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Enchantment and Creed

in the Hymns of
Ambrose of Milan

BRIAN P. DUNKLE, SJ

1
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3
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A.M.D.G
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Acknowledgments

This study revises my doctoral dissertation, “Nocturna Lux Viantibus: The

Methods, Meaning, and Mystagogy of Ambrosian Hymnody,” defended at the
University of Notre Dame in spring 2015. I thank my advisor and friend, Brian
E. Daley, SJ, for his encouragement and keen insights, which have nurtured
my progress through my doctoral studies and beyond. I am likewise grateful to
my readers, John Cavadini and Hildegund Müller, not only for what I learned
in their courses and in discussion but also for their valuable responses to my
work from both a theological and a philological perspective. I owe a particular
debt to my outside reader, Paola Francesca Moretti, for the care she devoted to
early drafts of my work and for her thoughtful participation in reviews of my
study both remotely and in person. Throughout the process my Jesuit
community—Edoth Mukasa, Joseph Riordan, Aaron Pidel, Michael Magree,
and Eric Zimmer—has been a source of stimulating talk and spiritual support.
Other friends and colleagues who have reviewed drafts of this manuscript in
part or in whole include Don Marco Navoni, Matthew Briel, Michael Hahn,
Albertus Horsting, and Marco Emerson-Hernandez, as well as my research
assistant at Boston College, Corey Stephan, who worked to prepare the index;
I thank them. OUP’s anonymous reader and editors, especially Karen Raith
and Tom Perridge, as well as Elizabeth Stone, have made major improvements
on earlier drafts. Last, I thank my parents John and Margaret Dunkle, my most
willing and reliable proofreaders. They faithfully examined Word files even as
they devoted themselves to the care of my brother Matthew, who died of
cancer as I completed my dissertation. May he rest in peace.
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Table of Contents

List of Abbreviations xi

Introduction 1
1. Hymnody, Heresy, and Doctrinal Identity 13
2. Ambrose’s Preaching, Enchantment, and Nature and Grace 52
3. Ambrose’s Daytime Hymns and the Mystagogy of Nature 85
4. Christ in Scripture and the Hymns for Dominical Feasts 117
5. Ecclesial Identity in the Hymns for Martyrs 143
6. The Features of Ambrosian Reception 174
7. Ambrosian Imitation in Sedulius and Prudentius 186
Conclusion 214

Appendix: The Hymns 221

Select Bibliography 233
General Index 255
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 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 10/9/2016, SPi

List of Abbreviations

Ambrose
Abr. De Abraham
Apol. alt. Apologia altera (dub.)
Apol. Dau. De apologia prophetae Dauid
Aux. Sermo contra Auxentium de basilicis tradendis (Ep. 75a).
Bon. mort. De bono mortis
Cain De Cain et Abel
Ep. Epistulae
Ep. ext. coll. Epistulae extra collectionem
Exa. Exameron libri sex
Exc. De excessu fratris
Exh. uirg. Exhortatio uirginitatis
Fid. De fide (ad Gratianum Augustum)
Fug. De fuga saeculi
Gest. conc. Aquil. De gestis concili Aquileiensis
Hel. De Helia et ieiunio
Hymn. Hymni
Iac. De iacob et uita beata
Incarn. De incarnationis dominicae sacramento
Inst. De institutione uirginis
Iob De interpellatione Iob et Dauid
Ios. De Ioseph
Is. De Isaac uel anima
Luc. Expositio euangelii secundum Lucam
Myst. De mysteriis
Nab. De Nabuthae
Noe De Noe
Obit. Th. De obitu Theodosii
Off. De officiis
Paen. De paenitentia
Parad. De paradiso
Patr. De patriarchis
Psal. Explanatio psalmorum XII
Psal. 118 Expositio psalmi CXVIII
Sacr. De sacramentis
Spir. De Spiritu sancto
Symb. Explanatio symboli
Tob. De Tobia
Valent. De obitu Valentiniani
Vid. De uiduis
Virg. De uirginibus
Virgin. De uirginitate
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xii List of Abbreviations

Other Ancient Authors
Aphrahat
Demonst. Demonstrationes
Arnobius of Sicca
Nat. Aduersus nationes
Athanasius
Apol. c. Arian. Apologia contra Arianos
De synod. De Synodis
Ep. Marc. Epistula ad Marcellinum
Augustine
Beata u. De beata uita liber unus
C. s. Arrian. Contra sermonem Arrianorum liber unus
Conf. Confessionum libri tredecim
Ciu. De ciuitate Dei libri uiginti duo
Doctr. christ. De doctrina christiana
En. Ps. Enarrationes in Psalmos
Ep. Epistulae
Io. eu. tr. In Iohannis euangelium tractatus CXXIV
Mus. De musica libri sex
Nat. et gr. De natura et gratia liber unus
Retr. Retractationes
S. Sermones
Virg. De sancta uirginitate liber unus
Basil
Ep. Epistulae
Hom. in Ps. Homiliae in Psalmos
Reg. br. Regulae breuius tractatae
Bede
Metr. De arte metrica
Caesarius Arelatensis
Reg. uirg. Regula sanctarum uirginum
Cicero
Ep. fam. Epistulae ad familiares
De nat. deor. De natura Deorum
De off. De officiis
De re pub. De re publica
Orat. Orator
Clement of Alexandria
Paed. Paedagogus
Cyril of Jerusalem
Catech. Catecheses
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List of Abbreviations xiii

Ephrem
Contra Haer. Hymni contra Haereses
Fid. Hymni de Fide
Par. Hymni de Paradiso
Euripides
Hec. Hecuba
Eusebius
H. e. Historia ecclesiastica
In ps. Commentaria in psalmos
Gregory of Nazianzus
C. Carmina
Or. Orationes
Gregory of Nyssa
Contra Eun. I Contra Eunomium I
Or. cat. Oratio catechetica
Hilary
De Trin. De Trinitate
Ps. Tractatus super Psalmos
Tractatus Myst. Tractatus de Mysteriis
Horace
C. saec. Carmen saeculare
Ignatius of Antioch
Eph. Epistula ad Ephesios
Jerome
Ad Eph. Commentarius in epistulam ad Ephesios
Ad Gal. Commentarius in epistulam ad Galatas
Vir. ill. De uiris illustribus
Justin Martyr
Apol. Apologia
Origen
C. Cels. Contra Celsum
De Princ. De Principiis
Ovid
Met. Metamorphoses
Paulinus
Vita Vita Ambrosii
Prudentius
Cath. Liber Cathemerinon
Pe. Liber Peristephanon
Quintilian
Inst. or. Institutio oratoria
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xiv List of Abbreviations

Rufinus
Symb. Expositio symboli
Socrates
H.e. Historia ecclesiastica
Sozomen
H.e. Historia ecclesiastica
Tertullian
Adu. Marc. Aduersus Marcionem
Theodoret
H.e. Historia ecclesiastica
Vergil
Aen. Aeneid
Ecl. Eclogae

