TITLE PAGE

INFLUENCE OF MASS MEDIA ON 2023 GENERAL ELECTIONS REPORTAGE: A STUDY OF NIGERIA PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTION

BY

A PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF MASS COMMUNICATION, SCHOOL OF INFORMATION AND

COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGY,

DELTA STATE POLYTECHNIC OGWASHI-UKU,

DELTA STATE.

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF HIGHER NATIONAL DIPLOMA (HND) IN
MASS COMMUNICATION.

SEPTEMBER,

APPROVAL PAGE

This project has been read and approved as satisfying the requirements for the Award of Higher National Diploma
(HND) in the Department Mass Communication, School of

By

………………………… …………………

MR. UNEGBU, G. N. DATE

(Project Supervisor)

………………………… …………………

MR. C. M. UDOH DATE

(Head of Department)

……………………… ……………………

EXTERNAL EXAMINER DATE

DEDICATION
I dedicate this research work to God Almighty, for his guidance and protection throughout my stay here in Federal
Polytechnic NekedeOwerri. And to those who have contributed in one way or the other to make my academic
pursuit a dream comes through.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I sincerely give thanks to God Almighty that has made all impossibility possible for me, for my academic
pursuit come this far, for his protection, care and banner of love over met.
It won’t have been so easy without my parents, Mr. & Mrs. Okereafor for their supports, words of
encouragement and their endeavours efforts to make sure I lack nothing during this research work and stay here in
Nekede.
 I also thank my wonderful siblings, Okereafor Blessing Chinyere, Ogadinma and Esther for all their words
of encouragement and prayers during this program. My uncle who I will never forget so easily, Kelechi Mbakwem,
who made me know that my admission into this institution was guaranteed and Mr. EmekaOkata, who died on the
run, also act as a helping hand towards my education pursuit come to reality, I will say may his soul rest in peace.
To my bossom friends in the department, Chima Angela Chidimma, Ilanye Jane Ihute, Benjamin Tochi
Juliet, Chibundu Ann, Chika Oparaocha, Akwada Roger and Hezekiah Herientta who will assist in time of needs
and provide solutions were necessary, to my boo of life Godwin Future Nkiruka, thumbs up to you for some words
of encouragement (I love you).
To my undisputable groups in my department which I call cartels, Nwosu Newton, Nwachukwu Godwin,
Amanze Emmanuel and also to my God sent roommate who also assist with ideas on certain matter when
encroached with, I say may God see us through in all our doings, amen.
To all my course mate those that are now happily married and also those that are yet to be married, may
you see and reap the fruit of your labour.
To my project supervisor, Mr. George Unegbu, for taking his time to make correction in this research work
and making it easier for me, I say big thanks. To lecturers who also impacted vividly towards my education, my
HOD, Mr. Udoh, A. M., and Mr. Raphael Obuseh, I say thanks for the knowledge you have impacted in me.
To all friends from ND to my HND, I say, I love you all.

Abstract

This paper focuses generally on the influence of massmedia on general election of 2023 as it pertain
presidentialelections.The background is the recognition of general election. The statement of
problem is anchored on the wide spread negative image of the media in electioneering campaigns in
Nigeria’s political system. The objective of this paper is to readdress media practice in Nigeria to its
fundamental ethical journalistic foundation as basis for positive contribution to national integration.
It is also aimed at the examination of both external (official) and internal obstacles that hinder the
realization of the goal. This paper examine the performances of the media in Nigerian electoral
process with regard to its fundamental roles to inform, educate, entertain and monitor in the
electoral process.

1.0. Introduction

The history of elections in Nigeria generally has afforded us the golden opportunity of assessment of
the divergent roles of the media in Nigeria political process within the framework of our national
political goal. The issue and question of education,information, mobilization and monitoring has
become a very crucial factor in the realization of the national objectives in the context of the
electoral process. This is as a result of the ugly incidences of various forms of electoral malpractices
which have repeatedly threatened the possibility of credible elections and national integration in
Nigeria. Though the issue at stake is the responsibility of all stakeholders in the body politic, there is
however, a rationale in assigning this responsibility as a primary concern of the mass media on the
ground of professional competence as the fourth estate of the realm. It has therefore, become very
important to assess the roles of the mass media in the electoral history of Nigeria. To what extent
has the Nigerian media discharged its statutory functions towards achieving a positive political
national agenda?

Iredia (2007:12) the former Director General of Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), states the
problem in this regard very clearly that, the people must be assisted to premise their choices of
rationality and vote wisely during elections. They must have all information that is needed to elect
the right candidates who can ensure good governance. Where such public awareness is lacking,
those of us in the media must accept a share of the blame of failed elections in Nigeria. This paper
presumes an understanding of the meaning of election or electioneering campaign in politics as a
periodic selection of government representatives of the people at various levels of governance by
the electorate themselves.

1.2. STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH QUESTION

According to Safko (2010: 4) many organizations still have the view that mass media is a set of
strange and foreign technologies that they may or may not use to market their offerings or views.
The use of mass media is however at its infancy in most industries or organizations. The Mass Media
(2013: 12) indicates that the opportunities in the industry are so numerous but are not yet fully
exploited and more platforms is needed to create more awareness in the country. Also an
information gap exists in the country Nigeriapertaining to the influence of mass media in influencing
a country election. The research problem may thus be summarised as the need to understand the
influence of mass media in Nigeria 2023 general election.

1.3. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

1. The objective of the study is to access the influence of mass MEDIA on 2023 general election

2 To determined the common social media application used in the 2023 generation election;

3. To know the effects of using social media in the general election.

4. To know the problems encountered when using social media as a tool for general election and

5 To proposed plan of action to address the influence of social media in general election

1.4. RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. Does mass media influences general election in Nigeria.

2. Are there common mass media application used in general election of Nigeria?

3 Are there influence of mass media in the general election of Nigeria.

4. Does Nigeria general election encounter problems using mass media as a tool for their general
election and

5. Are there plan of actions to address the influences of mass media encountered in general election.

1.5.STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESIS

This is an essential aspect of any research work. In effect, the following null hypotheses were
formulated and are to be tested in the research project. They include:

Ho: Mass media does not have platforms in which it influences Nigeria election

Hi: Mass media have platforms in which it influences Nigeria election

Ho: There is no influence of mass media on general election of 2023 pertaining Nigeria
presidential election.
Hi: There is an influence of mass media on general election of 2023 2023 pertaining the Nigeria
presidential election.

1.6. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

1. It is believed that the study will be of benefit to the student, private individuals, INEC, government
officials, media agencies and the general public in the aspect of giving them the knowledge on the
influence of mass media.

