand branch of the Sarawak, and were
seeking the protection of the Sarawak government. Though
harassed by incessant work, the rajah did not neglect their appeal,
but immediately despatched trustworthy men, who safely piloted
them through the excited Dayaks, who thought that every man who
“wore a tail” ought now to be put to death. No incident could better
illustrate the great influence possessed by the rajah over the Dayaks
and Malays, and his thoughtful care of the true interests of the
country, during even the most trying circumstances.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE MISSIONS: ROMAN CATHOLIC AND PROTESTANT.
Arrival of the Roman Catholic Mission in Labuan—Signor Cuarteron

its head—Curious reports—His real history—Finding the Treasure
—Turns Priest—Ostensible object of the Mission—Not attempted
—Ease with which Captives could escape—No Inclination to do
so—Turned Mahomedans—Return of Signor Cuarteron—
Courtesy of the Brunei Government—Intentions of the Italian
Priest—Model Village—The Italian Priests—The Churches—Old
Battery—Regret at the withdrawal of the Roman Catholic Mission
—Protestant Mission at Sarawak—Present Condition—
Comparative Failure—Partial Success at Lingga and Lundu—Mr.
Chalmers and the Land Dayaks—Causes of his Influence—
Mistake in establishing the Mission at Kuching—The Reasons—
Objectionable Position for Schools—Proper Position for the
Mission—Suitable spots—Waste of Funds in Boats and
Plantations—Deplorable Secession of Missionaries—Reasons to
account for it—Present Management faulty—Mr. Gomez in Lundu
—Christian Dayaks warn the Government—Missionaries always
welcome in Sarawak—Important political effect—The Church
should be among the Dayaks—Suitable Men for Missionaries—
What the Head of a Mission should be—What he too often is, and
should not be—Five Recommendations to increase Efficiency—
Unoccupied Room for a great Increase of the Number of
Missionaries—Method of distributing them—Personal Character
—Dayaks an interesting Race—A Tribe half Mahomedans half
Pagans—Use of eating Pork—Districts unoccupied—Position of
the Missionary in Sarawak—The Bornean Mission an important
one.
I will first notice the Roman Catholic, as it has proved of the least
importance; and perhaps I shall best explain its complete failure by
giving an account of its chief.
In the spring of the year 1857, a Roman Catholic mission arrived
at our colony of Labuan. Its principal, Signor Cuarteron, a Spaniard,
soon became an object of interest, from the various reports that were
spread respecting his previous life, and from its becoming generally
known that he was the possessor of great wealth acquired by
extraordinary means. Strange stories were soon afloat, which would
have done more credit to his adventurous spirit than to his honesty: it
was asserted—and with truth—that the Manilla government had
once set a price upon his head; and absurd whispers were abroad
that he had been concerned in the slave-trade, and in buccaneering
pursuits.
I have often heard him tell his own story, and it is a curious one.
He had noticed a ship loading treasure in Hongkong harbour, and
accidentally heard afterwards that a wreck had been seen on a
certain shoal in the China seas which answered the description of
the treasure ship: he went there and recovered a large amount of
silver. He took it to Hongkong, and ultimately, there being no
claimants, received the whole. Some of his enemies in Manilla took
offence at his not bringing it to his own port, and accused him of
having committed acts of piracy during the time he was engaged
trading in the isles farther east. He heard of this charge while
cruising in the Sulu seas, passing the necessary time before the
treasure would be adjudged to him. Distrusting colonial justice, and
to avoid pursuit, he burnt his vessel and escaped in a native boat.
After some months all charges were withdrawn, and he returned to
Europe, and presenting himself before the Pope, explained his
desire to found and manage a mission in Borneo. He was permitted
to do so, and remained in Rome some years, in order to study, and
after visiting Spain and Manilla, at last reached Labuan, with four
Italian priests, two destined for the Bornean mission. I need not
comment on the singularity of some parts of this history.
He placed one of the priests at Brunei, the other at Labuan, while
he himself commanded a station at Gaya Bay. His principal object in
establishing the mission was, he said, to recover from slavery those
poor Christian brethren who, having been captured by pirates, had
been sold on the north-west coast of Borneo. They are there
doubtless, but he never appears to have made a sensible effort to
free them. There are three hundred in Brunei, all of whom could
have been obtained at 7l. a head, but I never heard of his paying but
for one old woman. He used to threaten the Brunei authorities with

Ecological Migration Development and Transformation A Study of Migration and Poverty Reduction in Ningxia 1st Edition Peilin Li

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Ecological Migration Development and Transformation A Study of Migration and Poverty Reduction in Ningxia 1st Edition Peilin Li

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Ecological Migration Development and

Transformation A Study of Migration

Identifying Emerging Issues in Disaster Risk Reduction,

A Comparative Study of Korean Literature: Literary

Adjusting to a World in Motion: Trends in Global

The Road Map of China s Steel Industry Reduction

China s Domestic and International Migration

The Digital Transformation of the Public Sphere:

Migration Agriculture and Rural Development IMISCOE

Return Migration and Regional Development in Europe:

Sponsored by Innovation Project of CASS

ISBN 978-3-662-47365-8 ISBN 978-3-662-47366-5 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2015940422

Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London

Translation from the Chinese language edition: 生态移民与发展转型—宁夏移民与扶贫研究

Printed on acid-free paper

Springer-Verlag GmbH Berlin Heidelberg is part of Springer Science+Business Media

Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), China National Conditions Research

Beijing Weiguang Wang

1 Introduction: Poverty Reduction, Ecological Migration

2 The History and Present Condition of Ecological Migration

3 The Economic and Social Lives of the Ecological Migrants

4 The Social Relation of the Ecological Migrants in Ningxia

5 Social Management Problems Facing the Ningxia Ecological

6 Ningxia Ecological Migration and the Sustainable Development

7 Intra-county Migration in Ningxia—A Case Study of Pengyang

8 Inter-county Migration in Ningxia: A Case Study of Heshun

9 The Policy Needs of Ecological Migrants in Ningxia

Peilin Li and Xiaoyi Wang

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2016 1

Ningxia”. Agricultural Modernization Studies. No. 4.

Fig 1.1 Destination and source regions of Ningxia’s migrants

Studies and Beifang University of Nationalities jointly conducted survey research

Table 1.1 Regional distribution of Ningxia migrants in 2012

1.1 Poor Natural Conditions Cause Historically Vicious

Southern Mountainous Region, 25. China Social Sciences Press.

1.2 Ecological Migration Effectively Promotes Poverty

Population migration is an effective means to break the cycle of environmental

Ningxia”. The Journal of Arid Land Resources and Environment, No. 4.

1.3 Problems Confronting Ecological Migrants

Resettlement successfully solves the problems of poverty and basic livelihood. To

1.4 Coordinating the Development of Cities and Rural

Migration is a systematic social engineering undertaking. It must be integrated

Table 1.5 Moderately prosperous society index for Ningxia

Arrival of the Roman Catholic Mission in Labuan—Signor Cuarteron

You might also like

1.1 Poor Natural Conditions Cause Historically Vicious

1.2 Ecological Migration Effectively Promotes Poverty

1.3 Problems Confronting Ecological Migrants

1.4 Coordinating the Development of Cities and Rural