Journals and Serials

ALW Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft
AnBoll Analecta Bollandiana
AnTard Antiquité Tardive
CCL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina. Turnhout: Brepols, 1953–
CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Louvain:
Peeters. 1903–
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Vienna:
C. Geroldi, etc. 1866–
DACL Dictionnaire d’Archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie. Paris:
Letouzey et Ané, 1924–53
EL É́tudes de lettres
GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schrifsteller
HJ Historisches Jahrbuch
HTR Harvard Theological Review
JAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum
JECS Journal of Early Christian Studies
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
LSJ Liddell, Scott, Jones, eds, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford
1843; 9th edn 1940)
NPNF Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers
PG Patrologia Cursus Completus: Series Graeca
PL Patrologia Cursus Completus: Series Latina
RAM Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique
RB Revue Bénédictine
RBPh Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire
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List of Abbreviations xv
REAug Revue des Études Augustiniennes
RechAug Recherches Augustiniennes et Patristiques
REL Revue des Études Latines
RPh Revue de Philologie
RQ Römische Quartalschrift
RSR Recherches des Science Religieuse
SAEMO Sancti Ambrosii Episcopi Mediolanensis Opera. Milan:
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, 1997–
SC Sources Chrétiennes. Paris: Cerf, 1941–
SCO Studi Classici e Orientali
SEJG Sacris Erudiri
TS Theological Studies
TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen
Literatur
VC Vigiliae Christianae
WS Wiener Studien
ZKG Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte
ZKTh Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie

Essay Collections
Ambrosius Episcopus Ambrosius Episcopus: Atti del Congresso internazionale di studi
ambrosiani nel XVI centenario della elevazione di
sant’Ambrogio alla cattedra episcopale, Milano, 2–7 dicembre
1974. 2 vols. Ed. Giuseppe Lazzati. Milan: Congresso
internazionale di studi ambrosiani, 1974
L’Hymnographie L’Hymnographie: Conférences Saint-Serge, XLVIe Semaine
d’études liturgiques, Paris, 29 juin–2 juillet 1999. Ed. Achille
M. Triacca and A. Pistoia. Rome: Edizioni Liturgiche, 2000
Nec timeo mori Nec timeo mori: atti del Congresso internazionale di studi
ambrosiani nel 16. centenario della morte di Sant’Ambrogio.
Ed. Luigi Franco Pizzolato and Marco Rizzi. Milan: Vita e
pensiero, 1998
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Introduction

Mysteria incognita
scripta quoque abscondita
plana fecit fidelibus
Pontifex hic catholicus.
Mysteries unknown
and writings that were hidden
this Catholic pontifex
made plain for believers.
—De Sancto Ambrosio
fourteenth century, for Lauds

By a peculiarity of modern scholarship, an author who is generally reduced to

his sources, even labeled an “unscrupulous plagiarist,” is also praised as one of
the greatest innovators in the history of Christian literature and worship.1
“The Father of church hymnody,” as Guido Maria Dreves called Ambrose of
Milan over a century ago, developed hymn texts and metrical structures that
had few, if any, clear antecedents.2 Ambrose, the devoted imitator of Greek
writers in his preaching and treatises, created a radically new, distinctively
Latin approach to proclaiming the Christian faith in verse.
The proximate setting for the spread of Ambrose’s invention is well known:
the hymns were linked to Ambrose the bishop’s response to the crisis occa-
sioned by the attempt of the empress Justina and her Homoian supporters to
occupy the Basilica Portiana for the celebration of their paschal liturgy. This
context prompts my study to consider two basic questions, or perhaps one
basic question asked with two different inflections: First, why did Ambrose
choose hymns to respond to the Homoians? Why were preaching and politics,

1
On Ambrose the “plagiarist,” see Harald Hagendahl, Latin Fathers and the Classics
(Göteberg: Göteberg Elanders, 1958), 372. For a succinct response to the claims of plagiarism,
see Luigi Pizzolato, La dottrina esegetica di sant’Ambrogio (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1978), 5–7.
2
Guido Maria Dreves, Aurelius Ambrosius, “der Vater des Kirchengesanges”: Eine hymnolo-
gische Studie (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1893); on Ambrose as the first poet of the Middle
Ages, see Stephen Gaselee, Oxford Book of Medieval Latin Verse (Oxford: Clarendon, 1952), viii.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

2 Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose

his standard methods of responding to rivals, not enough? And, second: Why
did Ambrose choose hymns to respond to Homoians? What is distinctively
Ambrosian about the methods and aims of his hymnodic corpus? The first
question relates to the emergence and motives of Christian hymnody in the
fourth century. The second relates to Ambrose’s pastoral and, in particular,
mystagogical preaching. I hope that exploring these two contexts for Ambrose’s
hymnodic project will illuminate our understanding of Ambrose as bishop,
poet, and theologian.
I argue that Ambrose, like many of his predecessors, composed his hymns
to respond to doctrinal rivals.3 This claim, based on Ambrose’s own report, is
uncontroversial, and yet it can often be downplayed in scholarship.4 To be
sure, specifically creedal language is relatively muted in the hymns. Yet
I maintain that, given the strategies of Ambrose’s preaching, we should not
expect to account for the theological aims of the hymns by reference to
doctrinal terms alone. Rather, drawing on Ambrose’s catechetical preaching,
and his mystagogies in particular, I consider the bishop’s persistent concern to
influence not simply the creedal formulae that his congregation employs
but also to transform their manner of encountering nature, Scripture, and
themselves. By his preaching Ambrose creates a community of pro-Nicene
Christians who perceive their world as somehow elevated by the grace that
flows from Christ, true God. Primarily by appealing to their spiritual senses,
Ambrose the preacher presents his audience with a sacramental understand-
ing of biblical text and ritual experience along pro-Nicene contours. We find
the same pedagogy at work in the hymns.
In my study I identify this as a program of “enchantment.” The term
corresponds to Ambrose’s own description of his hymns as “chants” or
“incantations” (carmina), designed, in part, to “seduce” his congregation.5
But “enchantment,” I recognize, has special resonance in contemporary the-
ology. In A Secular Age Charles Taylor uses the term as the negation of
“disenchantment” (Entzauberung), Max Weber’s famous descriptor for the
changes in belief wrought by modernity.6 For Taylor the term captures a
crucial feature of the move from the “pre-modern” condition, where the
enchanted world is the “world of spirits, demons, and moral forces which

3
Most clearly articulated recently by Michael Stuart Williams, “Hymns as Acclamations: The
Case of Ambrose of Milan,” Journal of Late Antiquity 6 (2013), 111–14. Older accounts can
exaggerate this function: see the conclusion of Stephen Gaselee, The Transition from the Late
Latin Lyric to the Medieval Love Poem (Cambridge: Bowes & Bowes, 1931), 14: “He was a teacher
rather than a theologian, and his hymns were written to instruct his people in the Christian faith,
and for no other purpose.”
4
Representative are studies that attend to the hymns’ literary quality, especially the careful
work of Jan den Boeft, e.g., “Ambrosius Lyricus,” in Early Christian Poetry: A Collection of Essays,
ed. Jan den Boeft and A. Hilhorst (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 77–89, who, in contrast to views such as
Gaselee’s (Transition), emphasizes Ambrose’s talents as a lyric poet.
5 6
Ep. 75a.34. A Secular Age (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 2007), 25–6.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

Introduction 3
our ancestors lived in.”7 By applying “enchantment” to Ambrose’s pastoral
program in general and his hymns in particular, I suggest that he hoped to
shape his congregation’s experience along distinctive, pro-Nicene lines. Bap-
tism, incorporating the initiate into the life of Christ and the church, is linked
intimately to a transformed sensitivity to the “spirits, demons, and moral
forces” that inhabit the believer’s world.
Of course, Ambrose was composing his hymns for an audience that lived,
according to Taylor’s chronology, in an enchanted age. All those who encoun-
tered the bishop’s songs—pagans, Nicene Christians, and Homoians—shared
some sense of the divine in relationship to the physical universe. Ambrose’s
mode of enchantment is intimately connected to shaping that sense according
to distinctive confessional contours. His songs, as much as his sermons, mold
the new, sacramental vision acquired by the initiate through baptism.