2. The student will benefit from the study as the topic will make the student to know about mass
media, elections and its influences.

3. The study will reveal the mass media applications to the student and general public.

4. The study will make the student, private individuals and general public to know the problems
associated in mass media

4. The study will also reveal the solutions to the problems associated in the study as the students
and the general public will take note of the solution.

1.7.SCOPE OF THE STUDY:

This study is intended to access the influence of mass media in the 2023 general election. However,
due to inadequate resources and time to carry out the research, the researcher decided to carry out
the research in Delta state.

1.8. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY.

This study despite the anticipated huge contributions expected, however constrained by the
following:

THE TIME CONSTRAINT:

The time allotted for this study is so short as to cover all the major determinants required for more
facts about the research because the researcher combined the class activities with the research
activities.

MONEY CONSTRAINT:

The money to travel far and wide in search of information for the study was not there as the
researcher has spent the little money in she had in purchase of textbooks and other fees in school.

Information constraint:

The information needed were not adequate as the respondents or people were afraid that they
might reveal the secret of their organization by giving information to the researcher, so enough
information were not gotten.

1.9.DEFINITION OF TERMS

Media:

Mass media
 Influence

Government

Election

Politics

CHAPTER TWO

2.0. LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. INTRODUCTION

What is today’s known as mass media in Nigeria came chronologically i.e from one stage to the other,
from one technological advancement to the other, from one regime or government or the other. There is
no doubt about the fact that print media pioneered and ushered the history of the Nigerian mass media.

However, despite the disagreements among earlier scholars, researchers and media experts on how and
when the press began in Nigeria, yet most of the scholars and experts agreed that Nigerian’s first
newspaper was Iwe-Iroyin fun AwonEgba(the Newspaper for the Egba People) floated by Reverend
Henry Townsend in Abeokuta in 1859 (Lawal, 2014). The newspaper was published in Yoruba language
with its English supplement came in March 1860, although it was mainly a Christian evangelical paper
(Aliagan, 2006).

From the humble beginning of the print journalism in 1859, different newspapers and magazines have
emerged; later the nation witnessed another development of electronic media particularly the radio
services through British Broadcasting Corporation Rediffusion in 1932 among other growth in the
broadcast media up till date (Oyekanmi, 2018).

This piece shall holistically examined history of the Nigerian mass media particularly the broadcast media
with emphasis on the radio and television respectively from 1932 till today.

2.2. DEFINITION OF MASS MEDIA

One of the concepts in mass communication and journalism that has many definitions, though pointing
to the same direction is the concept of “Mass Media”. Different scholars in Nigeria and all over the world
have seen it from different angles especially from their cultural, political, technological and social
contexts. For the purpose of this piece, few credible and scholarly definitions of mass media will be
considered to give clear focus on what Mass Media are and do. Mass media is considered to be an
umbrella term used for all means of communication to a wider and larger audience residing in different
geographical locations.

Mass media is a plural of mass medium which can be described as technology that can be used to pass
information to a large audience that are usually distance from the sources of the message often through
the radio and television (simultaneous media) and partially or non-simultaneous media (newspaper and
magazine). Although, many scholars believe that the internet is inclusive whereas many also disagree,
but I think is inclusive because, the internet has the characteristic of simultaneous delivery of message
e.g live streaming, live video conferencing, etc and non-simultaneous at the same time e.g watching
podcast, blog posts etc.

Lawal (2004:2) defines mass media as a means or channels through which messages or information are
transferred or disseminate to a wider and larger heterogeneous audience who are residing in a diverse
location. Also, mass media organization is described as that produce news or entertainment content and
distribute that content to a large number of geographically separated people through a technologically
based medium (David, 2005:182).

The term mass media simply translates to the modern means of giving news, opinion, education and
entertainment to large numbers of people, especially through radio, television, newspapers, magazines
and films. Isamuko, (2011) writes that news is distributed in Nigeria through print and electronic media.
These include radio, television, newspaper and magazine.

McQuail, (2000) describes mass media as a means of communication that operates on a large scale,
reaching and involving virtually everyone in a society to a greater or lesser degree. Buttressing the above
assertion, Daramola (2005:95) opines that “the mass media are very powerful socializing agent. The
mass media are mainly newspapers, magazines, radios, televisions and movies they are impersonal
sources and they reach large, heterogeneous and widely dispersed audiences.

2.3. FORMS OF MASS MEDIA

There are basically two broad categories of mass media according to Andrew and Oloruntola
(2009:18) cited in Daramola, (2005) but emergence of internet has given room for more platforms such
as the Internet (Adeniran, 2017:1)

Broadcast Media: Radio and television

Print Media: Newspaper, Magazine and Book

Internet (Social media, email, live streaming, podcast etc)

However, for the purpose of this write up, efforts will be dwelled on the electronic media
otherwise called broadcast media which are radio and television. Broadcasting is believed to be the act
of transmitting programmes or signals intended to be received by the public through radio, television, or
similar means (Encyclopedia of American, 2005:1).

Onabajo, (2000:1) defines broadcasting as the transmission of information through radio waves
from a radio or television station, to the audience in far and near places, through their receivers, which
help in decoding such information.

Folarin (2000:35) defines broadcasting as the planned provision of information, education and
entertainment to a large and heterogeneous audience through two major media of mass
communication. i.e the radio or television.

In a more encompassing definition, broadcasting can be described as a process of transmitting

information, idea, culture, opinion, news to a large and wide heterogeneous and anonymous audience
residing in a diverse geographical location simultaneously (almost simultaneous) using a medium of mass
communication (radio, television or internet) with an option of immediate or delayed feedback (Alao
and Olayinka, 2017).

2.4.Mass Media and Politics in Nigeria:

A Historical Perspective on the Problematic At independence, African leaders borrowed the

authoritarian attitude in respect of the curtailment of press freedom from regimes of Eastern and
central Europe “action seemingly justified by the urge to fight against western imperialism and
colonialism”. This according to (Becker, S. and Lower, E 1976) gave rise to, the culture of one voice…
institutionalized … one voice culture entailed that there be only one official press… the effect (of
which) was that authoritarianism grew into conformist press. While during the colonial struggle,
indigenous newspapers became a rallying dissent point against colonial iniquities and injustices to
“propagate political ideas, to fight colonial injustices, to seek and demand freedom, to protect the
people’s interests, and to educate them about the present and the future” (Dare, L (1985), the
reverse became the case on attainment of political independence. However, as a colonial heritage,
when in 1953 the motion for self-governance was made by the Action Group, Sir John Macpherson,
the then colonial Governor, made a radio broadcast castigating the party. When Chief Obafemi
Awolowo, the leader of the party, sought a “right of reply” to the broadcast, the management of the
radio service rejected the request on the directive of the colonial government. According to scholars
this introduced into the Nigeria media the culture of imbalance and partisanship. According to
Adedeji, A. (1991), in 1961 the same government media were used to announce landslide victories
for the ruling political parties in the regional elections.

