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Knowledge Studies in Higher Education 5
Doctoral
Education for
the Knowledge
Society
Convergence or Divergence in National
Approaches?
Knowledge Studies in Higher Education
Volume 5
Series Editors
Professor Jung Cheol Shin, Seoul National University, South Korea
Dr. Hugo Horta, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China
Editorial Board
Prof. Dr. Ulrich Teichler, University of Kassel, Germany
Prof. Loet Leydesdorff, Amsterdam School of Communications Research,
The Netherlands
Prof. Simon Marginson, UCL Institute of Education, University College London,
UK
Prof. Keun Lee, Seoul National University, Korea
Prof. Gary Rhoades, University of Arizona, USA
Scope of the Series
Even though knowledge is the main content of teaching and universities are key
knowledge producers, scholars have only recently begun to actively explore research
on knowledge studies in higher education. As this field of study has grown, it has
increasingly overlapped with the research focus of other fields, namely research and
science policy, and information studies. However, these three fields have developed
independently with little interaction between them, causing our understanding of
knowledge to be limited, compartmented, and lacking a multidimensional
perspective. This book series is designed to improve knowledge studies in higher
education by stimulating interactions between these different approaches.
Coverage in this series includes:
• University and knowledge production
• R & D funding systems
• Education reforms
• Innovation systems for emerging regions
• School curriculum and knowledge
• Social utility of knowledge production
• University research and in-house research
• Research collaborations.
With its comprehensive overview and multidisciplinary perspective, this series
provides scholars and policymakers with the theory and data they need to make
more informed decisions regarding knowledge research in higher education.
Doctoral Education
for the Knowledge Society
Convergence or Divergence in National
Approaches?
Editors
Jung Cheol Shin Barbara M. Kehm
Department of Education School of Education
Seoul National University University of Glasgow
Seoul, South Korea Glasgow, UK
Glen A. Jones
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education
University of Toronto
Toronto, ON, Canada
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
The emphasis placed on doctoral education and training (hereafter, doctoral educa-
tion) has increased dramatically in many higher education systems in response to
the global competition for highly skilled human resources to serve the needs of
knowledge societies. Doctoral education is a key element within the research and
development infrastructure, and doctoral students support university research and
represent the next generation of the professoriate. Doctoral education therefore
plays a role in global rankings, which largely focus on research, and in initiatives
designed to create world-class universities. The top-ranked universities place a con-
siderable emphasis on doctoral education, and they actively compete for the best
doctoral students who, in turn, contribute to the reputation of the institution.
Given this context, it is important to understand whether there has been a con-
tinuation of distinct national approaches to doctoral education or whether there has
a shift towards the development of a more common “global” approach in terms of
quality, standards and requirements. Higher education systems continue to be
“national” in structure, mission and funding, and unique national approaches to
doctoral education can be seen as a function of different histories, cultures and tradi-
tions. At the same time, there appear to common pressures for reform. There is an
increasing interest in the development of “world-class” universities and in adopting
policies and approaches associated with these leading institutions. In many systems,
there has also been an increasing interest in reforming the doctorate with a view
towards more directly addressing the needs of the nonacademic labour market by
emphasizing transferable skills, general competences and entrepreneurial activities.
Are these pressures leading towards a convergence of approaches to doctoral educa-
tion, or are government policies and institutional traditions reinforcing distinct
national goals and approaches?
While doctoral education has received considerable attention within national
higher education systems, there has been surprisingly little international or com-
parative research on the structure of doctoral education and the nature of contempo-
rary reforms. Much of recent literature on the reform of doctoral education has
focused on US research universities (with relatively little research on doctoral pro-
grammes at low-status universities within this highly stratified system) or on reforms
v
vi Preface
vii
viii Contents
Editors
Jung Cheol Shin is a Professor at Seoul National University. He served for the
Ministry of Education in Korea for about 20 years. His research interests are higher
education policy, organizational studies, knowledge and social development and
academic profession. His recent book publications include University Rankings
(2011), Institutionalization of World-Class University (2012), The Dynamics of
Higher Education Development in East Asia (2013), Teaching and Research in
Contemporary Higher Education (2014), The Future of the Post-Massified
University at the Crossroads (2014) and Mass Higher Education Development in
East Asia: Strategy, Quality, and Challenges (2015).