AMBROSE’S HYMNS IN RECENT SCHOLARSHIP

By offering a comprehensive account of the coherence of Ambrose’s hymnody,

this study tries to supplement the existing literature on the bishop of Milan, his
preaching and mystagogical sermons, and especially his hymns. Given the
reams of scholarship on all these topics, this ambition merits some defense.
Reviewing the literature I suggest that its main focus has been on discrete
elements of Ambrose’s life and writings rather than on the broad sweep of his
thought and pastoral project. As Marcia Colish notes, “One of the most
striking features about the scholarship on Ambrose of Milan to date has
been its narrowness of focus.”8
Her judgment applies especially to the hymns. Analyses of them date to the
Middle Ages, and at least six quality editions have been published in the
past two centuries.9 In recent literature, the focus has been fixed primarily
on the vexing issues of authenticity and textual criticism. Because Ambrose’s

7
Taylor, A Secular Age, 26; for a recent application of the term in liturgical psalmody, see
Carol Harrison, “Enchanting the Soul: The Music of the Psalms,” in Meditations of the Heart:
The Psalms in Early Christian Thought and Practice. Essays in Honour of Andrew Louth, ed.
Andreas Andreopoulos, Augustine Casiday, and Carol Harrison (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011),
205–23.
8
Marcia Colish, Ambrose’s Patriarchs: Ethics for the Common Man (Notre Dame, IN:
University of Notre Dame, 2005), 5.
9
The essential introduction to the hymns is Jacques Fontaine et al., eds., Ambroise: Hymnes
(Paris: Cerf, 1994, repr. 2008), 11–92, which informs much of my presentation (note that parts
I to IV of the volume’s introduction (10–102) are by Fontaine, while part V, treating the
manuscript tradition (104–23), is by Marie Hélène Jullien); throughout this volume I refer to
the edition as “Fontaine, Hymnes,” while identifying the study of each hymn by its editor in the
Fontaine edition.
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4 Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose

innovative verse form enjoyed immediate popularity, imitations of his hymns
began to appear soon after he began composing them, perhaps even in his
lifetime. Despite the claims of some scholars who argue for clear stylistic
differences between Ambrose and his successors, distinguishing original
from imitation without the aid of external witnesses remains highly conjec-
tural.10 Thus, in part because doubts remain about the hymns’ common
author, the literature has often treated each hymn individually, while stylistic
analyses of particular hymns are guided by an “apologetic” end: establishing
the hymn as genuine or fake. While I engage issues of authenticity later in my
Introduction, here I refer to the matter only to highlight the necessarily limited
scope such studies must adopt.
When the hymns are treated as a collection, the generic approach is most
often the commentary, with careful analysis of each term in a particular song.
The magisterial study overseen by Jacques Fontaine is a particularly salient
example of the style. The introduction is an elegant, thorough, and rich treat-
ment of the origins and methods of Ambrose’s hymns, accompanied by a
discussion of the manuscripts by Marie-Hélène Jullien. It offers a cogent and
extensive analysis of the classical and biblical sources for the hymns included in
the collection. The fourteen hymns are edited and commented on by individual
authors, each of whom is a leading scholar of Ambrose; indeed, the division of
labor made possible an otherwise daunting project. At the same time, the
approach leads necessarily to a certain fragmentation of the particular studies.11
The individual authors of the volume are more concerned to analyze a certain
hymn than to note themes and methods consistent across the corpus.
There are, to be sure, general introductions to the hymns and scattered
attempts to treat them broadly in the context of Ambrose’s theology.12 These

10
The classic such stylistic approach is Manlio Simonetti, Studi sull’innologia popolare
cristiana dei primi secoli (Rome: Academia nazionale dei Lincei, 1952), 376–408, which
I discuss in the section “Texts.”
11
See Achille Triacca, “Hymnes d’Ambroise: Quelques astérisques et mises au point (Esquisse
en vue d’un approfondissement ultérieur),” in L’Hymnographie, 192, who hopes for an analysis
not only of the “petites pièces de la mosaïque” but also of “la mosaïque tout entière.”
12
Among the more significant studies, see Inos Biffi, Preghiera e poesia negl’inni di Sant’-
Ambrogio e di Manzoni (Milan: Jaca Book 2010); Inos Biffi, “La teologia degli inni di Sant’-
Ambrogio,” Studia Ambrosiana 2 (2008), 109–29; Cesare Pasini, “Gli inni di sant’Ambrogio,” in
La città e la sua memoria: Milano e la tradizione di sant’Ambrogio, ed. M. Rizzi, Cesare Pasini,
and Maria Pia Rossignani (Milan: Electa, 1997), 219–88; popular treatments appear in Antonio
Bonato, S. Ambrogio: Inni (Milan: Edizioni Paoline, 1992), and Luciano Migliavacca, Gli inni
ambrosiani: poesia e musica al servizio del culto divino (Milan: Rugginenti, 1997); on desiderata
in the scholarship, see Triacca, “Hymnes d’Ambroise,” 179–99, who, at 190, notes the absence of
a theological treatment: “Les chercheurs—en général—n’ont pas privilégié les thématiques
théologiques et théologico-liturgiques émergeant des hymnes composés par l’évêque milanais”
(emphasis original). There is an earlier English-language dissertation, George E. St. Laurent,
“St. Ambrose’s Contribution to Latin Liturgical Hymnography” (PhD thesis, Catholic University
of America, 1968), which focuses on summarizing the content of the hymns and discussing their
authenticity.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

Introduction 5
studies, however, tend to avoid careful philological analysis in favor of
emphasizing basic themes, many of which are not specific to Ambrose and can
be identified in all early Christian hymns; indeed, a recent study of Ambrose’s
hymns makes a thorough and compelling case for their use as popularizing
“acclamations” without ever engaging directly with the text of hymns them-
selves.13 While such readings provide a helpful framework for treating the whole
corpus, they should be supplemented by careful attention to Ambrose’s words.
Two recent German studies make some progress toward this end by
offering a thorough treatment to two of the three major groups that constitute
the authentic corpus: Ansgar Franz’s Tageslauf und Heilsgeschichte, which
treats the hymns for the hours of the day, and Alexander Zerfass’s Mysterium
Mirabile, which treats the hymns for dominical feasts. They offer thorough
and exhaustive (occasionally exhausting) literary and structural analyses of the
subgroups.14 Both demonstrate how Ambrose interweaves common concerns
for orthodoxy into the hymn collections. Both likewise interpret the language
of the hymns in their liturgical context and consider their afterlife in the
reception and translation of the originals. Despite some shortcomings noted
by reviewers, especially in Franz’s initial effort, the two studies are models of
scholarly rigor and close attention to the text.15 Indeed, sometimes the analysis
becomes too meticulous: repeated references to structural features in the
hymns can exaggerate the role of chiasms and parallelisms as well as the
importance of “semantic fields,” which often emphasize the distinctiveness
of themes that are, in fact, prominent in most early Christian hymnody.
Moreover, even taken together these two monographs do not consider the
seven hymns from the corpus that treat saints and martyrs. In part this
reticence owes to doubts about the authenticity of this subgroup. Yet recent
studies, especially Cecile Lanéry’s monograph on Ambrose’s hagiography,
Ambroise hagiographe, compile evidence to support the generally favorable
manuscript witness for these hymns.16 By treating most of the martyr hymns
traditionally attributed to Ambrose, Lanéry’s work complements the recent
German monographs. While her engagement with the hymns is only a portion