According to , it was on Adedeji, A. (1991), the contrary a public knowledge that the victories
attributed to the Northern People's Congress (NPC) in the north and the National Council for Nigeria
and Cameroon’s (NCNC) in the East were achieved using in part all forms of electoral chicanery,
political intimidations and even coercion including imprisonment of opposition leaders.

In 1964, the government media again were used to announce that over fifty percent of the
candidates of the ruling party were returned unopposed without voting in many places in the
election into the federal house of representative that year. This again was contrary to the fact as
Dare (1989:6) observed that Nigerians were aware that the announcements were false, because in
some cases, the returning officers disappeared and could not be contracted after receiving papers
for the official candidates. In 1965 Okolo (1993:16) noted that different versions of the results of the
same election held in the western region in October of that year were announced by different media
houses operating in Ibadan the regional capital. The affected media were Eastern Nigerian
Broadcasting Services (ENBS), the Western Nigerian Broadcasting Service (WNBS) and radio Nigeria.
In the second republic civilian government, the newspaper and electronic media were owned by
different state governments and the federal government. These media were therefore loyal to the
governments in control of their states. This situation though it has the tendency of promoting
healthy rivalry further dampened the image of the media. “This is because, the practitioners of
journalism wrote reports and news in their preconceived images, thereby destroying their integrity
and profession leaving behind a vulgarized journalism” (Dukor p.286). The implication of this
scenario of unprofessionalism is that the Nigerian media became concerned not with “the truth, but
with rumours”. This has largely led to the opinion that journalism as is practiced in Nigeria is a
“hogwash of exaggerations and speculations”, where, facts are distorted to suit the ends of those
who own the media”. Therefore, it can be argued that journalism in Nigeria with regard to its
constitutional roles is not scientific. This position is authenticated by many other findings, especially
with regard to election in Nigeria.

For instance, Egbon, M. (2004) in his study of the 1983 elections alleges That television houses
made it impossible for any politician opposed to the government in power to appear on the screen
and when he appeared at all, his picture would be distorted and television mechanism upset in order
to deliberately render his voice inaudible. As Okolo opines, Nigerian political parties and their
functionaries have always been known for using the media in an unwholesome manner. In 1983 for
example, the incumbent state governors used the media controlled by them to announce their own
re-election. The announcements by the governors were made well before the Electoral commission
could include the collation of votes cast at the same election (Alao, D (1992). In 1991, the
Governorship election held in Edo on December 14 was nullified because the state owned
broadcasting service breached the rules on political broadcast (Alao, D (1992). A report of the
European Union (EU) Election observation mission in respect of the 2003 general elections opines
that media performance during the Nigerian elections was flawed, as it failed to provide unbiased,
fair and informative coverage of political parties and candidates contesting the elections. Federal and
state owned media were biased in favour of parties and candidates in power. A cursory insight into
the history of elections in Nigerianpolitical development suggests a verdict of irresponsible media.
This is because the media has unduly left itself to the manipulation of the negative factors in
Nigerian election and politics, thereby, becoming irresponsible. First of these influences is the
influence of tribalism in political party formation. Right from the period before and after
independence, till date, political parties in Nigeria are formed along ethnic and tribal lines. These
parties have championed parochial and ethnic interests at the expense of national unity and stability
of the polity. According to Agba (2007:70). From the NCNC, AG and NDC of the precolonial days and
the first republic (1951-1966), through the NPN, NPP, GNPP (1979-1983) of the second republic and
the third republic and the NRC and SDP (1991-1993) of the botched fourth republic, and even to
the present day PDP, APGA, ACN, CPC and others (1999-2011), political parties formation has been
an ethnic affair. As a result of this tribalistic scenario, Marcia grant, as reported in Edogbo (1994:33),
carried out a comprehensive study of the relationship between the press and the political system in
Nigeria and discovered that the character of political reporting and commentary was entirely
dependent on media ownership structure and the owner’s relationship with the political system. He
therefore concludes that most newspapers often spoke for one political party or one region against
another, which meant that the press has always acted not as impartial estate, but as mouthpiece of
the political divisions in Nigeria.

Also Mohammed, J. (1994), observes that much did not change in the role of the media with regard
to its impartiality in subsequent democratic elections and electioneering campaign. For him press
partisanship has always manifested in political reporting.

As Agba (2007:71), points out, these scenario represents a failure on the part of the media to engage
in thorough analysis of party manifestoes and de-emphasis of ethnic politics. Agba’s verdict on
electioneering campaign in Nigeria is that of the absurd. According to him, electioneering campaign
seem to portray a consortium of insincere political figures, whose failure to keep promises dampens
the spirit of the electorate and the masses. He concludes that electioneering campaign in Nigeria is
characterized by electoral dirtiness and insecurity. Consequently,
Uzuegbunam (1993:49), opines that these have been the basis for most of the cases of irregularities,
election malpractices, misappropriation, mismanagement and insensitivity to the masses. To this
effect, Stappel (1973:6), has called on the media to work on Nigeria’s political culture. Unfortunately,
this unwholesome use of the media which has become a norm in Nigeria, usually brings with it
untold mayhem, chaos and political instability. In 1965 for instance, following the conflicting election
results announced by the media, political opponents in the Western Region engaged themselves in
what was referred to as “OPERATION WETE”, a process of setting property ablaze with petrol (Agba,
P.C (2007) Many lives and much property were lost in that exercise. In 1983, the Federal Television
Station in Abeokuta, Ogun State, was set ablaze ostensibly to show public dissatisfaction with the
station’s broadcast during the election. Similar incidents were recorded in different parts of the
country. The root cause of these problems was traced to the media by some politicians. The
implication is that election rigging in Nigeria usually attracts negative reactions from the public,
reactions which become very destructive when exacerbated by media publication of inaccurate
information or controversial results. What this suggests is that it is time to search for strategies that
can improve the performance of the nation’s media, particularly in matters of politics and elections.
The media should help to build enlightened electorate. Public enlightenment is a pre-condition for
free and fair elections. As Agba (2007), points out, the attainment of democratic governance in a
society is contingent on the psychological readiness and positive mental state of the citizens.

2.3. MASS MEDIA AND ITS THEORIES

Mass media is communication—whether written, broadcast, or spoken—that reaches a large

audience. This includes television, radio, advertising, movies, the Internet, newspapers, magazines,
and so forth.