ix
x About the Editors and Authors
Glen A. Jones is Professor of Higher Education and Dean of the Ontario Institute
for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto. He is the author of more than
100 papers on Canadian higher education. His research and teaching focuses on
higher education systems, governance, politics and academic work. His recent
books include Governance of Higher Education: Global Perspectives, Theories and
Practices (with Ian Austin, Routledge, 2015) and Universities and Regional
Development: A Critical Assessment of Tensions and Contradictions (with Romulo
Pinheiro and Paul Benneworth, Routledge, 2012). Detailed information on his
research activities can be found at www.glenjones.ca
Authors
Akira Arimoto is the President Advisor at Hyogo University and was Director and
Professor of the Research Institute for Higher Education (RIHE) at Kurashiki
Sakuyo University (KSU) and also at Hiroshima University. Dr. Arimoto was the
former President at Kurashiki Sakuyo University (KSU). He is Professor Emeritus
of Hiroshima University, Associate Member of the Japan Council of Science and
President of the National Association of RIHE. He served as Chair of UNESCO’s
Global Scientific Committee for the Asian and Pacific region. He was former
President of the Japanese Association of Higher Education Research and also of the
Japan Society of Educational Sociology. He was the visiting scholar to Yale
University, Max Planck Institute and Lancaster University as the first Nitobe Fellow
of the International House of Japan. He has published many books and articles. His
recent publications as an editor include Teaching and Research in Contemporary
Higher Education (2014) and The Changing Academic Profession in Japan (2015).
Olga Bain received her PhD from the State University of New York at Buffalo. Her
research focuses on change in higher education as influenced by global, institu-
tional, faculty and student agencies. She has published on internationalization and
globalization of higher education, faculty productivity and women’s advancement
in academia, higher education financing and institutional strategies of change. Olga
has authored the book titled University Autonomy in the Russian Federation Since
Perestroika (2003, Routledge Falmer).
William K. Cummings received his PhD from Harvard University with a disserta-
tion on “The Academic Marketplace and University Reform in Japan” in 1972 and
currently is Professor Emeritus of International Education and International Affairs
at George Washington University. Dr. Cummings has been involved in development
work for over 25 years, including long-term residence in Ethiopia, India, Indonesia,
Japan and Singapore and short-term consultancies in over 15 countries in Asia, the
Middle East, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe.
Ulrich Teichler was Professor at the University of Kassel, Germany, from 1978 to
2013 and former Director for altogether 16 years of the International Centre for
Higher Education Research (INCHER-Kassel; previously Centre for Research on
Higher Education and Work). His key research areas include higher education and
the world of work, international comparison of higher education systems, interna-
tional cooperation and mobility in higher education and the academic profession.
Expert, consultancy, evaluation and review activities for the UNESCO, OECD,
World Bank, Council of Europe, European Commission, various national govern-
ments and agencies as well as international and national university organizations.
Pedro Teixeira is Vice Rector for Academic Affairs and Associate Professor of the
Faculty of Economics at the University of Porto. In addition, he is Director of
CIPES – the Center for Research in Higher Education Policies. He has been a mem-
ber of Portugal’s National Council of Education since 2014 and has served as an
adviser on higher education to the President of Portugal since April 2016. His main
research interests are on the economics of education and the history of economics.
He has published several journal articles in higher education and economics jour-
nals and has authored and/or edited several collective volumes. He is also a member
of the Board of Governors and Secretary General of the Consortium of Higher
Education Researchers (CHER), a Research Fellow at the Institute for the Study of
Labor (IZA) and a member of the Scientific Committee of the Réseau d'Etudes sur
l'Enseignement Supérieur (RESUP).
1.1 Introduction
The global competition for highly skilled human resources has led to a rapid expan-
sion of doctoral education in recent years. Since the mid-1990s, assumptions con-
cerning the movement toward the knowledge society and aspirations associated with
the notion of the world-class university have fueled an increased interest in doctoral
education (Shin and Kehm 2012). For example, within the last 15 years, doctoral
program enrolments have grown rapidly across countries, and in some cases the rates
of growth have been dramatic; data from the UNESCO Institute for Statistics reveals
that doctoral enrolment has increased by over 150% in the UK and Portugal and over
180% in Switzerland, Canada, Australia, and South Korea (UNESCO 2017). The
dramatic growth of doctoral training or doctoral education (hereafter, “doctoral edu-
cation”) is associated with the rapid expansion of enrolment within countries that
have had a more modest level of participation (China, South Korea, Australia, and
Canada), as well as the expansion of enrolment by the more traditional doctoral
degree providers such as the USA, the UK, Germany, and many European countries
(UNESCO 2014). The rapid growth has been strongly supported by governments in
various ways, such as increased research funding, student financial assistance, and
initiatives designed to facilitate transitions into the labor market.