13
Williams, “Hymns as Acclamations.” The view reprises an older claim that at least “Intende
Qui Regis Israel” was an “inno di battaglia” (Adriano Bernareggi, “Ciò che certamente la liturgia
ambrosiana deve a S. Ambrogio: Gli inni,” Ambrosius 3 (1927), 45).
14
Ansgar Franz, Tageslauf und Heilsgeschichte: Untersuchungen zum literarischen Text und
liturgischen Kontext der Tagzeitenhymnen des Ambrosius von Mailand (St. Ottilien: EOS, 1991);
Alexander Zerfass, Mysterium mirabile: Poesie, Theologie und Liturgie in den Hymnen des
Ambrosius von Mailand zu den Christusfesten des Kirchenjahres (Tübingen: A. Francke, 2008).
15
See Antoon A. R. Bastiaensen, “Review of Franz, Tageslauf,” VC 49 (1995), 396–402, who
notes in particular Franz’s use of the Vulgate as the text for Ambrose’s biblical citations.
16
Cécile Lanéry, Ambroise de Milan hagiographe (Paris: Institut d’Études Augustiniennes,
2008). For a model study in this regard in relation to Ambrose’s hymn for Lawrence, see Gérard
Nauroy, “Le martyre de Laurent dans l’hymnodie et la prédication des IVe et Ve siècles et
l’authenticité ambrosienne de l’hymne ‘Apostolorum supparem,’ ” REAug 35 (1989), 44–82.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

6 Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose

of her study, she nevertheless offers a helpful account of the catechetical aims
of Ambrose’s martyr hymns and, particularly, his efforts to frame his congre-
gation’s sense of their identity in common with the great heroes of Rome and
of Christianity.
I rely especially on these three recent studies in my analysis of the three
groups, which reflect three tendencies in Ambrose’s pastoral program, namely
to enchant the congregation with a common elevated vision of nature, a
shared Nicene reading of Scripture, and a sensitivity to their local and
Roman identities. Nevertheless, while I believe that we should recognize
distinct aims and methods in the groups, I also maintain that they are united
in a coherent project. Thus, I believe that this volume offers a rare compre-
hensive study of the entire corpus of the authentic hymns that draws on a
careful analysis of the individual hymns.
Moreover, my synthetic treatment is complemented by treatment of the
early reception of Ambrose’s hymns. Most commentaries use early allusions to
the hymns primarily to support textual choices and arguments for authenti-
city, while they generally ignore the interpretative features of the imitators’
mode of reception. At the same time, the early emulators of Ambrose, such as
Prudentius and Sedulius, are generally considered the property of students of
early Christian verse and rarely examined in theological scholarship. Read as
early witnesses of the development of Ambrosian hymnody, they offer a
robust defense of my mystagogical understanding of the hymns. In sum, the
scope and breadth of this study makes a significant contribution to our
understanding of Ambrose’s project.

OVERVIEW

I open this volume with a brief review of the origins and aims of Christian
hymnody. Treating the biblical sources, especially the Psalms, for Christian
song in worship and the classical influences on learned Christian verse, I show
how original compositions responded to both Scripture and pagan traditions.
I also locate in orthodox sources an enduring caution about song texts and
even music itself. This ambivalence, I argue, informs fourth-century develop-
ments of doctrinal verse and hymn. Many sources accuse heretics of employing
non-biblical songs to spread their teachings. The use of hymnody by pro-
Nicene authors is described, then, as a “defensive measure.” Within this
polemical context I examine some early attempts at congregational song to
argue that they anticipate the link between hymnodic mystagogy and doctrinal
formation that I identify in Ambrose’s work.
Chapter 2 presents Ambrose’s catechetical preaching as the background for
the bishop’s pastoral use of hymnody. Examining in particular Ambrose’s view
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

Introduction 7
of the relationship between the temporal and the eternal, I describe his
attempts to awaken in his congregation, especially initiates, a sensitivity to
the transcendent significance of the rites and the Scriptures that they encoun-
ter during the liturgy. I argue that Ambrose understands his project as a
biblically based effort to “sensitize” his congregation’s spiritual senses, a vision
that draws on the Christian tradition of the “eyes of the heart,” which allow
those initiated, through grace, to perceive what is otherwise invisible. More-
over, I argue that Ambrose employed distinctive rhetorical techniques to
achieve this “pro-Nicene” sensitization. I then treat Latin hymnists in contro-
versy before discussing the anonymous liturgical hymns from the period
(Exsultet, Te Deum) in this context. I conclude by exploring the polemical
occasion for the spread of Ambrose’s hymns in the basilica crisis of 386 and
Ambrose’s own account of his hymns as a “charm.”
In Chapter 2 I also introduce the “mystagogical” themes that I explore in this
volume. To follow my discussion, one needs some familiarity with the genre of
mystagogy. Unlike exegetical preaching, which focuses on the interpretation of
the Scripture used in the liturgy, or moral exhortation, mystagogy revisits and
explains the actual events experienced by the congregation to foster a deep
reverence and understanding for entry into the church.17 Mystagogies fix on
common liturgical moments and employ common rhetorical techniques for
transforming the audience’s perception of itself and of the ritual. At the
conclusion of this treatment, I locate this rhetoric within Ambrose’s Nicene
account of nature graced through the direct action of the Son as Creator.
In treating Ambrose’s mystagogical strategies for enchantment I draw on
somewhat technical linguistic language. In his sermons and hymns, Ambrose
favors terms that modern philosophers identify as indexicals, that is, words
that “point to” a particular spatial or temporal referent that depends on the
context of the utterance.18 Unlike, say, standard nouns or even place names,
indexical terms do not necessarily share a common “content” even if they
convey a common “character.”19 Thus, one preacher may speak of “this” day
to refer to Easter, while another may use the same word refer to Christmas,
without the term “this” losing its common character. For ancient sermons and
hymns, indexicals figure in efforts to actualize a historical moment or figure.20

17
For a general introduction see Edward Yarnold, The Awe-Inspiring Rites of Initiation:
The Origins of the RCIA (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical, 1994).
18
The literature is extensive and technical, but for an introduction see David Braun, “Index-
icals,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (<http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/indexicals/>);
John Perry, “Indexicals and Demonstratives,” in Companion to the Philosophy of Language, ed.
Robert Hale and Crispin Wright (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997), 586–612.
19
See David Kaplan, “Demonstratives,” in Themes from Kaplan, ed. Joseph Almog, John
Perry, and Howard Wettstein (Oxford: Oxford University, 1989), 481–563.
20
For a discussion of Aktualisierung in the context of patristic exegesis, see Basil Studer, “Die
patristische Exegese, eine Aktualisierung der Heiligen Schrift: zur hermeneutischen Problematik
der frühchristlichen Bibelauslegung,” REAug 42 (1996), 71–95.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