Mass media is a significant force in modern culture, particularly in America. Sociologists refer to this
as a mediated culture where media reflects and creates the culture. Communities and individuals are
bombarded constantly with messages from a multitude of sources including TV, billboards, and
magazines, to name a few. These messages promote not only products, but moods, attitudes, and a
sense of what is and is not important. Mass media makes possible the concept of celebrity: without
the ability of movies, magazines, and news media to reach across thousands of miles, people could
not become famous. In fact, only political and business leaders, as well as the few notorious outlaws,
were famous in the past. Only in recent times have actors, singers, and other social elites become
celebrities or “stars.”

The current level of media saturation has not always existed. As recently as the 1960s and 1970s,
television, for example, consisted of primarily three networks, public broadcasting, and a few local
independent stations. These channels aimed their programming primarily at two‐parent, middle‐
class families. Even so, some middle‐class households did not even own a television. Today, one can
find a television in the poorest of homes, and multiple TVs in most middle‐class homes. Not only has
availability increased, but programming is increasingly diverse with shows aimed to please all ages,
incomes, backgrounds, and attitudes. This widespread availability and exposure makes television the
primary focus of most mass‐media discussions. More recently, the Internet has increased its role
exponentially as more businesses and households “sign on.” Although TV and the Internet have
dominated the mass media, movies and magazines—particularly those lining the aisles at grocery
checkout stands—also play a powerful role in culture, as do other forms of media.
What role does mass media play? Legislatures, media executives, local school officials, and
sociologists have all debated this controversial question. While opinions vary as to the extent and
type of influence the mass media wields, all sides agree that mass media is a permanent part of
modern culture. Three main sociological perspectives on the role of media exist: the limited‐effects
theory, the class‐dominant theory, and the culturalist theory.

Limited-effects theory

The limited‐effects theory argues that because people generally choose what to watch or read based
on what they already believe, media exerts a negligible influence. This theory originated and was
tested in the 1940s and 1950s. Studies that examined the ability of media to influence voting found
that well‐informed people relied more on personal experience, prior knowledge, and their own
reasoning. However, media “experts” more likely swayed those who were less informed. Critics point
to two problems with this perspective. First, they claim that limited‐effects theory ignores the
media's role in framing and limiting the discussion and debate of issues. How media frames the
debate and what questions members of the media ask change the outcome of the discussion and
the possible conclusions people may draw. Second, this theory came into existence when the
availability and dominance of media was far less widespread.

Class-dominant theory

The class‐dominant theory argues that the media reflects and projects the view of a minority elite,
which controls it. Those people who own and control the corporations that produce media comprise
this elite. Advocates of this view concern themselves particularly with massive corporate mergers of
media organizations, which limit competition and put big business at the reins of media—especially
news media. Their concern is that when ownership is restricted, a few people then have the ability
to manipulate what people can see or hear. For example, owners can easily avoid or silence stories
that expose unethical corporate behavior or hold corporations responsible for their actions.

The issue of sponsorship adds to this problem. Advertising dollars fund most media. Networks aim
programming at the largest possible audience because the broader the appeal, the greater the
potential purchasing audience and the easier selling air time to advertisers becomes. Thus, news
organizations may shy away from negative stories about corporations (especially parent
corporations) that finance large advertising campaigns in their newspaper or on their stations.
Television networks receiving millions of dollars in advertising from companies like Nike and other
textile manufacturers were slow to run stories on their news shows about possible human‐rights
violations by these companies in foreign countries. Media watchers identify the same problem at the
local level where city newspapers will not give new cars poor reviews or run stories on selling a
home without an agent because the majority of their funding comes from auto and real estate
advertising. This influence also extends to programming. In the 1990s a network cancelled a short‐
run drama with clear religious sentiments, Christy,because, although highly popular and beloved in
rural America, the program did not rate well among young city dwellers that advertisers were
targeting in ads.

Critics of this theory counter these arguments by saying that local control of news media largely lies
beyond the reach of large corporate offices elsewhere, and that the quality of news depends upon
good journalists. They contend that those less powerful and not in control of media have often
received full media coverage and subsequent support. As examples they name numerous
environmental causes, the anti‐nuclear movement, the anti‐Vietnam movement, and the pro‐Gulf
War movement.

While most people argue that a corporate elite controls media, a variation on this approach argues
that a politically “liberal” elite controls media. They point to the fact that journalists, being more
highly educated than the general population, hold more liberal political views, consider themselves
“left of center,” and are more likely to register as Democrats. They further point to examples from
the media itself and the statistical reality that the media more often labels conservative
commentators or politicians as “conservative” than liberals as “liberal.”

Media language can be revealing, too. Media uses the terms “arch” or “ultra” conservative, but
rarely or never the terms “arch” or “ultra” liberal. Those who argue that a political elite controls
media also point out that the movements that have gained media attention—the environment, anti‐
nuclear, and anti‐Vietnam—generally support liberal political issues. Predominantly conservative
political issues have yet to gain prominent media attention, or have been opposed by the media.
Advocates of this view point to the Strategic Arms Initiative of the 1980s Reagan administration.
Media quickly characterized the defense program as “Star Wars,” linking it to an expensive fantasy.
The public failed to support it, and the program did not get funding or congressional support.

Culturalist theory

The culturalist theory, developed in the 1980s and 1990s, combines the other two theories and
claims that people interact with media to create their own meanings out of the images and
messages they receive. This theory sees audiences as playing an active rather than passive role in
relation to mass media. One strand of research focuses on the audiences and how they interact with
media; the other strand of research focuses on those who produce the media, particularly the news.

Theorists emphasize that audiences choose what to watch among a wide range of options, choose
how much to watch, and may choose the mute button or the VCR remote over the programming
selected by the network or cable station. Studies of mass media done by sociologists parallel text‐
reading and interpretation research completed by linguists (people who study language). Both
groups of researchers find that when people approach material, whether written text or media
images and messages, they interpret that material based on their own knowledge and experience.
Thus, when researchers ask different groups to explain the meaning of a particular song or video, the
groups produce widely divergent interpretations based on age, gender, race, ethnicity, and religious
background. Therefore, culturalist theorists claim that, while a few elite in large corporations may
exert significant control over what information media produces and distributes, personal perspective
plays a more powerful role inhow the audience members interpret those messages.

2.5. MASSMEDIA TOOLS AND PLATFORMS:

Blogs: A platform for casual dialogue and discussions on a specific topic or opinion.

