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International Economic Association
Joseph E. Stiglitz
University Professor, Columbia University, USA
and
Martin Guzman
Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Columbia University Business School, USA, and
Associate Professor, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina
Selection, introduction and editorial matter © Joseph E. Stiglitz
and Martin Guzman 2016
Individual chapters ©Contributors 2016
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2016 978-1-137-52970-1
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this
publication may be made without written permission.
No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted
save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence
permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency,
Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS.
Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication
may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.
The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work
in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First published 2016 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN
Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited,
registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke,
Hampshire RG21 6XS.
Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s, Press LLC,
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.
Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies
and has companies and representatives throughout the world.
Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States,
the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries
ISBN 978-1-137-57937-9 ISBN 978-1-137-52971-8 (eBook)
DOI 10.1057/9781137529718
This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully
managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing
processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the
country of origin.
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Stiglitz, Joseph E., editor. | Guzman, Martin, 1982– editor.
Title: Contemporary issues in microeconomics / edited by Joseph E. Stiglitz,
Martin Guzman.
Description: New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. | Series: International
economic association | Includes index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015043549 |
Subjects: LCSH: Microeconomics. | BISAC: BUSINESS & ECONOMICS /
Economics / Microeconomics. | BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / Economics /
General. | BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / International / Economics.
Classification: LCC HB172 .C57296 2015 | DDC 338.5–dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015043549
Contents
Introduction 1
v
vi Contents
9 Income Contingent Loans for Social Policy: the Case of Paid Parental
Leave 159
Timothy Higgins
Index 194
List of Figures
vii
viii List of Figures
5.12 Ratio of median net worth at age 86–90 to age 65–69, by country 111
5.13 Components of net worth change, age 65 to 85 112
5.14 Expected mean medical expenses by health, median-income
singles 116
5.15 Expected mean medical expenses by income, good health singles 118
10.1 SLF Repayments for the debt of 200,000 Baht 171
10.2 Cohort default rates 171
10.3 Illustrating proportion of borrowers defaulting on student loans 174
10.4.1 Marginal revenue 175
10.4.2 Marginal cost curve 175
10.4.3 Steepness of cumulative density function 176
10.5 Trade-off between interest rate subsidies and expected loan
recovery 177
10.6 Expected loan recovery 178
10.7 Proportion of graduate non-wage earners 180
11.1 Conventional 15-year loan repayment by level of debt (in real
terms) 187
11.2 Conventional 20-year loan repayment by level of debt (in real
terms) 188
List of Tables
ix
Foreword
These essays were presented at the 17th World Congress of the International
Economic Association held in Jordan, June 6–10, 2014. It was organized in part-
nership with the Columbia Global Centres – Middle East (Amman) and with
generous support from a range of sponsors. The five-day program included five
plenary sessions, 24 invited sessions, 15 policy sessions and over 90 contributed
sessions, with over 600 people in attendance. The selection of papers in this vol-
ume gives a flavour of the range of issues that were discussed in the congress
sessions which brought together a group of established and younger scholars
from all over the world. The IEA is a fine example of international cooperation
in the discipline of economics. The success of the congress owed much to the
energy and commitment of the IEA President at the time, Joseph Stiglitz.
x
Notes on Contributors
Hamid E. Ali is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Public Pol-
icy and Administration at the American University in Cairo (AUC), and one of
the founders of public policy program and former Director of Master of Global
Affairs at AUC. Ali taught at Southern Methodist University and Texas State Uni-
versity. He was a researcher at US Government Accountability Office (GAO),
where he was a major contributor on various reports to congressional commit-
tees. Ali obtained his Ph.D. in Economics and Public Policy from the University
of Texas at Austin in 2004. He is the author of Darfur Political Economy: A Quest
for Development (2014).
xi
xii Notes on Contributors
concerning income contingent loans for over 25 years with respect to and in
around 25 countries.