8 Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose

Such terms, along with Ambrose’s strategic use of multivalent vocabulary and
the rhetoric of the spiritual senses, render present and identifiable specific
times and locations.
Chapter 3 begins my treatment of the hymns themselves. Prompted by
Ambrose’s own description of the role of his hymns in promoting fervor
and doctrinal unity in the basilica crisis, I argue that Ambrose hoped to
enchant the singers with words and music, joining the congregation not
simply in a common creedal profession but also in a collective “imaginary”
that would perceive both nature and Scripture through a shared lens.21 That
lens, I argue, acquires a Nicene hue through the studied insertion of key terms
and phrases. Examining the first and best-attested set of hymns, those for the
hours of the day, I argue that Ambrose furnishes this lens through careful
poetic techniques, especially the use of indexical terms and repetitions, which
encourage the congregation to look beyond natural appearances to recognize a
supernatural referent.
The next chapter continues this analysis with a treatment of the three
hymns for dominical feasts, that is, Christmas, Epiphany, and Easter. Here,
following Zerfass, I argue that Ambrose’s particular concern is to foster in his
congregation a spiritual sensitivity to the scriptural readings linked to the
feasts themselves. Interweaving Old Testament texts and ecclesial interpret-
ations into the hymns, Ambrose encourages his congregation to recognize in
biblical texts references to Christ’s divinity and the Christian mysteries.
Moreover, I maintain that these readings are framed by Ambrose’s project
of organizing the church year in response to Arian alternatives.
In Chapter 5 I treat the hymns for the martyrs. After outlining Ambrose’s
role in promoting the martyr cults in Milan and their relation to his pro-
Nicene efforts, I discuss the place of the hymns in this project; the scholarship
is less convinced of the authenticity of these hymns, and thus a portion of each
study aims to support the attribution to Ambrose. At the same time, I show
that Ambrose’s mystagogical sensitization works somewhat differently in
these hymns. Here Ambrose presents saints connected to distinctive Roman
cults. In the process the bishop links his Nicene cause to the saints, and
therefore to the church, of Rome. He also reinforces the identity of the
Arian sympathizers as outsiders and uncivilized. Thus, rather than promoting
a particular vision of nature or Scripture, these hymns emphasize a shared
view of the congregation’s civic and ecclesial loyalties. Examining the hymns
for Milanese martyrs—“Victor Nabor Felix Pii” and “Grates Tibi, Iesu, Nouas”
(Protasius and Gervasius)—I argue that, as in his preaching around the crisis
of 386, Ambrose again deploys “local” martyrs (they are in fact outsiders
adopted as “guests”) to clarify and reinforce his congregation’s Nicene identity

21
For Taylor on “imaginary,” see A Secular Age, 171–6.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

Introduction 9
in response to Homoian “barbarians.” I conclude with a brief treatment of the
lone outlying hymn (since it treats a saint who is neither a martyr nor linked to
Rome or Milan), “Amore Christi Nobilis” (John the Evangelist), in the context
of Nicene polemic.
Chapters 6 and 7 consider the early reception of Ambrose’s hymns. I argue
that the modes of imitation in early anonymous hymns indicate the persist-
ence not simply of the Ambrosian hymnodic form but also the subtle influence
of the vocabulary and techniques linked to his original mystagogical methods.
These imitations, I maintain, are characterized by “centonization” and ampli-
ficatio, that is, the repetition, “restitching,” and exaggeration of terms and
stylistic features of the originals.
Chapter 7 traces the sophisticated reception of these techniques in Sedulius’s
morning hymn, “A Solis Ortus Cardine,” before treating Prudentius, especially
in his Cathemerinon, at greater length, analyzing three of his hymns that
correspond to hymns for the hours, dominical feasts, and martyrs. Here
I claim that Prudentius, widely regarded as the greatest early Christian Latin
poet, offers compelling support for my general reading by exaggerating pre-
cisely the vocabulary and hymnodic features of the original hymns that
I identified as mystagogical. Reading Prudentius as he reads Ambrose helps
us not only to understand Prudentius’s source but also to recognize Pruden-
tius as an early and reliable interpreter who follows the general contours of my
analysis. It also locates Ambrose’s achievement in the “potential cultural take-
over bid” that characterized early Christian literary culture relative to pagan
literature, where the classics were often supplanted or at least supplemented by
biblically centered works.22
I conclude with some observations about the theological relevance of my
work. As recent scholars have noted, hymns should be treated more often than
they are as genuine theological sources.23 By tracing Ambrose’s mystagogical
method in its various modes throughout his hymnodic corpus, I present
his sacramental vision of the “two books” of nature and of Scripture. For
Ambrose, baptism confers a new outlook, a new sensitivity to the hours of the
day, the events of the Lord’s life, and the careers of the martyrs. While the
sharing of this sensitivity among his congregation serves to unite them in a
common faith, the project is more than an exercise in identity formation, to
which it might be reduced in contemporary scholarship;24 Ambrose’s goal is

22
Frances Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture (Cambridge:
Cambridge University, 1997), 51.
23
Bogdan Bucur, “ ‘The Feet that Eve Heard in Paradise and Was Afraid’: Observations on
the Christology of Byzantine Hymns,” Philosophy & Theology 18 (2006), 3–26; S. T. Kimbrough,
Jr., “Hymns are Theology,” Theology Today 42 (1985), 59–68.
24
There is a growing literature on “communal identity formation” in antiquity. See, e.g., Zeba
A. Crook and Philip A. Harland, eds., Identity and Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean:
Jews, Christians and Others: Essays in Honour of Stephen G. Wilson (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix,
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

10 Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose

not simply to compose songs that might distinguish the Nicene Christians
from the Arians. Rather, Ambrose’s faith in an enduring transformation
wrought by the Son, coeternal with the Father, in the Incarnation, inspires
him to communicate the supernatural in the experience of the plain and the
natural. Because Christ the Son is true God, every encounter with the Bible
and the sacraments is shot through with transcendence, and the recognition of
that transcendence leads the congregation to common praise of the Trinity. In
my conclusion, then, I can link this approach to Ambrose’s broader theology
of grace, which views the baptized as equipped with a particular perspicuity in
recognizing God’s work in creation and history. This grace flows from Christ
the Son to the saints and binds believers in their collective celebration of God’s
saving work.25

TEXTS

Throughout the study I rely on the Latin text of the hymns established by
Jacques Fontaine and his team of scholars, only rarely suggesting divergent
readings.26 My philological arguments demand special caution: hymn texts,
often altered by communal practice and oral transmission, can be particularly
unstable; moreover, the oldest, Carolingian hymnaries are often unreliable.27
In arguing on the basis of particular word use, I must therefore be careful to
recognize possible flexibility in even the early performance of the hymns.
Nevertheless, this is not primarily a philological study: I cannot treat the
variants, even the major ones, for each hymn and still offer a comprehensive