Facebook: The world’s largest social network, with more than 1.55 billion monthly active users (as of
the third quarter of 2015). Users create a personal profile, add other users as friends, and exchange
messages, including status updates. Brands create pages and Facebook users can “like” brands’
pages.
Twitter: A social networking/micro-blogging platform that allows groups and individuals to stay
connected through the exchange of short status messages (140 character limit).

YouTube & Video: Video hosting and watching websites.

Flickr: An image and video hosting website and online community. Photos can be shared on
Facebook and Twitter and other social networking sites.

Instagram: A free photo and video sharing app that allows users to apply digital filters, frames and
special effects to their photos and then share them on a variety of social networking sites.

Snapchat: A mobile app that lets users send photos and videos to friends or to their “story.” Snaps
disappear after viewing or after 24 hours. Currently, we are not allowing individual departments to
have Snapchat accounts, but asking that they contribute to the Tufts University account.

LinkedIn Groups: A place where groups of professionals with similar areas of interest can share
information and participate in a conversation.

2.6. Constitutional and Moral Basis of mass Media in Politics and Governance

Dukor (1999:283)anchors the assessment of the role of the media in politics on the “fundamental
right to receive and impart information”. This becomes not only the standard for assessing the role
of the media, but also “the neglected roleof… states to uphold the ethics of the right to know… in an
ideal democracy”. This quest to propagate the inalienable right to know and impart information was
influenced by theNatural law doctrines, the articles of French revolution, the precepts of American
declaration of independence, The United Nations Declaration of peoples’ and Human Rights, African
Charter on Human and Peoples Right (Ibid). For instance, the “African Charter on Human and
People’s Right” adopted in 1986 and ratified in July 1990, states among others that “every individual
shall have the right to receive information,… shall have the right to express and disseminate his
opinions within the laws”. It has become very pertinent to examine the extent to which these
precepts of the fundamental rights of man have been observed in the context of Nigeria’s politics
and media practice especially in the area of democratic elections. It must be emphasized that any
talk of democracy without the right to receive and impart information is empty. Nigeria has a
background of liberalism which dictates free flow of information, yet the country’s media according
to Dukor have been for the most part, performing, within air of regulated freedom. Since
independence, there has been several factors encumbering the right to know about government
policies. This has been the case mostly during the military inter regnum. For instance, a good
number of decrees were put in place to hinder press freedom and jeopardize the public right to
know and receive information.

Dare, L (1985) gives a rundown of such decrees to include, Newspaper (Amendment Act) 1964, the
official secrets Acts 1962, the Defamation Act 1961, public officers (protection against false
Accusation) Act No. 11 1976, the newspaperprohibition circulation act 1967 and public officers
(protection against false publication) Decree No. 4 1984). On the other hand, Dukor (1999; 287),
opines that there has been a democratic flowering of the independent press which has generally
accompanied moves towards democracy and respect of human rights. But regrettably, the practice
of journalism in Nigeria is bedeviled by some unethical problematic. The media, hitherto is
politically polarized interms of axis, ethnic loyalty, and sectional party and selfish interests (Ibid).
This is against the backdrop that the media is one of the institutions that sustain democracy. It is on
this basis that Dukor examines the relationship between the state and the media in Nigeria and
observes that it has been that of mutual distrust. According to the Nigerian press council, the
Nigerian media, have fallen victim of manipulations by government and politicians. We are being
witnesses to the fallen standard of journalistic profession and its negative contributions to nation
building through a hackneyed uncouth and indiscrete reporting of events and issues… ethnic
polarization of media houses and consequent undue influence on power and political tussles. As a
result, in moment of crisis, the media become ready tools for those actively involved in the crisis of
power. One of the main constitutionof the mass media in a democracy is to objectively monitor
governance while remaining consistent, preserving and objective stance in holding those involved in
the democratic process accountable to the people. These include those with executive, legislative
and judicial functions in the polity together with all institutions of governance and democracy.

Dukor’s argument is that the mutual distrust existing between the state and the media in Nigeria,
has negated the benefits of the fundamental right to know and impart information. This paradoxical
trend in Nigeria is for the state to negate its constitutional relationship to the media and citizenry.
The consequence of this situation is that the development of the entire society is undermined with
regard to the right to know and impart information. This tends to widen the gap in communication
between government and society. It belongs to the responsibility of the media in Nigeria to for
instance, inform the Nigerian public on how “vested interests have become policy matters, how
obvious facts have hidden under honorific national interests, how violence has been condoned as
law and order, how cold-blooded murders have been perpetuated as encounters” (Dukor, p. 288).
The role of the media in any democratic society is to educate, to inform and to entertain people.
However, they have to be vigilant watchdogs of public interest and under no special circumstances
should they demean themselves into acting as lapdogs for establishment. Even in very normal and
placid times, the media is expected to be a keen observer, alert and concerned even though non-
intruding and nonpartisan in governance. (Ibid).

2.7. The Mass Media in Effective Electioneering Campaign Reportage in Developing Context.

The fore knowledge of Nigeria’s unhealthy political culture should form the springboard for media
action. Its present status as an elite media, that is, the preserve of the powerful and the harbingers
of government, does not augur well for the media, government and society. Agba (2007:261) argues
that the media should go back to the concept of journalism in public interest to be able to discharge
its proper role in times of election. In this regard, the very first task of the media is how to make
politicians respect people's right to candid electioneering. In this regard, news should not mean
alienating the audience and keeping the electorates groping in the dark. According to Nwaozuzu
(1997:87), electioneering campaign reportage should seek out relevant truths for the people who
cannot witness or comprehend the events that affect them. Cohen (1970:27), collaborates the above
viewpoint and clearly defines its implications for good political culture. According to him news has
gotten so complex that mere reportage is not good any more. What is required is for the journalist to
add analysis to campaign news. This implies that the media must interpret campaigns in the light of
the electoral needs of the people, that is, implications and actions to people and to realization of a
vibrant political system. This simply means directing the goals of electioneering campaign to the
desirable goal of responsible democratic principles that recognize the sovereignty of the people's
votes. The media, Agba points out, should aim towards getting all political actors to truly believe in
one Nigeria, to accept the rules which are made to guide the conduct of elections. These form the
purview of media self-examination.