Béatrice Halbach studied Economics and Asian Studies at the University of Texas
at Austin. Her main interest is in the role of emerging economies in global eco-
nomic development. She studies economic inequality as a Graduate Research
Assistant for the University of Texas Inequality Project, and is currently a Masters
student at the Lyndon. B. Johnson School of Public Affairs.
Sara Sami is an assistant vice president in Abu Dhabi Islamic Bank, where she
handles the foreign financial institutions investing in the Egyptian capital mar-
ket. Sara started her career as a Management Associate in Citibank and worked in
Frankfurt and London. She holds a Master’s in Public Policy from the American
University in Cairo.
Wenjie Zhang is a visiting junior scholar at the Luxembourg Income Study Cen-
ter. Previously, she was a researcher at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public
Affairs at The University of Texas at Austin. Her research primarily focuses on
the measurement and assessment of China’s pay inequality and its political and
social impacts on Chinese society during the transitional period.
Introduction
Martin Guzman
Columbia University Business School and University of Buenos Aires
Joseph E. Stiglitz
University Professor, Columbia University, USA
This volume presents a collection of essays presented at the 17th World Congress
of the International Economic Association held in Jordan, June 6–10, 2014 that
deal with contemporary issues in microeconomics. The volume includes theoret-
ical, empirical, and policy-oriented chapters based on the careful utilization of
theory and data analysis.
Part I focuses on the issues of inequality, poverty, and security.
In chapter 1, James K. Galbraith, Béatrice Halbach, Aleksandra Malinowska,
Amin Shams, and Wenjie Zhang contribute an important empirical study that
will surely be the basis of much empirical research on the issue of inequality.
They summarize a comprehensive revision and update the University of Texas
Inequality Project’s (UTIP) work on the inequality of pay and incomes around the
world, covering the years 1963 to 2008. The chapter also provides comparisons
of the Estimated Household Income Inequality (EHII) data set with a wide range
of measures and estimates drawn from other work. They show that EHII is a
reliable reflection of trends, and a reasonable, though not perfect, estimator of
the levels of inequality found in surveys.
In chapter 2, Gonzalo Hernández Licona tells the story of the Mexican expe-
rience of constructing and using a multidimensional poverty measurement, a
key tool in the Mexican Government’s strategy of reducing multidimensional
extreme poverty and hunger.
In chapter 3, Hamid E. Ali and Sara M. Sami investigate to what extent edu-
cation for girls and child labor affect economic inequality in the Middle East
and North Africa (MENA) region. Among other important findings, they show
that gender inequality is one of the main factors behind the rising economic
inequality in the region.
In chapter 4, Sevil Acar investigates the implications of oil wealth for pay
inequality in the MENA countries that produce oil, for the period 1980–2008.
The chapter analyzes the trends in and determinants of the Theil index, which is
a measure of earnings inequality computed by the University of Texas Inequal-
ity Project (UTIP) utilizing industrial, regional and sectoral data. The results
1
2 Contemporary Issues in Microeconomics
reveal that oil revenues have not been seized as an opportunity to correct pay
inequalities in the region’s countries.
In chapter 5, Makoto Nakajima and Irina A. Telyukova provide new insights
on the so-called “retirement saving puzzle,” the phenomenon that many house-
holds in the U.S. have significant wealth late in life, contrary to the predictions
of a deterministic life-cycle model. They collect facts on cross-country differ-
ences in saving behavior of retirees, in order to see whether such cross-country
comparisons can help resolve the puzzle. First, they find that countries in the
sample vary noticeably in the extent of the puzzle: one group of countries, in
South and Central Europe, look like the US, while in another group, in Northern
Europe, retirees spend down their wealth much more rapidly. Second, they show
that in order to understand the rates of dissaving across countries, one needs to
understand differences in housing assets, as housing constitutes the majority of
wealth for a median retiree in many countries, and dissaving in housing is highly
correlated with overall dissaving.
Part II turns to the issue of income-contingent loans (ICL), where the repay-
ment in any year depends on the income of the individual in that year. These
loans have proved to be an especially effective way of financing higher educa-
tion, but there has been experimentation of the use of these loans in several
other areas.