However, there are major differences in how doctoral education is understood,
structured and positioned in different systems. An individual pursuing a doctoral
J. C. Shin (*)
Department of Education, Seoul National University, Seoul, South Korea
e-mail: jcs6205@snu.ac.kr
B. M. Kehm
School of Education, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK
G. A. Jones
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada
There are quite different approaches to doctoral education associated with the two
doctoral models found in Europe and the USA. In Europe, doctoral education is
“training” because most of the European systems did not have official education
systems or programs for training their researchers, while the US systems developed
“education” degree programs in line with bachelor-master-doctoral degrees
(Teichler 2006). The systematic differences between Europe and the USA bring dif-
ferent perspectives on the doctoral degree seekers as a “junior researcher” or “doc-
toral candidate” in Europe and as a “doctoral student” in the USA (Kehm 2006).
The systemic differences between the two major systems bring different social per-
ceptions and social systems of doctoral education in both continents. For example,
European systems do not charge tuition for doctoral degree seekers, while tuition
1 The Increasing Importance, Growth, and Evolution of Doctoral Education 3
Table 1.1 Comparisons between Europe, the USA, and East Asian models
European
models US model East Asian models
Social perception Doctoral Doctoral education Doctoral education +
training training
Training model Supervision Coursework + Coursework-based +
model supervised research supervised research
Doctoral students Employee Student Student
Tuition charge No tuition Tuition Tuition
Training after Habilitation Postdoctoral training Postdoctoral training
doctoral degree
fees are charged in the USA (though frequently waived to attract the very best stu-
dents). In addition, university research activities are closely linked to doctoral edu-
cation, so that doctoral students are frequently employed on funded research
projects, and this work is viewed as a key component of the doctoral student experi-
ence. In the traditional European conception, research funding focuses on research,
and doctoral students may be employed as research workers, but these activities are
viewed as distinct from, rather than as an educational component of, doctoral
education.
Recognizing that there are huge national variations between systems, it may be
useful to briefly review differences in what may be seen as three broad models or
approaches to doctoral education: the European model, the US model, and what
might be defined as an East Asian model. Table 1.1 provides a broad comparative
overview of these models.
While understanding these broad approaches is useful in a comparative discus-
sion of doctoral education, it is extremely important to note the major variations
between national systems that may share some similar characteristics. For example,
doctoral education in France is quite different from doctoral education in Germany
or other systems in Europe. In addition, the German system and its brother systems
(e.g., Austria) are quite different from that of Scandinavian doctoral training sys-
tems. As well as these differences within the similar models, there are quite unique
national elements associated with doctoral education even within the Scandinavian
models and/or within the German systems (Kehm 2004). Most of these unique ele-
ments originated from the historical development of doctoral systems in each coun-
try. The “master-apprentice” model has been deeply institutionalized in doctoral
education in Europe, though the model is fading away in bachelor and master’s
degree levels (Teichler 2006).
However, as already noted, these different models appear to be converging as a
function of external pressures and a growing interest in standardization, degree
recognition, and mobility. The US model involves a relatively standardized program
of study associated with doctoral education, including coursework, candidacy
examinations, and a supervised independent research project leading to a thesis that
is examined by a committee of academics, and this standardized “program”
approach is commonly viewed as one of the great strengths of this model. Given the
4 J. C. Shin et al.
fact that the standardized approach associated with the model facilitates transfer-
ability and comparability across systems, European countries began to encourage
universities to adopt this approach to doctoral education with the Bologna Process
in 2000. However, systemic differences between systems remain.
The growing use of performance-based accountability regimes in higher educa-
tion signals another form of pressure to adopt more standardized approaches to
doctoral education. In the US context, student progress is measured by coursework
completion, satisfying the qualifying exam requirement and successfully defending
the thesis (Weidman et al. 2001). These indicators are also frequently used as met-
rics to measure the performance of the academic department, doctoral program, and
doctoral supervisor. With the growing pressures for accountability, standardized
doctoral education approaches might become increasingly attractive within
European and East Asian higher education systems. Japan already changed its doc-
toral education from a supervision model toward a coursework-based model in the
early 2000s to improve their global competitiveness. For another example,
Norwegian universities have also began to move toward the adoption of a course-
work model in 1993 (Broch and Hyllseth 2004).
While there are pressures for standardization in the structure of doctoral educa-
tion, the increasing impact of rankings in higher education and the ambition to cre-
ate “world-class universities” are also leading to increasing status hierarchies in
doctoral programs. The status of the university that confers the doctoral degree is
increasingly important in academic labor markets, and there is considerable evi-
dence that major research universities tend to hire graduates from peer institutions
(Jones and Gopaul 2012). So there are pressures for standardization at the same
time that we see increasing hierarchy in doctoral education linked to institutional
ratings and research status.