Agba (2007:71), acknowledges the fact that electioneering campaign for political power in Nigeria
has become part of the problem of national cohesion and integration. It has therefore, become “part
of a profound socio-political rot”. Electioneering campaign has become part and parcel of national
development, in that most often, it has become “intriguing and intricate and bloody”, as ethnic
rivalry and struggle to get big chunk of the national cake is a recurrent political experience”. It is also
an acknowledged fact that the mass media has a very important role to play in channeling
electioneering campaign to serve the goal of national development. This is because the mass media
is described as “a pivot of social interaction, seeking to use the power of mass information to solve
the problem of national cohesion and integration, which are both critical to the growth of healthy
electioneering campaign” (Agba: 2007:69). But to achieve the above objective, the mass media in
Nigeria needs to solve its internal problem of cohesion and integration; “for there are as many media
houses as there are many political interests. There are therefore, external and internal obstacles in
the realization of the positive role of the media in electioneering campaign. In all, it is argued that
the media require a political ideology that guarantees freedom of speech and access to information.
This is particularly true as noted by Kalu (1985:14), that We can depend on free speech and
democratic ideas only if we accept that free flow of information is necessary for the propagation of
political freedom especially during election. This argument hinges on the fact that without a free
press, the reporter becomes a public servant, a stooge of the powerful and a robot who acts out the
scripts of callouspoliticians. Under this scenario, the media fails to become worthy representatives of
the people. Apart from the issue of critical self-examination of the role of the media at elections, the
media also shares in the responsibility of channeling the electoral process towards the desirable goal
of national development and integration. For instance, Kalu (1985:19), points out that “the ordinary
expectation is that the mass media will focus on serious matters that portend serious consequences
for the people and their political choices”. For Akpan, E. (1985) the media must clarify issues during
campaigns, bring aspirants close to the electorate, and teach the differences between party and
candidate to enable the electorate make a wise choice. If this is not done “political reporting will lose
much of its luster if it does not deal adequately with such issues as national problems, policy
guidelines, party programme and government performance” (Kalu 1985:19). The mass media should
enable the electorate to analyse campaign messages of politicians. Media focus should be to set the
correct political agenda for the audience and not allowing the politicians to do so Ciroma, A (2005)
Journalistic writing … commentaries, editorials, articles, reviews, columns, broadcast discussion …
should raise and answer pertinent question that help to elucidate confusing issues, particularly those
relating to policies and leadership… . Agba argues that questions like these and more could suggest
workable techniques that can help Nigerians deal decisively with problems of corruption, ethnicism,
lack of accountability and weak checks and balances in government. As pointed out earlier, the
political trend in Nigeria with regard to the electoral process demands specialist political reporters.
This should cover critical areas as knowledge of legal issues in campaign reporting, investigation and
balanced judgement that allows the establishment of gathered facts. It is on this note of expertise
that general reporting can be said to have become increasingly handicapped. As Louis (1971:151)
puts it, thorough voters’ guidance should be the heart of campaign reporting by the mass media. To
achieve this objective, the reporter must do with absolute detachment. He should instead carry
critical and objective analysis of candidates with the aim of educating the electorate. In this capacity
of impartiality, the campaign reporter acts as a catalyst between the candidates and the electorate.

Becker, S. and Lower, E (1976) gives an articulate summary of the functions of the mass media in
electioneering campaign as follows” reporting and interpreting events, defining issues, portraying
personalities, investigating support” There is a very serious angle to the public enlightenment
dimension of the role of the mass media in the electoral process. As Agba, P.C (2007) observes,
people are eager to join the plethora of electoral malpractices without realizing that it is they who
will be victims of bad governmentresulting from involvement in electoral fraud. Agba, P.C (2007)
argues that 43% of our population is still illiterate, a rather large group which requires the special
attention of the media. For this group, it is necessary that every electoral information be repeatedly
disseminated and in the local languages too. This is why the media must go beyond the mere
dissemination of information and engage in political education. For example, it is necessary to
educate non-voting population on why they cannot vote instead of scaring them with numerous
penalties for breaching the electoral law. As for the voting population, voter education programmes
must be user-friendly, especially for the disadvantaged groups like the non literate and physically
incapacitated. The programmes ofvoters’ education must offer opportunities for all issues at stake in
election to be highlighted and explained. These include basic issues such as who can vote or contest
an election, date of the election and where to vote. Iredia (2007), opines that electoral commission
does not have the capability to undertake voter education. According to him, there is a big difference
between voter education and the image-making ventures which many information departments of
electoral commissions undertake. “The powerful channels, the most potent strategies and the
technical format for effective public enlightenment belong to the media”. The media’s role in an
election also extends to monitoring of the electoral process. To this extent, media’s emphasis should
no longer be limited on when and how the leaders voted or were registered. How the entire process
fared would serve a greater public interest. For instance, were the arrangements for each exercise
adequate? Were people registered or able to vote? For example, Nigerians have till date not known
how the Electoral Commission in 1991 in respect of the delimitation of electoral constituencies
arrived at 5, 575 wards for the country. This has led to the fear in certain circles that there is what is
known as Gerrymandering in Nigeria’s electoral process, a feature in which a favoured candidate has
more election centres in his areas of strength while very few centres are allocated to areas where his
opponent has his main supporters.

2.8. Concept of 2023 Nigeria Election

2.9.Influence of mass MEDIA on 2023 general election in Nigeria

According to Statista, there are 32.9 million active social media users in Nigeria. Of the usual
suspects, WhatsApp and Facebook are the most popular platforms, perhaps because they consume
less Internet data, Facebook, for example, previously made provisions that allowed Nigerians to
access its platform without an Internet connection.

In the last decade, social media has increasingly played a huge role in the lives of Nigerians. Many
have launched successful businesses off the back of social media, found jobs, found love, and
continue to discover new opportunities for educational and career growth. But its influence has
transcended these areas; social media now plays a major role in the country's political space, and
one only needs to look at the just-concluded elections to understand this influence.

After the results of the 2023 presidential elections were announced, one of the major talking points
for many was the Labour Party's victory in Lagos State, a stronghold of the ruling All Progressives
Congress (APC). Before the elections, few people, if any, had expected the Labour Party to defeat the
APC in Lagos because of the influence of its presidential candidate, Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

That loss perhaps triggered what can only be described as reactionary campaigns by the incumbent
Governor, BabajideSanwo-Olu. For much of the campaign season, he had followed Tinubu as he
went round the country to get support for his presidential bid, failing to do much to encourage Lagos
residents to support his bid for a second term in office. Until the Labour Party's victory.

2.8.1. Elections are not won on mass media

When Peter Obi, the Labour Party's presidential candidate, left the People's Democratic Party (PDP)
just a few days before its presidential primaries to fly the flag of the Labour Party, many predicted a
poor showing for him at the polls.

Obi, a former governor of Anambra, a South-Eastern state, had gradually built up momentum,
especially among Nigeria's youth, many of whom are on social media. Nigeria's young people, which
many estimates place at 70% of the total population, have become a significant voting block.