In chapter 6, Joseph E. Stiglitz reviews the basic theory of income-contingent
loans, which can be viewed as a cross between an ordinary loan and equity.
Such loans have distinct advantages both in terms of risk management and
transactions costs.
In chapter 7, Bruce Chapman revisits a series of studies on the prospects for
income-contingent loans (ICL) in many areas of social and economic policy, to
illustrate the disparate nature of possibilities and to help set the scene for the
development of a broad ICL theoretical framework.
In chapter 8, Richard Denniss and Tom Swann elaborate on the notion of
“transactional efficiencies” earlier noted by Stiglitz, and argues that recent tech-
nological developments have increased opportunities for governments to benefit
economies of scope and scale by utilizing the information, administration and
debt collection assets associated with the tax and transfer systems of a developed
nation state to provide a wide range of low-cost loans to individuals. The chapter
considers the broader range of “contingent” loans and provides examples from
multiple countries where tax and transfer systems are already being effectively
used as a “bank” to provide such financial services. The chapter also argues the
transactional efficiencies of what he refers to as “administrative banking” are
welfare enhancing. The main barrier to making greater use of the low transac-
tion costs associated with “administrative banking” would be ideological rather
than economic.
Martin Guzman and Joseph E. Stiglitz 3
1.1 Introduction
7
8 Contemporary Issues in Microeconomics
and adjustments made – a daunting task considering that behind each Theil
value lies some 30 separate measures each of payroll and employment. These
issues were handled on a case-by-case basis, using judgment and common sense
to arrive at a set of “final revised values.” The end result was a data set with 4,054
country-year Theil values over, up from 3,554 in the previous version.
income inequality. This estimates the effect of all cash inflows (including, for
example, pensions) but not the effect of taxes.1 The purpose of EHII is compar-
ative. It is, above all, to populate a panel data set with as many conceptually
consistent inequality measures as available data would reasonably allow. The
new EHII panel has 3,871 estimates for 149 countries.
The next issue is the quality of the estimates. This is a question we had not pre-
viously addressed, beyond reporting the regression residuals that separated our
EHII estimates from the corresponding DS values. That procedure had provided
only the most limited comparison, since there were (and are) nearly ten times
as many EHII observations as there are overlapping EHII-DS values. We felt it
would be useful to attempt to place the EHII estimates in the context of the
broader literature on economic inequality.
The difficulty in going beyond those first comparisons with DS was: what
inequality measurements to pick? Our solution was to undertake a wide (if not
comprehensive) literature search for Gini coefficients of all types for a sequence
of countries, including some that are very well-studied, and others less so. Each
coefficient was tagged by the country and year to which it applied, by its source
document, and by the precise description of the type of inequality being mea-
sured. These types were then classed into three major groups by greyscale. Black
represented measures of “market income inequality.” Dark grey represented mea-
sures of gross income inequality, which would (in general) include pensions and
other forms of cash income. Light grey represented measures of inequalities of
disposable income, after transfers and taxes.2 We used solid lines to represent
measures of the household distribution, and dotted lines to represent measures
of the personal distribution. Dense measures (annual or nearly so) are repre-
sented by continuous lines; measures with only sparse representation over time
are represented by isolated markers. Against these measures taken from the liter-
ature, we plot the EHII estimate for gross household income inequality in a thick
black line.
Figures A1.1 through A1.15 in the first appendix represent a selection of devel-
oped and developing countries.3 The first, striking fact is the wide range of
inequality measurements in this data, even for developed countries. In a typ-
ical, well-studied case for a small, seemingly homogeneous country, Denmark
has a market income inequality estimated to be near 45 Gini points, and dis-
posable income inequality measured at some 25 Gini points lower than that.
Similar disparities appear for all of the other advanced social democracies, includ-
ing Germany, France and Canada, and for the United Kingdom and the United
States.