Knowledge society discourses are far from new, in large part, because knowledge
has long been viewed as fundamental to social development, and knowledge is per-
haps a fundamental component of the human civilization. The more contemporary
understanding of a “knowledge society” is closely related to the growing impor-
tance of information and communication technology (hereafter, “ICT”). Knowledge
production, dissemination, and utilization have been massively influenced by ICT
since the 1980s when the personal computer first became widely used. The need for
highly specialized, professional knowledge became increasingly important for ICT,
and increasing levels of participation in higher education became viewed as a key
component for continuing economic development within the knowledge society.
The university became repositioned as a key institution for economic development
given its central role in creating knowledge and in educating the highly skilled
human resources required by knowledge industries. University education took on a
1 The Increasing Importance, Growth, and Evolution of Doctoral Education 5
new importance for students and their parents (Shin 2014). As educational expectations
and requirements increased, the bachelor’s degree began to replace the secondary
school diploma as a minimum educational standard, and graduate education (first
with the master’s degree and now increasingly with the doctorate) began to be
viewed as the professional training required in many fields. The recent growth of
doctoral enrolment in select countries is provided in Table 1.2.
As the Key Science and Engineering Indicators show, the share of economic
production in hi-tech and the knowledge economy has been growing rapidly (US
National Science Board 2016). These high-technology industries require new
knowledge production to support economic production. Knowledge production has
evolved to increasingly take on the characteristics of what Gibbons and his col-
leagues have termed mode 2 research (1994). In addition, interdisciplinary research
has been emphasized in national R&D funding schemes as well as traditional disci-
plinary research (e.g., Carney et al. 2006). However, the university as a social insti-
tution has been slow to change, and in many countries the organization of academic
units continues to focus primarily on traditional disciplines (Gardner et al. 2012).
In academic research, the close relationship between knowledge production and
economic development has been focused on technological development, so that the
policy initiatives designed to strengthen the relationship between “knowledge
production” and “economic development” have focused on “technology transfer.”
In response to these social demands, research policy in some countries began to
emphasize STEM (science, technology, engineering, and math) based on the
assumption that these fields were of strategic importance in terms of economic
development (Usher 2002). In addition, the OECD began to release data on
technology transfer as a measure of knowledge-economic development.
Theoretically, the close links between university-industry-government are supported
by the triple helix proposed by Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff (1997). In recent dis-
6 J. C. Shin et al.
courses, the concept of technology transfer has been expanded to include notions
of knowledge transfer and wisdom transfer to cover various ranges of social interac-
tion between knowledge and social development.
These societal changes resulted in the diversification of doctoral degrees and
degree holders’ career paths. Doctoral degrees are diversified from the traditional
doctor of philosophy (PhD), to judicial doctor (JD), pharmacy doctor (PD), doctor
of education (EDD), and a range of new forms of professional and academic degrees.
Most of the new doctoral degrees are in professional fields (Boud and Tennant 2006;
Lee et al. 2009). In addition, in many countries the career pathways for doctoral
degree graduates have expanded beyond traditional academic careers to include a
range of opportunities in both the private and public sectors (Enders and Kaulisch
2006). The private sector has become a major career path for doctoral degree
holders in the fields of engineering, and growing numbers of doctoral graduates are
now employed in the public sector with positions in the state bureaucracy and spe-
cialized agencies. These diversified career paths reflect changes in the social and
political environment surrounding doctoral education in the knowledge society (see
Gokhberg et al. 2016).
The changing environment has also influenced doctoral education programs.
With some important national exceptions, doctoral education programs used to be
focused on training the next generation of academics. However, doctoral educa-
tion is rapidly changing in response to the changing social environment associated
with the knowledge society (Mars et al. 2014). In addition, doctoral degree holders
are experiencing different career paths compared with their senior colleagues
because of changes in the academic job market (Enders and Kaulisch 2006). There
are increasing expectations for junior academics, and in some countries there has
been an increasing fragmentation of academic work with a growth in specialized
research and teaching positions, as well as contract and precarious academic labor.
In addition, in some countries, there are increasing pressures for faculty to attract
external funding and engage in entrepreneurial activities (Mendoza 2007). These
entrepreneurial activities are sometimes rationalized as the third mission, so that
academics are expected to transform their knowledge production to external
activities for resource generation. The changing nature of academic works requires
doctoral education programs to be more market-oriented as well as practice-
oriented (Mendoza 2007; Metcalfe 2006).
With the growing societal demands and diversified career paths of doctoral degree
holders, the notion of competency outcomes for the degree has widened from more
traditional specialized research skills and knowledge in narrowly defined fields of
discipline-based specialization toward more general skills such as writing funding
proposals, project management, public relation, etc. These competencies require
more general and transferable skills such as interpersonal skills rather than (or in
1 The Increasing Importance, Growth, and Evolution of Doctoral Education 7
addition to) the specialized knowledge and skills required for academic research
(Antony 2002; Austin and McDaniels 2006). Research and, to a lesser extent, teach-
ing skills continue to be viewed as core competencies for doctoral degree holders
to survive in academia. However, there are growing social demands for general
skills such as communication and interpersonal skills, especially in the globalized
network society. In addition, there is a growing discussion on the need for general
skills for doctoral degree holders (Antony 2002) though there are also scholars who
are highly critical of the ways in which the doctoral degree is being repositioned
(Gilbert et al. 2004).