According to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), 39.65% of registered voters for
the 2023 elections are aged 18 to 34. Students are also heavily represented and make up 27.8% of
registered voters. A victory at the polls could therefore lie in a candidate's ability to inspire a group
that has typically stayed away from the political process. So what was the best way to reach this
group?

There's no data to confirm this, but if we go by the tweets that followed the conclusion of the
presidential election, many Nigerians between the ages of 18 and 27 get their news from social
media and platforms accessed through a smartphone.

That played a role in how many politicians approached the electoral process. Where rallies used to
be the norm, social media became a common tool for voter education, campaigns, and, later,
election monitoring.

2.8.2. Creating virtual town halls through mass media

You'd be hard-pressed to find an election campaign in Nigeria devoid of disinformation and

propaganda, with candidates frequently using them to fuel anger or doubt against their opponents.
Unsurprisingly, the 2023 elections had their fair share of them, but let's begin with campaigns.

As I pointed out earlier, Nigerian politicians have typically relied on political rallies to meet their
constituents and share their message, but organising these rallies costs a lot of money. That's not the
case with mass media, where a smartphone is often all you need to reach your audience, and it was
not entirely surprising to see most of the candidates use social networks to reach their audience.
Sanwo-Olu went into a tweet frenzy shortly after the results of the presidential election were
announced. One of his opponents, the Labour Party's Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, could frequently be
seen tweeting and even made an appearance on some popular podcasts.

The Labour Party's presidential candidate also benefited from the use of social media. Clips from his
numerous television appearances were circulated by supporters and opponents, while he appeared
on the occasional Twitter Space or Instagram Live. The PDP's presidential candidate, AtikuAbubakar,
was not left out, as his supporters and media aides frequently shared his ideas and propositions on
social media.

To be fair, the 2023 election cycle was not the first time social media played a role in Nigeria's
elections, but as EbenezarWikina, Founder, Policy Shapers, a civic tech organisation, said, this was
the first time it was driven purely by citizens and not just paid influencers.

"I think 2015 seemed like the first time we saw an increased intersection between socials and
politics, but it was more from a 'pay PR experts/influencers to whitewash you' sort of lens with
smear campaigns here and there. What we observed this year is the people taking over the
conversation. Because of how engaged the people were, influencers were not even able to lead and
direct thought."

Deborah Tolu-Kolawole, a member of the Editorial Board at Punch Newspapers, shares similar
sentiments. She argues that while Nigerians have always used social media, its use for political
purposes grew significantly between 2019 and 2023.

"Even though social media existed before then (2015 elections), the kind of awakening we had
between 2019 and 2023 can’t be compared to what we had in the years before the 2015 and 2019
elections. We have most young people on social media trying to advertise their goods and services;
we see those who are there to 'catch cruise,' we have those who are there to 'learn,'" she says.

In October 2020, Nigerians protesting the activities of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS)
were shot at by soldiers. Since then, the government has lifted the ban it placed on Twitter in June
2021 and also banned commercial banks from trading cryptocurrencies. Kolawole points out that
this has driven many Nigerian youths to use social media to voice their displeasure against
unfavourable policies.

"Not everyone could go to a radio or a television station to air their grievances, so they took to social
media, and then it became a rallying point. You now have young people (Gen Zs and Millennials) who
aren’t scared to air their opinions. These factors particularly helped boost the influence of social
media during the 2023 elections."

With social media playing a central role in election campaigns, disinformation and misinformation
were common, and OluseunOnigbinde, Co-founder, BudgIT, pointed out that social media allows
false information to reach large audiences in a short time.

"The sheer volume of content on social media platforms made it difficult to distinguish between
reliable sources and unreliable ones, contributing to an environment where falsehoods were able to
take root and be propagated widely."
Wikina adds that the elections revealed the inability of many Nigerians to distinguish between
propaganda and accurate information.

"What the elections showed me is that we need to educate citizens on fact-checking more and more
because people were swayed by the most basic form of propaganda."

Ahead of the elections, you could see operatives of the major political parties chanting different
versions of 'elections are not won on social media,' in reaction to increased political conversations on
those platforms.

The thinking was that social media activities were unable to influence the outcomes of the elections,
but all that feels naive at this point. While the data suggests that this year's elections witnessed the
lowest voter turnout in recent times, Wikina argues that it doesn't take into account the millions of
Nigerians who were disenfranchised.

"I think INEC's 27% voter turnout is the most underestimated statistic I have seen in my life. In many
regions across the South, especially in Rivers State, thousands of voters were either suppressed or
not given a chance to exercise their civic duty.

"For example, at my polling unit, there were about 1,000 people, but only 100 people voted. My wife
and I were numbers 257 and 258, and despite standing for ten hours, we still didn't get a chance to
vote. This was purely INEC's fault. So is INEC measuring turnout based on the 100 people who were
able to vote or the 900 people who stood for ten hours in the rain and sun, and didn't
vote?"ForKolawole, reports of voter suppression and disenfranchisement make it difficult to
determine how much of the social media frenzy influenced voter behaviour.

"I can’t really say how much of social media noise translated to offline voting patterns due to reports
of voter suppression and massive disenfranchisement, but I can say that I am impressed. I monitored
some polling units, and I was able to identify some 'social media' youths."

2.8.3. The verdict?

Going forward, one thing is clear; mass media now plays an important role in Nigeria's political
discourse. With broadband and smartphone penetration expected to grow, its influence would only
get stronger, and Onigbinde believes it would help politicians communicate more effectively with
their constituents.

"With its ability to spread information quickly and engage with audiences around the world, social
media can be used as an effective way for politicians to communicate their messages directly with
voters in an efficient manner. Additionally, it provides a platform where candidates can interact
directly with supporters and answer questions or address issues raised by them in real-time."

CHAPTER THREE

3.0.RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

3.1.INTRODUCTION

3.2.RESEARCH DESIGN
As stated in the statement of problems (s), the researcher intends to attack the problems under
study by the use of structural and unstructured instrument and the use of interviews and
observation methods which are the most suitable methods to achieve the aims and objective of this
research work.

In the bid of obtaining current information, the researcher went into related materials to ensure its
relevance, much reliance was made on availability of records from the Nigeria general election,
majority of the data used for this research from libraries. Most vital information embodied in this
report was extracted from available international textbooks and journals, international conference
and seminar papers.

3.3.SOURCE/METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION

The data for this research were collected from two main source viz; the primary source and the
secondary source.

THE PRIMARY SOURCE: The primary of field research for the study were collected from a direct
source, which includes personal interview, observations and ministry of Nigeria government.

THE SECONDARY SOURCE: The secondary data were collected also, from business journals,
newspaper as well as international context and general textbooks. There were the source of
literature review, presented in chapter two of this work. The review helped in the examination of
documented records necessary and suitable for the study.