10 Contemporary Issues in Microeconomics
A casual narrative has sprung up around these numbers, to the effect that the
most advanced countries have very unequal “primary” distributions, offset by a
great deal of redistribution. But this is not correct. The UTIP-UNIDO series, which
measure the inequalities of pay, show the Nordic and North European cases to be
among the world’s most egalitarian in their primary structures. On short reflec-
tion, though, the paradox disappears. Very high inequalities in “market income”
in countries with advanced welfare states must stem from the existence of many
households with zero market income – and no need for it. Household formation
is endogenous to the social structure and available sources of income. In coun-
tries with strong public pensions, it is possible for many elderly couples and for
single adults of all ages to form households on non-market income. One has to
suppose that, in many cases, this is exactly what they do. Such households will
be far more scarce in countries where market income is necessary for life.
Data for two distinct additional groups of countries appear to support this
interpretation. For Russia, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, we have
inequality measures which show a narrower, yet still distinct, difference between
“market-income inequality” and disposable-income inequality. We also have a
class of inequality measures based on consumption surveys. A virtue of the EHII
measure is that – being based on a data set of industrial pay inequality that
is neither income nor consumption and that can be calculated across regions
(Europe, the Americas) that have predominantly income-based surveys as well
as regions (South Asia, Africa) where surveys are predominantly consumption-
based – EHII provides a bridge that permits reasonable calibration of these two
very different types of survey.
For the transition countries, a plausible interpretation of the evidence is that
the post-communist countries do not have welfare states as developed as those
in Northern Europe. On the other hand, they also do not have the inequalities of
pay associated with Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa, and other parts of what
used to be called the Third World. Having said this much, it also seems clear
that some reported measures or estimates of market income inequality are too
variable and too erratic to be taken very seriously as indications of changing
economic conditions.
Once outside the familiar data environments of the long-industrialized coun-
tries, matters become murkier, in part because there are fewer independent
sources of information. For Mexico, for instance, all inequality measures apart
from EHII stem from a single source, the Institute of Statistics, Geography and
Informatics (INEGI) survey of household incomes. There exists a wide range of
inequality measures for Mexico, but evidently they all merely reflect sampling,
definition and computational choices made on the same underlying data set.
A similar situation holds for Brazil. We also found that in many cases it was not
possible for us to distinguish clearly from the source articles4 whether the income
James K. Galbraith et al. 11
concept was gross or net. It is, nevertheless, significant that for these coun-
tries there is no distinct difference between market, gross and disposable income
inequality measures on average. The numbers reported in the published litera-
ture are an overlapping and indistinct jumble. We take this as general support for
the view that both market and disposable income inequalities are determined, in
part, by the social structures of the welfare state.
In almost all cases, the movement of the EHII estimates track the historical
pattern observed in other series reasonably well, which suggests – unsurprisingly
– that changing inter-industrial pay dispersion has a strong effect on household
income differentials. For a wide range of wealthy-country cases, the level of the
EHII estimates come in where we would have hoped: below the estimates of
“market income inequality,” above the measures of disposable income inequal-
ity, and close to the (relatively few in number) direct measures of gross income
inequality. We take both of these findings to be broad validation of the simple
model used to estimate EHII, though three classes of exception will be noted
below. The purpose of the EHII exercise was to take advantage of the dense and
consistent measures of industrial pay inequality in UTIP-UNIDO to construct a
panel of conceptually-consistent measures in a Gini coefficient format. Judging
against the broad literature of inequality measures, EHII appears to be well-suited
to this purpose.
A first important exception is the case of the United States. In the US, where
both sample surveys and tax records abound and are widely considered to be
reasonably accurate, EHII misses the great peaks of inequality that appeared in
the late 1990s and in the years before the great financial debacle of 2007. There
is no mystery as to the reason. Top incomes in the US are driven by capital asset
prices, either in the form of realized capital gains, stock options realizations,
financial commissions, or the wage/salary payout of venture capital investments
in high-technology firms. These fluctuate closely with the movement of the stock
market. EHII, on the other hand, depends wholly on the dispersion of pay in the
industrial economy, which is much more stable. Thus, the difference between
EHII and the reported measures of gross household income inequality in the US
can be taken as an indication of the extent to which capital market incomes drive
inequality in overall US incomes. This problem is largely limited to the US; few
other countries have a similar degree of dependence of incomes on the capital
markets or as accurate records of capital incomes.