There are clearly limitations associated with the traditional master-apprentice
model, which explicitly focuses on training the next generation of academics, if the
objectives of doctoral education expand to include skill sets needed for work outside
of the academic milieu. The model appears to be evolving in some jurisdictions to
include coursework requirements, which provide the forum for acquiring new com-
petencies and skills. These coursework requirements sometimes focus on research
methodologies or provide students with the flexibility to explore related fields of
scholarship. In some cases formal coursework requirements are supplemented with
co-curricular programming (e.g., multi-major programs, major and minor systems)
that provides students with additional educational options.
Much of the recent literature on doctoral education focuses on competency
development across stages of doctoral education. Competency development is
sometimes understood in terms of “academic socialization” in some bodies of
research on doctoral education. Foundational work on the socialization of doctoral
students was conducted by Weidman and his colleagues (2001) and there is an
increasing body of literature focusing on this important area of scholarship (e.g.,
Austin 2002; Gardner 2010). These studies explore how doctoral students develop
their understanding of doctoral education and how they develop the value, norms,
attitudes, as well as the knowledge and skills associated with their academic
disciplines. Socialization theory emphasizes interactions with peers and professors
in doctoral education (Weidman et al. 2001). However, it is important to note that
much of this work has focused on doctoral education in the USA, Canada, and the
UK and that these socialization processes may differ substantially in the context of
very different models of doctoral training, especially since different models position
the relationships between the trainee, supervisor, and academic environment in very
different ways.
In many systems there are expectations that the competencies required for
academic work require additional training or experience beyond the doctorate. In
the German system, completing a habilitation after the initial doctorate is still a
frequent step toward an academic career. In some countries and in some disciplines,
experience as a postdoctoral scholar is increasingly viewed as a prerequisite for
academic careers. Postdoctoral experiences, whether supported by specialized fellow-
ships, or whether they involve precarious contract work as a part-time instructor or
research assistance, can play an important role in providing additional experiences
that are helpful for career pathways in or outside of academia. These postdoctoral
experiences can also allow the recent graduate to develop a profile of publication
8 J. C. Shin et al.
and teaching experience that will increase opportunities in the academic labor
market (Corley and Sabharwal 2007; Horta 2009), and postdoctoral work is increas-
ingly viewed as a legitimate, and in some cases necessary, intermediary step
between doctoral studies and professional careers (Melin 2004).
References
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hierarchy and Canadian government policy. In A. R. Nelson & I. Wei (Eds.), The global uni-
versity: Past, present and future perspectives (pp. 189–212). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Kehm, B. M. (2004). Developing doctoral degrees and qualifications in Europe: Good practice and
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Part I
Doctoral Education in European Systems
Chapter 2
Doctoral Education, Training and Work
in Germany
2.1 Introduction
In looking back to around 1990 and specifically looking at the two major interna-
tional encyclopaedias on higher education published in the early 1990s, we do not
find any article on “doctoral education” or “doctoral training”. But each of the ency-
clopaedias has an article on “graduate education” both authored by US scholars
(Rhoades 1991; Gumport 1992) and takes the term in the headline which only
applies to the USA. “Graduate education” in the USA is often arranged as integrated
master-level and doctoral-level education and training, while other countries bor-
rowing from that model tend to provide for a distinct doctoral-level education and
training. Both encyclopaedia articles underscore the variety across countries and
thereby refer to the German tradition of doctoral education, training and work as the
one most strongly contrasting the US practice. Rhoades (1991, p. 127) terms this
model contrasting the “structured” or “programme” model in the USA as an
“apprenticeship model”, and Gumport (1992, p. 117) calls it “the nineteenth-century
German ideal of uniting advanced study and research with the work of individual
scholars engaged in scientific research”. The difference of basic ideas between the
German and the US model of doctoral education can analytically be described as:
• Work-based education/training in the German model
• Teaching-based education in the US model
During the 1980s, economically advanced countries – in part stimulated by
OECD (see Blume and Amsterdamska 1987) – discussed the state of doctoral edu-
cation, training and work, and proposals gained momentum in many countries to
formalize and institutionalize doctoral education and training. The US model,
doctorates has become a reality in Germany. Also, this led to a blurring of boundar-
ies between the two types of doctorate (Schneijderberg 2017). This article will use
“doctoral training” as an inclusive term for the teaching-based and work-based doc-
toral education in Germany. The Merriam-Webster1 dictionary defines training “a
process by which someone is taught the skills that are needed for an art, profession,
or job”. Accordingly the doctorate can be defined as “the state of being trained” to
acquire the skills, knowledge and experience for independent academic work.