2007); Maijastina Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue: Christian and Pagan Cultures c. 360–430
(Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007). For an account of communal identity formation in Byzantine
hymnography, see most recently, Derek Krueger, Liturgical Subjects: Christian Ritual, Biblical
Narrative, and the Formation of the Self in Byzantium (Philadelphia, PA: University of
Pennsylvania, 2014); on “identity construction” through baptism in Ambrose, see Reidar
Aasgaard, “Ambrose and Augustine: Two Bishops on Baptism and Christian Identity,” in
Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, vol. 2,
ed. David Hellholm, Tor Vegge, Øyvind Norderval, and Christer Hellholm (Berlin: De
Gruyter, 2011), 1253–82.
25
For an overview, see Eduardo Toraño López, La teología de la Gracia en Ambrosio de Milán
(Madrid: Publicaciones de la Facultad de Teología “San Dámaso”, 2006).
26
For non-Ambrosian hymns I rely on Gabriele Banterle, Giacomo Biffi, Inos Biffi, and
Luciano Migliavacca, eds., Ambrogio: Opere poetiche e frammenti (Milan: Biblioteca Ambrosiana,
1994); Arthur Sumner Walpole, Early Latin Hymns (Hildeshaim: Olms, 1966; repr. 2004); and
Walther Bulst, Hymni latini antiqvissimi lxxv, psalmi iii (Heidelberg: F. H. Kerle, 1956); for
Prudentius, the CCL edition of Maurice P. Cunningham, Prudentius: Carmina (Turnhout:
Brepols, 1966).
27
See Marie-Hélène Jullien, “Les sources de la tradition ancienne des hymnes attribuées à
Saint Ambroise,” Revue d’histoire des textes 19 (1989), 363–6.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

Introduction 11
account of the corpus. Although I refer to a range of commentaries and
translations of the hymns in various languages, all renderings are my own.
Over the course of my treatment of the particular hymns, I will defend the
authenticity of thirteen of the fourteen printed in Fontaine’s collection. The
scholarly consensus of the twentieth century would not seem to justify such
confidence: most editions challenge the claims to authenticity of most of the
hymns in even the so-called Dreves corpus, which is the most limited.28
However, recent studies, especially among Milanese scholars, have begun to
acknowledge the cumulative weight of evidence for claiming authenticity.29
A review of the methods of establishing authorship sheds light on these
arguments.
The most nearly certain guarantee of Ambrosian authorship is a citation of
Ambrose as author in a contemporary source. Augustine, in fact, attests to
Ambrose as the author of four of them, which scholars view as the heart of the
collection.30 Indeed, following Manlio Simonetti, many have used these four as
the standard for evaluating the style of the rest of the corpus. Since three of
these hymns are for the daily hours, the approach yields a rather limited view
of Ambrosian style. The bishop who invented a hymnodic form would seem
equally capable of altering that form during his career. Indeed, as I argue,
Ambrose intentionally employs somewhat different poetic techniques within
the discrete groups of hymns. We are justified in searching for other grounds
to support authenticity.
As many have noted, a somewhat weaker criterion is clear and direct
citations of a hymn text without attribution in a contemporary source. Such
references reflect Ambrosian hymns’ rapid rise to “classical” status: we find,
for instance, in an exchange between Paulinus and Augustine a playful use of
the hymn texts in a manner that suggests both parties recognize their
Ambrosian authorship.31 Aided by the discovery of new sermons from
Augustine and the increasing power of lexical databases, scholars have
found a number of such references, especially in Augustine’s preaching.32
Manuscripts provide the next criterion for support. In particular, as Fon-
taine notes, hymnaries linked to Milan attest to the enduring popularity of an
individual song in its original setting, thereby increasing the probability of its
Ambrosian authorship. Even when a particular hymn is rarely attested in later

28
For a brief review of the various corpora see Giuseppe Visonà, “Lo ‘status quaestionis’ della
ricerca ambrosiana,” in Nec timeo mori, 65–6.
29
As representative, see Bonato, S. Ambrogio, 70–5; in the most recent English version, see
Peter G. Walsh, ed. and tr., One Hundred Latin Hymns: Ambrose to Aquinas (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University, 2012).
30
“Aeterne Rerum Conditor” in Retr. 1.21.1; “Iam Surgit Hora Tertia” in Nat. et gr. 63.74;
“Deus Creator Omnium” in Conf. 9.12.32; “Intende Qui Regis Israel” in C. s. Arrian. 8.
31
Ep. 80.2; see Lanéry, Ambroise hagiographe, 244–5.
32
For a summary presentation of early citations, see Jullien, “La tradition,” 61.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 7/9/2016, SPi