The second big exception concerns some of the large emerging-market coun-
tries, including Mexico, Brazil and South Africa, and to a lesser degree Colombia,
among others. Here as elsewhere the EHII estimates track the trends found in
the survey literature well. But the values lie below measures of income inequal-
ity taken from household surveys. Some of this difference is impenetrable: when
there are only two independent sources of measurement, as with Mexico, and
they differ, the question of which one is “right” is impossible to resolve. We
12 Contemporary Issues in Microeconomics
have no reason to doubt the integrity of household surveys in any country. Yet
we also have no reason to know that the methods used in those surveys were
designed to give results consistent with those in other countries. Since there is
no international standard for the definition of income or the taking of surveys
– including for such sensitive issues as sampling the rich, the informal sector,
and top-coding, it’s quite possible that inequality values will diverge between
countries for reasons related to differing national methods, and that the EHII
approach generates the more-plausible basis for international comparisons.
That said, and on the other hand, it may be that the largest developing
countries have dimensions of inequality that smaller countries lack. Were Brazil
divided into two countries by the Amazon, or South Africa along racial lines, it’s
obvious that both resulting countries would be much more egalitarian than the
amalgam that actually exists. For India, however, the EHII estimates (51 Gini
points in 2006–7) are very close to the single data point for India reported by
the Luxembourg Income Studies in their first paper on Indian income inequal-
ity. These coefficients lie toward the high end of the EHII scale, and well
above the (very low, and plainly idiosyncratic) measures of Indian consumption-
expenditure inequality that have figured prominently in the literature until
recently, and that have sometimes conveyed a far more egalitarian picture of
India in international comparison than, we believe, a consistent conceptual
framework would warrant.
A third group of exceptions seems less significant. The EHII measures for Sub-
Saharan Africa are, generally, much lower than the available survey evidence
reports. However, for these countries the surveys themselves are extraordinarily
sparse. In most cases, there are just a small handful of available country-year
observations, scattered in time. What to make of them is a mystery to us, and
we do not know the economic history of post-colonial Sub-Saharan Africa well
enough to venture a view. Is Sub-Saharan Africa truly different from all other
regions in its degree of non-industrial inequality? Perhaps it is; or perhaps there
are idiosyncrasies in survey methods in the region.5 We like the EHII method – it
generates numerous useful estimates where previously there were very few – but
its application to every part of the world should not be pressed. We also note a
few cases, including Mexico, Brazil and China, where the EHII measures do not
have the same coverage in time as national surveys, or (in the case of China) our
own measures from the State Statistical Yearbook (Galbraith, Krytynskaia and
Wang 2004; Galbraith, Hsu and Zhang 2009; Zhang 2014).
1.5 Conclusion
over the same period. These new data sets have 4,054 and 3,872 country-year
observations, respectively, the former in a Theil format and the latter as a Gini
coefficient. They represent a careful reassessment of the original measures, the
addition of new data points where the requisite information is available, and a
re-estimate of the statistical model linking pay to income inequality. We believe
these measures are a useful complement to the (more accurate, but limited)
survey-based micro-data being made available through the Luxembourg Income
Studies, and to the measures of top incomes from tax records compiled (for a rel-
atively narrow group of countries) by Atkinson, Piketty and Saez (2011). We also
believe that these measures are a useful alternative to other efforts to compile
broad-based panel estimates of inequality. They are more internally consistent
than the comprehensive compilations of the World Bank and WIDER, and (we
believe) relatively free of the anomalous cases one observes in the Standardized
World Income Inequality Database (SWIID).6
Further we have conducted a quality review of the estimated gross income
inequality measures for 15 countries,7 which consists of a systematic comparison
of our estimates with others, of all different types, to be found in the published
literature. Our general conclusion is that EHII works very well in most cases
for the analysis of trends. It is close to survey-based measures as an estimate
of the level of gross income inequality for advanced and transition economies,
especially as a measure of the inequality of earned incomes. It does not capture
fluctuation in capital income at the top of the income structure, which is due
mainly to the flux of asset prices; on the other hand, there is no reason why it
should have, and this is mainly a problem in the US case. For the large developing
countries EHII is again an effective index of trends, but it should be treated with
caution as a measure of their relative position.