This suggests looking both at the “history” of doctoral training in Germany up to
the 1980s as well as at the context of the reform discourses and activities since the
1990s. It should be emphasized that the development of doctoral training as well as
the situation of junior academics in Germany is well documented. In Germany, the
Federal government issued in 2008, 2013 and again in 2017 a national report on the
situation of junior academics (BMBF 2008; KBWN 2013, 2017). The reports were
based on a thorough analysis of available statistics, research findings and policy
findings relevant to the two career stages of junior scholars (Wissenschaftlicher
Nachwuchs) with the doctorate and the habilitation. The first stage is characterized
by work on a dissertation as the first book along with other activities in academia.
The second stage is situated between the award of a doctoral degree and, if the aca-
demic career turns out to be successful, the eventual appointment to a professor
position (equivalent to associate professor or full professor positions in US terms),
after finishing the second book for the habilitation or, in some instances, upon
equivalent academic achievement. Moreover, various international comparative
accounts of the situation of doctoral training or of junior researchers comprised
overviews on the German situation (e.g. Enders 1999; Hüfner 2004; see also Kehm
2012). Finally, some German scholars have summarized the state of doctoral train-
ing or junior academic careers across Europe or worldwide and pointed out the
specifics of the German case in the framework of comparative studies – on higher
education in general or on select issues (e.g. Enders 2003, 2006; Kehm 2004, 2009;
Kehm and Teichler 2016).
The idea of the traditional German university is the credo of a close link between
teaching and research, as it has been formulated for the foundation of the University
of Berlin in 1810 by Wilhelm von Humboldt. He advocated three principles for the
university: “unity of research and teaching”, “solitude and freedom” and “commu-
nity of teachers and students”.
Each university in Germany, i.e. each recognized institution in charge of research
and teaching (those with a prime emphasis on teaching are not named “university”
1
See http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/training (last accessed 2016/07/29).
16 C. Schneijderberg and U. Teichler
in the German language even today), was entitled to award a doctoral degree,
whereby all procedures were in the hand of the respective faculty. Titles awarded
correspond to the name of the faculty or disciplinary group; the traditional titles in
the Latin language were Dr. phil., Dr. rer. pol., Dr. rer. nat., Dr. med. and Dr. theol.,
whereas academics in the domain of engineering opted for a title in the German
language: Dr.-Ing.
The work on the doctoral thesis has continued to be viewed as the core activity.
The doctoral candidate was considered to be an independent person gradually
maturing into a scholar in the process of his or her work on the dissertation in con-
tact with a single professor (or in some instances additionally a second advisor).
Doctoral candidates had to find a professor – at the university of their prior study or
somewhere else – willing to advise them, or a professor could encourage doctoral
students or early stage researchers to embark on work for dissertation: informally,
the advisor (Betreuer) was named Doktor-Vater (“doctor father”, a gender-neutral
phrasing was not customary – not surprising – as more than 90% of university pro-
fessors were men up to the 1990s).
Until the 1970s, a student was free either to head for a university degree (Diplom,
Magister or Staatsexamen) before working on the dissertation or to start working on
the dissertation without any prior degree. The person willing to write a dissertation
had to be accepted officially as a doctoral candidate by the doctoral committee of
the respective faculty; this procedure could be initiated at the start of working on the
dissertation or later. The doctoral committee could accept the candidate without
reservation or with some requirements to be fulfilled prior to submitting the disser-
tation, e.g. to take some courses in the respective discipline, if the candidate had
studied initially another discipline than that of the dissertation. The doctoral candi-
date was not viewed as a “student” and as a rule was not obliged to enrol. Further
specifications were left to the advisor of the dissertation. Professors accepted doc-
toral candidates as a rule who wanted to write a dissertation in the area of their
expertise. Some accepted a broad range of scientific areas, while others expected the
doctoral candidates to be quite close to their expertise. The professors also might
have expected their doctoral candidates to attend some of their lectures or seminars,
and many of them regularly arranged a doctoral “colloquium” or “seminar” for all
their doctoral candidates. Advisory practices varied. In the humanities and social
sciences, occasional meetings between the advisor and the candidates prevailed –
initiated by either. In the experimental sciences, doctoral candidates often were
involved in the professor’s laboratory or other experimental research activities and
had contact to him/her primarily in this context. In most disciplines, quite a number
of doctoral candidates were employed by the university to serve as assistants or
research workers. According to a survey undertaken in 1983/1984, 59% of the doc-
toral candidates in Germany were funded through employment in higher education
(either on an institutional position or through research grants), 17% through employ-
ment outside academia, 14% through doctoral fellowships (grants and/or loans) and
10% by other means (Holtkamp et al. 1986).