12 Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose

centuries, its endurance in the churches of Milan and its grouping with the
hymns that were unquestionably composed by Ambrose support the trad-
itional attribution.
Last, although I relativize the importance of stylistic analysis in establishing
authenticity, I believe it can occasionally support the case of a particular song.
Taking an ample view of “style,” one can recognize common words, phrases,
and poetic techniques across the corpus. Moreover, as I argue, parallels within
the subgroups offer some evidence that Ambrose composed them to function
coherently as a collection.
Thus, my arguments throughout this volume can serve also to support the
authenticity of thirteen of the hymns I discuss. To be sure, it is not impossible
that a collaborator or early imitator contributed to his effort. Still, close
attention to the texts and their contexts hint that such collaboration was
influenced heavily by Ambrose’s pastoral program.
Another random document with
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 —Eh! bien, Christophe? fit Babette.
—Vous parlez sans la reine, répondit le jeune avocat.
Quelques jours après cette déception assez amère, un apprenti
remit à Christophe ce petit billet laconique.
«Chaudieu veut voir son enfant!»
—Qu’il entre! s’écria Christophe.
—O mon saint martyr! dit le ministre en venant embrasser
l’avocat, es-tu remis de tes douleurs?
—Oui, grâce à Paré!
—Grâce à Dieu qui t’a donné la force de supporter la torture!
Mais qu’ai-je appris? tu t’es fait recevoir avocat, tu as prêté le
serment de fidélité, tu as reconnu la prostituée, l’Église catholique,
apostolique et romaine!...
—Mon père l’a voulu.
—Mais ne devons-nous pas quitter nos pères, nos enfants, nos
femmes, tout pour la sainte cause du calvinisme, tout souffrir!... Ah!
Christophe, Calvin, le grand Calvin, tout le parti, le monde, l’avenir
comptent sur ton courage et sur ta grandeur d’âme! Il nous faut ta
vie.
Il y a ceci de remarquable dans l’esprit de l’homme, que le plus
dévoué, tout en se dévouant, se bâtit toujours un roman
d’espérances dans les crises les plus dangereuses. Ainsi, quand,
sur l’eau, sous le Pont-au-Change, le prince, le soldat et le ministre
avaient demandé à Christophe d’aller porter à Catherine ce traité
qui, surpris, devait lui coûter la vie, l’enfant comptait sur son esprit,
sur le hasard, sur son intelligence, et il s’était audacieusement
avancé entre ces deux terribles partis, les Guise et Catherine, où il
avait failli être broyé. Pendant la question, il se disait encore:—Je
m’en tirerai! ce n’est que de la douleur! Mais à cette demande
brutale: Meurs! faite à un garçon qui se trouvait encore impotent, à
peine remis de la torture et qui tenait d’autant plus à la vie qu’il avait
vu la mort de plus près, il était impossible de s’abandonner à des
illusions.
 Christophe répondit tranquillement:—De quoi s’agit-il?
—De tirer bravement un coup de pistolet comme Stuart sur
Minard.
—Sur qui?
—Sur le duc de Guise.
—Un assassinat?
—Une vengeance! Oublies-tu les cent gentilshommes massacrés
sur le même échafaud, à Amboise? Un enfant, le petit d’Aubigné, a
dit en voyant cette boucherie: Ils ont haché la France!
—Vous devez recevoir tous les coups et n’en pas porter, telle est
la religion de l’Évangile, répondit Christophe. Mais, pour imiter les
Catholiques, à quoi bon réformer l’Église?
—Oh! Christophe, ils t’ont fait avocat, et tu raisonnes! dit
Chaudieu.
—Non, mon ami, répondit l’avocat. Mais les princes sont trop
ingrats, et vous serez, vous et les vôtres, les jouets de la maison de
Bourbon...
—Oh! Christophe, si tu avais entendu Calvin, tu saurais que nous
les manions comme des gants!... Les Bourbons sont les gants, nous
sommes la main.
—Lisez! dit Christophe en présentant au ministre la réponse de
Pibrac.
—Oh! mon enfant, tu es ambitieux, tu ne peux plus te dévouer!...
je te plains!
Chaudieu sortit sur cette belle parole.
Quelques jours après cette scène, Christophe, la famille Lallier et
la famille Lecamus étaient réunis, en l’honneur des accordailles de
Babette et de Christophe, dans la vieille salle brune où Christophe
ne couchait plus; car il pouvait alors monter les escaliers et
commençait à se traîner sans béquilles. Il était neuf heures du soir,
on attendait Ambroise Paré. Le notaire de la famille se trouvait
devant une table chargée de contrats. Le pelletier vendait sa maison
et son fonds de commerce à son premier commis, qui payait
immédiatement la maison quarante mille livres, et qui engageait la
maison pour répondre du paiement des marchandises sur lesquelles
il donnait déjà vingt mille livres en à-compte.
Lecamus acquérait pour son fils une magnifique maison en pierre
bâtie par Philibert de l’Orme, rue Saint-Pierre-aux-Bœufs, et la lui
donnait en dot. Le syndic prenait en outre deux cent cinquante mille
livres sur sa fortune, et Lallier en donnait autant pour l’acquisition
d’une belle terre seigneuriale sise en Picardie, de laquelle on avait
demandé cinq cent mille livres. Cette terre étant dans la mouvance
de la couronne, il fallait des lettres-patentes, dites de rescription,
accordées par le roi, outre le paiement de lods et ventes
considérables. Aussi la conclusion du mariage était-elle ajournée
jusqu’à l’obtention de cette faveur royale. Si les bourgeois de Paris
s’étaient fait octroyer le droit d’acheter des seigneuries, la sagesse
du conseil privé y avait mis certaines restrictions relativement aux
terres qui relevaient de la couronne, et la terre que Lecamus guignait
depuis une dizaine d’années se trouvait dans l’exception. Ambroise
s’était fait fort d’apporter l’ordonnance le soir même. Le vieux
Lecamus allait de sa salle à sa porte dans une impatience qui
montrait combien grande avait été son ambition. Enfin, Ambroise
arriva.
—Mon vieil ami, dit le chirurgien assez effaré et regardant le
souper, voyons tes nappes? Bien. Oh! mettez des chandelles de
cire. Dépêchez, dépêchez! cherchez tout ce que vous aurez de plus
beau.
—Qu’y a-t-il donc? demanda le curé de Saint-Pierre-aux-Bœufs.
—La reine-mère et le jeune roi viennent souper avec vous,
répliqua le premier chirurgien. La reine et le roi attendent un vieux
conseiller dont la charge sera vendue à Christophe, et M. de Thou
qui a conclu le marché. N’ayez pas l’air d’avoir été prévenus, je me
suis échappé du Louvre.
En un moment, les deux familles furent sur pied. La mère de
Christophe et la tante de Babette allèrent et vinrent avec une célérité
de ménagères surprises. Malgré la confusion que cet avis jeta dans
l’assemblée de famille, les préparatifs se firent avec une activité qui
tint du prodige. Christophe, ébahi, surpris, confondu d’une pareille
faveur, était sans parole et regardait tout faire machinalement.
—La reine et le roi chez nous! disait la vieille mère.
—La reine! répétait Babette, que dire et que faire!
Au bout d’une heure tout fut changé: la vieille salle était parée, et
la table étincelait. On entendit alors un bruit de chevaux dans la rue.
La lueur des torches portées par les cavaliers de l’escorte fit mettre
le nez à la fenêtre aux bourgeois du quartier. Ce tumulte fut rapide. Il
ne resta sous les piliers que la reine-mère et son fils, le roi Charles
IX, Charles de Gondi nommé grand-maître de la garde-robe et
gouverneur du roi, M. de Thou, le vieux conseiller, le secrétaire
d’État Pinard et deux pages.
—Braves gens, dit la reine en entrant, nous venons, le roi mon
fils et moi, signer le contrat de mariage du fils à notre pelletier; mais
c’est à la condition qu’il restera catholique. Il faut être catholique
pour entrer au parlement, il faut être catholique pour posséder une
terre qui relève de la couronne, il faut être catholique pour s’asseoir
à la table du roi! N’est-ce pas, Pinard?
Le secrétaire d’État parut en montrant des lettres-patentes.
—Si nous ne sommes pas ici tous catholiques, dit le petit roi,
Pinard jettera tout au feu; mais nous sommes tous catholiques ici?
reprit-il en jetant des yeux assez fiers sur toute l’assemblée.
—Oui, sire, dit Christophe Lecamus en fléchissant quoique avec
peine le genou et baisant la main que le jeune roi lui tendit.
La reine Catherine, qui tendit aussi sa main à Christophe, le
releva brusquement et, l’emmenant à quelques pas dans un coin, lui
dit:—Ah! çà, mon garçon, pas de finauderies? Nous jouons franc jeu!
—Oui, madame, reprit-il saisi par l’éclatante récompense et par
l’honneur que lui faisait cette reine reconnaissante.
—Hé! bien, mons Lecamus, le roi mon fils et moi nous vous
permettons de traiter de la charge du bonhomme Groslay, conseiller
au Parlement, que voici, dit la reine. Vous y suivrez, j’espère, jeune
homme, les errements de monsieur le Premier.
De Thou s’avança et dit:—Je réponds de lui, madame.
—Eh! bien, instrumentez, garde-notes, dit Pinard.
—Puisque le roi notre maître nous fait la faveur de signer le
contrat de ma fille, s’écria Lallier, je paie tout le prix de la seigneurie.
—Les dames peuvent s’asseoir, dit le jeune roi d’une façon
gracieuse. Pour présent de noces à l’accordée, je fais, avec
l’agrément de ma mère, remise de mes droits.
Le vieux Lecamus et Lallier tombèrent à genoux et baisèrent la
main du jeune roi.
—Mordieu! sire, combien ces bourgeois ont d’argent! lui dit Gondi
à l’oreille.
Le jeune roi se prit à rire.
—Leurs seigneuries étant dans leurs bonnes, dit le vieux
Lecamus, veulent-elles me permettre de leur présenter mon
successeur et lui continuer la patente royale de la fourniture de leurs
maisons?
—Voyons, dit le roi.
Lecamus fit avancer son successeur qui devint blême.
—Si ma chère mère le permet, nous nous mettrons tous à table,
dit le jeune roi.
Le vieux Lecamus eut l’attention de donner au roi un gobelet
d’argent qu’il avait obtenu de Benvenuto Cellini, lors de son séjour
en France à l’hôtel de Nesle, et qui n’avait pas coûté moins de deux
mille écus.
—Oh! ma mère, le beau travail! s’écria le jeune roi en levant le
gobelet par le pied.
—C’est de Florence, répondit Catherine.
—Pardonnez-moi, madame, dit Lecamus, c’est fait en France par
un Florentin. Ce qui est de Florence serait à la reine, mais ce qui est
fait en France est au roi.
—J’accepte, bonhomme, s’écria Charles IX, et désormais ce sera
mon gobelet.
—Il est assez bien, dit la reine en examinant ce chef-d’œuvre,
pour le comprendre dans les joyaux de la couronne.—Eh! bien,
maître Ambroise, dit la reine à l’oreille de son chirurgien en
désignant Christophe, l’avez-vous bien soigné? marchera-t-il?
—Il volera, dit en souriant le chirurgien. Ah! vous nous l’avez bien
finement débauché.
—Faute d’un moine, l’abbaye ne chôme pas, répondit la reine
avec cette légèreté qu’on lui a reprochée et qui n’était qu’à la
surface.
Le souper fut gai, la reine trouva Babette jolie, et, en grande
reine qu’elle fut toujours, elle lui passa au doigt un de ses diamants
afin de compenser la perte que le gobelet faisait chez les Lecamus.
Le roi Charles IX, qui depuis prit peut-être trop de goût à ces sortes
d’invasions chez ses bourgeois, soupa de bon appétit; puis, sur un
mot de son nouveau gouverneur, qui, dit-on, avait charge de lui faire
oublier les vertueuses instructions de Cypierre, il entraîna le premier
président, le vieux conseiller démissionnaire, le secrétaire d’État, le
curé, le notaire et les bourgeois à boire si druement, que la reine
Catherine sortit au moment où elle vit la gaieté sur le point de
devenir bruyante. Au moment où la reine se leva, Christophe, son
père et les deux femmes prirent des flambeaux et l’accompagnèrent
jusque sur le seuil de la boutique. Là, Christophe osa tirer la reine
par sa grande manche et lui fit un signe d’intelligence. Catherine
s’arrêta, renvoya le vieux Lecamus et les deux femmes par un geste,
et dit à Christophe:—Quoi?
—Si vous pouvez, madame, tirer parti de ceci, dit-il en parlant à
l’oreille de la reine, sachez que le duc de Guise est visé par des
assassins...
—Tu es un loyal sujet, dit Catherine en souriant, et je ne
t’oublierai jamais.
 Elle lui tendit sa main, si célèbre par sa beauté, mais en la
dégantant, ce qui pouvait passer pour une marque de faveur; aussi
Christophe devint-il tout à fait royaliste en baisant cette adorable
main.
—Ils m’en débarrasseront donc, de ce soudard, sans que j’y sois
pour quelque chose! pensa-t-elle en mettant son gant.
Elle monta sur sa mule et regagna le Louvre avec ses deux
pages.
Christophe resta sombre tout en buvant, la figure austère
d’Ambroise lui reprochait son apostasie; mais les événements
postérieurs donnèrent gain de cause au vieux syndic. Christophe
n’aurait certes pas échappé aux massacres de la Saint-Barthélemi,
ses richesses et sa terre l’eussent désigné aux meurtriers. L’histoire
a enregistré le sort cruel de la femme du successeur de Lallier, belle
créature dont le corps resta nu, accroché par les cheveux à l’un des
étais du Pont-au-Change pendant trois jours. Babette frémit alors, en
pensant qu’elle aurait pu subir un pareil traitement, si Christophe fût
demeuré Calviniste, car tel fut bientôt le nom des Réformés.
L’ambition de Calvin fut satisfaite, mais après sa mort.
Telle fut l’origine de la célèbre maison parlementaire des
Lecamus. Tallemant des Réaux a commis une erreur en les faisant
venir de Picardie. Les Lecamus eurent intérêt plus tard à dater de
l’acquisition de leur principale terre, située en ce pays. Le fils de
Christophe, qui lui succéda sous Louis XIII, fut le père de ce riche
président Lecamus qui, sous Louis XIV, édifia le magnifique hôtel qui
disputait à l’hôtel Lambert l’admiration des Parisiens et des
étrangers; mais qui, certes, est l’un des plus beaux monuments de
Paris. L’hôtel Lecamus existe encore rue de Thorigny, quoiqu’au
commencement de la Révolution, il ait été pillé comme appartenant
à M. de Juigné, l’archevêque de Paris. Toutes les peintures y ont
alors été effacées; et, depuis, les pensionnats qui s’y sont logés l’ont
fortement endommagé. Ce palais, gagné dans le vieux logis de la
rue de la Pelleterie, montre encore les beaux résultats qu’obtenait
jadis l’Esprit de Famille. Il est permis de douter que l’individualisme
moderne, engendré par le partage égal des successions, élève de
pareils monuments.