Legend
Calculation of UTIP-UNIDO
The UTIP-UNIDO data set is calculated by applying the formula for the between-
groups component of Theil’s T statistic to the industrial categories of the UNIDO
Industrial Statistics data base. Thus, for each industry, one has pi as the share of
that industry in total employment, and Yi /Y as the mean pay in that industry
divided by the mean pay in all of manufacturing. The “Theil element” is the
product:
64
62
60
58
Gini Coefficient
56
54
52
50
48
46
44
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
19 8
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
19 8
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
19 8
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
20 8
20 0
20 2
20 4
20 6
20 8
20 0
12
6
6
6
6
6
7
7
7
7
7
8
8
8
8
8
9
9
9
9
9
0
0
0
0
0
1
19
Year
39
37
35
33
31
29
27
25
23
21
19
60
62
64
66
68
70
72
74
76
78
80
82
84
86
88
90
92
94
96
98
00
02
04
06
08
10
12
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
Year
40
38
36
34
32
30
28
26
24
22
20
19 2
19 4
19 6
19 8
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
68
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
19 8
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
88
19 0
1992
94
1996
98
20 0
20 2
04
2006
08
10
12
5
5
5
5
6
6
6
6
7
7
7
7
7
8
8
8
8
0
0
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
20
Year
Now, thus you know what New-England is, as also with the
commodities and discommodities thereof: now I will shew you a little
of the Inhabitants thereof, and their gouernment.
For their Gouernors they haue Kings, which they call Saggamores,
some greater, and some lesser, according to the number of their
Subjects.
The greatest Saggamores about vs can not make aboue three
hundred Men, and other lesse Saggamores haue not aboue fifteene
Subjects, and others neere about vs but two.
Their Subjects aboue twelue yeares since were swept away by a
great & grieuous Plague that was amongst them, so that there are
verie few left to inhabite the Country.
The Indians are not able to make vse of the one fourth part of the
Land, neither haue they any setled places, as Townes to dwell in, nor
any ground as they challenge for their owne possession, but change
their habitation from place to place.
For their Statures, they are a tall and strong limmed People, their
colours are tawny, they goe naked, saue onely they are in part
couered with Beasts Skins on one of their shoulders, and weare
something before their priuities: their Haire is generally blacke, and
cut before like our Gentelewomen, and one locke longer then the
rest, much like to our Gentelmen, which fashion I thinke came from
hence into England.
For their weapons, they haue Bows and Arrowes, some of them
headed with Bone, and some with Brasse: I haue sent you some of
them for an example.
The Men for the most part liue idely, they doe nothing but hunt and
fish: their wiues set their Corne and doe all their other worke. They
haue little Houshold stuffe, as a kettle, and some other Vessels like
Trayes, Spoones, Dishes and Baskets.
Their Houses are verie little and homely, being made with small
Poles pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastned at the
tops, and on the sides they are matted with Boughes and couered on
the Roofe with Sedge and old Mats, and for their beds that they take
their rest on, they haue a Mat.
They doe generally professe to like well of our comming and
planting here; partly because there is abundance of ground that they
cannot possesse nor make vse of, and partly because our being
heere will bee a meanes both of reliefe to them when they want, and
also a defence from their Enemies, wherewith (I say) before this
Plantation began, they were often indangered.
For their religion, they doe worship two Gods, a good God and an
euill God: the good God they call Tantum, and their euill God whom
they feare will doe them hurt, they call Squantum.