The doctoral dissertation was assessed by the advising professor and possibly by
a second professor. The oral exam traditionally held subsequently was called
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— Ils sont totalement idiots, déclara Ceintras qui manquait de
patience… En voilà assez pour ce soir ! Toutes ces émotions m’ont
affamé ; si nous mangions ?… Oh ! une idée !… Nous pourrions les
inviter ; qu’en penses-tu ?
— Je pense, répondis-je, que nous ferons bien de prendre cette
plaisanterie au sérieux. La faim est un besoin primordial de toute
créature vivante et il y a peut-être quelque chose à tenter de ce côté-
là.
Laissant Ceintras devant la cabine, j’allai découper quelques
tranches de jambon. J’en présentai une à celui des monstres que
Ceintras ne cessait d’appeler depuis quelques minutes son nouvel
ami ; il s’en saisit avec appréhension, la considéra, puis la tendit à
son voisin ; elle passa ainsi de mains en mains. Le dernier des
monstres, après l’avoir examinée et palpée comme le reste de la
bande, la flaira minutieusement et la mit… dans sa poitrine. Et je
m’aperçus alors que le peuple du Pôle connaissait l’usage des
vêtements : ce que j’avais pris tout d’abord pour la peau de ces êtres
n’était en réalité qu’un manteau de cuir blanchâtre qui les
enveloppait presque entièrement et formait sur la tête de certains
d’entre eux une sorte de capuchon. Notre cadeau avait été
précieusement enfoui dans une poche !
— Ils ne peuvent évidemment pas savoir que c’est comestible, dit
Ceintras en riant.
— Qui sait, ajoutai-je, s’ils ne croient pas que nous voulons les
empoisonner ?
— Mangeons, en tout cas ; ils comprendront alors que nos
intentions ne sont pas criminelles.
Tandis que nous mangions, ils resserrèrent leur cercle autour de
nous. Puis, après une discussion animée avec ses compagnons, un
d’entre eux, — l’ami de Ceintras, je crois, — s’approcha et nous offrit
deux poissons curieusement desséchés qu’il tira de son manteau de
cuir.
— Diable ! s’écria Ceintras, mais il me semble que nos affaires
marchent très bien : ils ne veulent pas être en reste de politesse
avec nous !
— Qu’allons-nous faire de ces poissons ? Les mangeons-nous ?
Ils ne m’ont pas l’air très alléchants.
— Fais comme tu voudras. Moi, je mange le mien. Je crois que
c’est préférable : ils n’auraient qu’à être vexés !…
J’entendis le poisson craquer sous les dents de Ceintras comme
une croûte de pain dur.
— Est-ce bon ? demandai-je.
— C’est ignoble.
Et il l’avala stoïquement.
Le jour commençait à poindre. Le fleuve, devant nous,
apparaissait comme une immense écharpe lumineuse négligemment
jetée sur la plaine encore obscure. Des vols de ptérodactyles
sillonnaient l’air par intervalles et passaient, petites taches éperdues
et mouvantes, entre les astres et nos yeux. Je constatai bientôt que
des querelles s’élevaient dans la troupe des monstres ; sans doute,
leurs occupations devaient, à cette heure, les ramener sous la terre,
et plusieurs étaient d’avis de demeurer malgré tout en notre
compagnie. Mais ce fut un bien plus beau tumulte lorsqu’une autre
bande vint s’adjoindre à ceux qui avaient passé la nuit avec nous.
Ceux-ci renseignèrent les nouveaux venus, encore très timides et
méfiants, à grand renfort de cris, de sifflements et de gestes. Puis
les querelles recommencèrent ; même quelques horions furent
échangés.
— Bon ! m’écriai-je, ils ne diffèrent pas tant des hommes qu’on
aurait pu le supposer d’abord.
— C’est vrai, dit Ceintras. Mais, puisqu’ils sont gentils au point de
ne se séparer de nous qu’à regret, si nous les accompagnions un
bout de chemin ? Ça couperait court à leurs disputes.