FIN DU MARTYR CALVINISTE.

 NOTE.

Voici cette chanson publiée par l’abbé de La Place dans son

Recueil de pièces intéressantes, où se trouve la dissertation dont
nous avons parlé.
LE CONVOI DU DUC DE GUISE.

Qui veut ouïr chanson? (bis)

C’est du grand duc de Guise;
Et bon, bon, bon, bon,
Di, dan, di, dan, bon,
C’est du grand duc de Guise!
(Ce dernier vers se parlait et se disait sans doute comiquement.)
Qui est mort et enterré.

Qui est mort et enterré. (bis)

Aux quatre coins du poële,
Et bon, etc.,
Quatre gentilshomm’s y avoit.

Quatre gentilshomm’s y avait, (bis)

L’un portoit son grand casque,
Et bon, etc.,
Et l’autre ses pistolets.

Et l’autre ses pistolets, (bis)

Et l’autre son épée,
Et bon, etc.,
Qui tant d’hugu’nots a tués.

Qui tant d’hugu’nots a tués. (bis)

Venoit le quatrième,
Et bon, etc.,
Qui étoit le plus dolent.

Qui étoit le plus dolent; (bis)

Après venoient les pages,
Et b t
 Et bon, etc.,
Et les valets de pied.

Et les valets de pied, (bis)

Avecque de grands crêpes,
Et bon, etc.,
Et des souliers cirés.

Et des souliers cirés, (bis)

Et des beaux bas d’estame,
Et bon, etc.,
Et des culottes de piau.

Et des culottes de piau. (bis)

La cérémonie faite,
Et bon, etc.,
Chacun s’alla coucher.

Chacun s’alla coucher, (bis)

Les uns avec leurs femmes,
Et bon, etc.,
Et les autres tout seul.

Cette découverte curieuse prouverait jusqu’à un certain point la

culpabilité de Théodore de Bèze, qui voulut alors diminuer par le
ridicule l’horreur que causait cet assassinat. Il paraît que l’air faisait
le principal mérite de cette ronde.
 TABLE DES MATIÈRES.

ÉTUDES PHILOSOPHIQUES.

Massimilla Doni 1
Gambara 74
L’Enfant maudit 129
Les Marana 220
Adieu 275
Le Réquisitionnaire 315
El Verdugo 330
Un Drame au bord de la mer 340
L’Auberge rouge 359
L’Élixir de longue vie 391
Maître Cornélius 413
Sur Catherine de Médicis 468
Introduction 469
Première partie.—Le Martyr calviniste 503

FIN DE LA TABLE.
 Au lecteur.
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apportées. Elles sont soulignées par des pointillés. Positionnez
le curseur sur le mot souligné pour voir le texte original.
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