For their dealing with vs, we neither feare them nor trust them, for
fourtie of our Musketeeres will driue fiue hundred of them out of the
Field. We vse them kindly, they will come into our Houses sometimes
by halfe a douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are at victuals,
but will aske or take nothing but what we giue them.
We purpose to learne their language as soone as we can, which
will be a meanes to do them good.
Apparell.
1 Monmoth Cap. 4 Paire of Shooes.
3 Falling bands. 2 Paire of Sheets.
3 Shirts. 7 Ells of Canuas to
1 Wast-coat. make a bed and
1 Suit of Canuase. boulster.
1 Suit of Frize. 1 Paire of Blankets.
1 Suit of Cloth. 1 Course Rug.
3 Paire of Stockings.
Armes.
1 Armor compleat. 1 Bandilier.
1 Long peece. 20 Pound of Powder.
1 Sword. 60 Pound of Lead.
1 Belt. 1 Pistoll and Goose shot.
Tooles.
1 Broad Howe. 1 Broad Axe.
1 Narrow Howe. 1 Felling Axe.
1 Steele Handsawe. 1 Gimblet.
1 Whipsawe. 1 Hatchet.
1 Hammer. 2 Frowes.
1 Shouell. 1 Hand-Bill.
1 Spade. 1 Grindstone.
2 Augres. 1 Pickaxe.
4 Chissels. Nayles of all sorts.
2 Percers stocked.
Houshold implements.
1 Iron pot. 1 Spit.
1 Kettel. Wooden Platters.
1 Frying pan. Dishes.
1 Gridiron. Spoons.
2 Skellets. Trenchers.
Spices.
Sugar. Cinnamon.
Pepper. Nutmegs.
Cloues. Fruit.
Mace.
Also there are diuers other things necessary to bee taken ouer to
this Plantation, as Bookes, Nets, Hookes and Lines, Cheese, Bacon,
Kine, Goats, &c.
The names of the most remarkable
places in New-England.
The old names. The new names.
Cape Cod. Cape Iames.
The Harbor of Cape Cod. Milford Hauen.
Chawum. Barwick.
Accomack. Plimouth.
Sagoquas. Oxford.
Massachusets Mount. Cheuit Hils.
Massachusets Riuer. Charles River.
Totan. Famouth.
A great Bay by Cape Anne. Bristow.
Cape Tragabig sanda. Cape Anne.
Naembeck. Bastable, so named by King
Charles: But by the new
Planters now called Salem.
Aggawom. Southampton.
Smiths Iles. Smiths Iles.
Passasaquack. Hull.
Accominticus. Boston.
Sassanows Mount. Snowdon hill.
Sowocatuck. Ipswich.
Bahanna. Dartmouth.
A good Harbor within that Sandwich.
Bay.
Ancociscos Mount. Shuters hill.
Ancocisco. The Base.
Anmoughcawgen. Cambridge.
Kenebecka. Edenborow.
Sagadahock. Leth.
Pemmayquid. S. Iohns towne.
Segocket. Norwich.
Mecadacut. Dunbarton.
Pennobscot. Aberden.
Nusket. Low mounds.
Monahigan. Barties Iles.
Matinack. Willowbies Iles.
Metinacus. Haughtons Iles.
But whosoeuer desireth to know as much as yet can be discouered, I
aduise them to buy Captaine John Smiths booke of the description of
New-England in Folio; and reade from Fol. 203. to the end; and there
let the Reader expect to haue full content.
Finis.
SOME BRIEF COLLECTIONS
&c.
Some brief collections out of a
letter that Mr. Higginson sent to his friends
at Leicester.