— Accompagnons-les. Suivons-les même sous terre s’ils veulent
bien… Le moteur est lourd, ils n’ont pas dû l’emporter très loin, et,
d’autre part, quand nous l’aurons retrouvé, je ne pense pas qu’ils
osent nous contester le droit de le reprendre…
Ceintras, décidément de joyeuse humeur, approuva ma
résolution. Après nous être munis de quelques provisions et, par
prudence, de nos revolvers, nous nous dirigeâmes vers une des
trappes. Les monstres nous suivirent sans difficulté. Mais, comme
s’ils avaient deviné et redouté nos intentions, à quelques mètres de
la trappe ils se concertèrent durant quelques instants, puis se
précipitèrent dans le souterrain avec une agilité extraordinaire. La
plaque de métal se referma sur eux avant que nous fussions
revenus de notre ahurissement. Et, dans son désappointement,
Ceintras n’eut d’autre consolation que celle de déverser sur le
peuple du Pôle le stock d’épithètes injurieuses ou simplement
malveillantes qu’il put trouver en sa mémoire…
Durant les deux nuits qui suivirent, il n’y eut aucun progrès dans
nos relations avec les monstres. Nous remarquâmes même qu’après
leurs sorties ils ne manquaient plus de fermer les portes par
lesquelles nous avions résolu d’entrer subrepticement. Cependant,
le temps nous pressait ; dans l’enveloppe du ballon il ne devait plus
guère rester d’hydrogène et celui que nous possédions en réserve
dans les obus suffirait tout juste à notre retour. Pénétrer dans ce
mystérieux monde souterrain devint alors notre idée fixe. Nous
reparlâmes sérieusement de faire sauter une des portes, mais nous
renonçâmes à ce moyen qui était trop violent pour ne pas risquer
d’irriter nos hôtes. L’occasion se chargea de nous fournir un
ingénieux stratagème.
Sur la fin de la troisième nuit, une troupe de quarante monstres
environ apparut au bord du fleuve et, sans trop se soucier de nous,
certains d’entre eux se mirent à dérouler un grand filet composé de
minces lanières de cuir blanc. Bientôt la troupe se sépara en deux
équipes qui s’affairèrent chacune à un bout du filet, puis, celle qui se
trouvait la plus rapprochée du fleuve y entra sans hésitation et le
traversa à la nage avec une souplesse merveilleuse. Quand le filet,
tendu et maintenu sous l’eau par des poids, eut barré le fleuve dans
toute sa largeur, les deux équipes le halèrent d’amont en aval sur un
parcours de cinquante mètres environ ; après quoi, ceux des
monstres qui avaient déjà traversé l’eau revinrent à la nage vers
leurs compagnons, et enfin le filet chargé de poisson fut ramené sur
la rive.
Un peu plus tard, tandis que les monstres recommençaient
ailleurs leurs opérations, nous rencontrâmes, devant une trappe plus
grande que les autres, une sorte de chariot à demi rempli de
poissons. La porte restait inexorablement close, mais il était sûr que
dans quelques instants elle s’ouvrirait pour laisser entrer le chariot ; il
était de dimensions assez considérables… Je crois que l’idée de
nous y dissimuler surgit en même temps dans l’esprit de Ceintras et
le mien.
— Ceintras, murmurai-je, un peu pâle, sans quitter le chariot des
yeux…
— Oui, oui, je devine ce que tu vas me dire…
— Eh bien ?
Il me montra du doigt le grouillement argenté des poissons dont
beaucoup étaient vivants encore :
— Ça ne te dégoûte pas un peu de t’ensevelir là-dessous ?
— Il est sûr que je préférerais une litière de velours et de soie,
mais nos hôtes ont oublié de mettre rien de semblable à notre
disposition.
— Piteux appareil pour la réception des premiers ambassadeurs
de l’humanité auprès du peuple du Pôle !
— Évidemment, mais le temps nous presse, voici l’aube… Et
c’est peut-être une occasion unique.
— Oh ! une occasion unique !…
— Enfin, agis à ta guise. Tu es libre. Moi, je tente l’aventure…
Ceintras, comme c’était à prévoir, céda. Nous nous enfouîmes,
surmontant notre répulsion, entre deux couches de petits corps
froids, humides et visqueux dont les vertèbres, au-dessous de nous,
craquèrent écrasées, et qui, sur nos mains et nos visages,
s’agitaient dans les dernières convulsions de l’asphyxie. Déjà plus
qu’à moitié suffoqués par leur odeur écœurante, nous nous crûmes
définitivement étouffés lorsque les monstres, au moment de
regagner leurs demeures souterraines, empilèrent au-dessus de
nous d’autres poissons pour remplir complètement le chariot. Nous
ménageâmes tant bien que mal un passage pour que l’air pût arriver
jusqu’à nos bouches ; puis nous sentîmes le véhicule s’ébranler. Un
instant après, le retentissement à l’infini du bruit qu’il faisait en
roulant nous apprit que le libre firmament n’arrondissait plus sur
nous sa voûte illimitée et que nous étions dans les entrailles de la
terre, en route vers l’inconnu.
CHAPITRE XI
EXCURSIONS SOUTERRAINES