THERE are certainly expected here the next spring the coming of
60 familyes out Dorcettershire,[5] who have by letters signified so
much to the Goverour to desyre him to appoint them places of
habitations they bringing their ministers with them. Also many
families are expected out of Lincolnshire[6] and a minister with them,
and a great company of godly Christians out of London. Such of you
as come from Leister, I would counsell you to come quickly and that
for two reasons. 1st, if you linger too long, the passages of Jordan
through the malice of Sathan, may be stopped, that you can not
come if you would. 2dly, Those that come first speed best here, and
have the priviledge of choosing choice places of habitations. Little
children of 5 years ould may by setting corne one month be able to
get their owne maintenance abundantly. Oh what a good worke
might you that are rich do for your poore brethren, to helpe them with
your purses onely to convey them hither with their children and
families, where they may live as well both for soule and body as any
where in the world. Besides they will recompense the cost by helping
to build houses and plant your ground for a tyme; which shall be
difficult worke at the first, except you have the helpe of many hands.
Mr. Johnson out of Lincolnshire and many others, have helped our
godly christians hither to be employed in their worke, for a while, and
then to live of themselves. We have here about 40 goats that give
milke, and as many milch kyne; we have 6 or 7 mares and an horse,
and do every day expect the coming of half a score mares more, and
30 Kyne by two shipps that are to follow us.[7] They that come let
them bring mares, kyne, and sheepe as many as they can: Ireland is
the best place to provide sheepe, and lyes in the way. Bring none
that are in lambe, nor mares in foale; for they are in more danger to
perish at sea. Of all trades carpenters are most needful, therefore
bring as many as you can. It were a wise course for those of abilityes
to joyne together and buy a shipp for the voyage and other
merchandize. For the governour would that any man may employ his
stocke in what merchandises he please, excepting only beaver
skins, which the company of merchants reserve to themselves, and
the managing of the publique stocke. If any be of the mynde to buy a
shipp my cousin Nowell’s[8] counsell would be good. Also one Mr.
[Beecher] a very godly man and the master of the ship we went in,
and likewise one Mr. Graves the master’s maite dwelling in Wapping
may herein staund you in stead. The payment of the transportation
of things is wondrous deare, as 5l a man and 10l a horse and
commonly 3l for every tunne of goodes: so that a little more than will
pay for the passage will purchase the possession of a ship for all
together.
No man hath or can have a house built for him here unlesse he
comes himselfe, or else send servants before to do it for him. It was
an errour that I now perceive both in myselfe, and others did
conceive by not rightly understanding the merchaunts meaning. For
we thought that all that put in their money into the common stocke;
should have a house built for them, besides such a portion of the
land; but it was not so. They shall indeed have so much land allotted
to them when they come to take possession of it and make use of it,
but if they will have houses they must build them. Indeed we that are
ministers, and all the rest that were entertained and sent over and
maintained by the rest of the company, as their servants, for such a
tyme in such employments, all such are to have houses built them of
the comyanies charge and no others nor otherwise. They that put
money into the stocke, as they do a good worke to helpe forwards so
worthy a plantation, so all the gayne they are likely to have, is
according to the increase of the stocke at 3 years end, by the trade
of beaver, besides the lands which they shall enjoy when they will.
All that come must have victualls with them for a twelve month, I
meane they must have meale, oatmeale and such like sustenaunce
of food, till they can gett increase of corne by their owne labour. For,
otherwise, so many may come without provision at the first, as that
our small beginnings may not be sufficient to maintayne them.
Before you come be carefull to be strongly instructed what things
are fittest to bring with you for your more comfortable passage at
sea, as also for your husbandrey occasions when you come to the
land. For when you are once parted with England you shall meete
neither with taverns nor alehouse, nor butchers, nor grosers, nor
apothecaries shops to helpp what things you need, in the midst of
the great ocean, nor when you are come to land here are yet neither
markets nor fayres to buy what you want. Therefore be sure to
furnish yourselves with things fitting to be had before you come; as
meale for bread, malt for drinke, woolen and linnen cloath, and
leather for shoes, and all manner of carpenters tools, and a good
deale of iron and steele to make nails, and lockes, for houses, and
furniture for ploughs and carts, and glasse for windowes, and many
other things which were better for you to think of them than to want
them here.
Whilst I was writing this letter my wiffe brought me word that the
fishers had caught 1600 basse at one draught, which if they were in
England were worth many a pound.
NOTES