3.4.POPULATION AND SAMPLE

The population of the research work is made up of the Nigeria presidency especially those from the
office of the president. The population consist of 80 members of the presidency and staff of the INEC
random selected. The sample frame was first determined in order to obtain a sample. A relevant
survey was conducted to obtain relevant value for the estimate to determine sample size, the
formulas below was used?

n= 1 + N (e)2

Where n= Sample size

N= number of items in the population

e2= square of maximum allowance for sample error. The research has chosen 0.05 (3%) as the value
of e2. The sample size for the research work is thus;

n = 80

1+80 (0.05)2

80

1+80 (0.0025)

80
 1+0.2

= 80

12

n = 67

The sample size for the researcher work is therefore 67.

3.5.SAMPLE TECHNIQUES

The method of data collection used for the research work was mainly the survey and observation
method. Personal interviews were also used to gather information on those questions and not
covered in the questionnaire.

THE SURVEY TECHNIQUES: The survey of relevant documents and receipts used in daily, weekly,
monthly and yearly purchasing of items within and outside the country was successfully looked into.
This had the advantages of ratifying the answer of respondents in the question exercise or activity
designed to recognize the note facts as they occur. In this case the researcher arranged to see things
herself as she interacts with the group that is achievement to her study.

THE OBSERVATION TECHNIQUES: The method of observation used include how orders are issued out
in the presidency.

3.6.VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY OF MEASURING INSTRUMENT

The questionnaire was a combination of structural and unstructured; the structured gave the
respondent a limited range of responses that could multi-dichotomous. The understructure was
open ended questions that correspondents are often given. A wide range of questions fill or tick
their response or answer.

3.7. METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS

In this regard data collected in chapter three will be presented, using table and percentage while the
analysis and hypothesis will be carried out by the use of chi-square statistical data.

The data collected from the questionnaire, from respondent and personal interviews were all
analyzed and presented in the next chapter as follows;

Where

Fo= Observed frequencies

Fe= expected frequencies

X2= n chi-square

E= summation

X= level of significance 0.55 was applied

 It must be noted that the chi-square is non-paramedic test because it does not insist on normal
distribution of scores; it is a test of association between one or more various. It takes the differences
between observed or obtained scores and the expected frequencies.

CHAPTER FOUR

4.0. DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.1. INTRODUCTION

4.2. DATA PRESENTATION

The researcher deemed it necessary during visits to Nigeria general election, to distribute
questionnaires which will be analyzedand analytical result will be drawn from the presentation. The
researcher will make satisfactory findings of the study through the answer supplied by the
respondents to the questionnaire and interviews and also to lay down the questions and answers
according to how they were responded to in all the 80 questionnaires, which were distributed to the
presidency and the staff of INEC, many were interviews out of the total of 80 questionnaire
distributed but 67 sets were returned were only 13 sets were not returned.

Therefore, the researcher based her analysis and 67 questionnaires returned. Hence, the researcher
has a high return rate and this would go a long way to representing the sampling group being
investigated by this approach however, below are the analysis of the questionnaires distributed to
the staff of Nigerian presidency.

4.3. ANALYSIS OF DATA

Question 1:

What is the name of your ministry?

Table 4.1
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
NEPA 0 0
NESCO 0 0
INEC 67 100
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023

Comment: 100% of the responses said INEC

Question 2:

Does your country have election body

Table 4.2
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 47 70
No 20 30
 Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023.

Comment: from the above question, 70% responded yes, while 30% of the respondents answered
no meaning the country have election body.

Question 3

Does Nigeria conduct general elections

Table 4.3
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 47 70
No 20 30
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023.

Comment: From the above information, it shows that Nigeria conduct general election especially the
presidential elections.

Question 4

Does Nigeria conduct their general election with mass media platforms

Table 4.4
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 60 90
No 7 10
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023

Comment: From the table, 60 answered yes representing 90% while only 7 answered no
representing 10%, this shows that mass media influences the Nigeria general election.

Question 5

How is your election conducted in the country

Table 4.5
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Centralized 10 15
Decentralized 0 0
Combination 57 85
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023.

Comment: From the above information, it shows that Nigeria electionsare combination with every
other positions.

Question 6

Does mass media influences Nigeria general election

Table 4.6
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 55 85
No 12 12
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023.

Comment: according to the above, 82% respondents said yes while 18% respondents answered no.
therefore, the above table reveals that mass media influences Nigeria general elections.

Question 7

Does mass media permit an efficient information to the public during the general election?

Table 4.7.
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 17 25
No 50 75
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023.

Comment: From the above table, 17 respondents answered positively representing 25% which 50
respondents answered negatively representing 75% from the table, it can be seen that mass media
does not permit efficient information in the general election.

Question 8

Is every mass media platforms necessary to disseminate information during the general election.

Table 4.8.
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 49 73
No 18 27
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023

Comment: 73% of the respondents answered yes while 37% answered no, therefore the table
reveals that every mass media platforms is necessary to disseminate information during the general
election

Question 9

What are the method in which the mass media disseminate information?

Table 4.9
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Electronic 40 60
Mechanical 20 30
Manual 7 10
Total 67 100
Comment: 60% of the respondents agreed that the method in which mass media disseminate
information is electronically carried out, while 30% went for mechanical and 10% were manually
done. Therefore, they are more automatic than mechanized.

Question 10.

Does Nigeria encounter problem using mass media platforms in their general election.

Table 4.10.
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 60 90
No 7 10
Total 67 100
Field survey, 2023

Comment: from the above, 90% of the respondents answered that Nigeria do encounter problems in
using mass media platforms in their elections while 10% said they do not use it. Therefore, Nigeria
do encounter problems using uses mass media in their general election.

Question 11

This is designed to know the relationship between mass media and Nigeria election?

Table 4.11
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Cordial 31 91
Not cordial 6 9
Total 67 100
Comment: From the information above, the relationship existing between mass media, people and
Nigeria election is cordial.

Question 12

This was designed with reference to the above question has there been any plan to readdress the
problems of mass media in the Nigeria general elections?

Table 4.12
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 20 30
No 47 70
Total 67 100
Comment: from the table above, 70% of the respondents answered that there is no plan to redress
the problems from mass media during the general election while 30% said differently.

Question 13

Are there plans to strengthen the mass media in the general election of Nigeria?

Table 4.13
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
 Yes 67 100
No 0 0
Total 67 100
Comment: 100% of respondents said yes meaning that there’s plan to strengthen mass media
platforms in the Nigeria general elections.

Question 14

Does people lose elections as a result of mass media platforms?

Table 4.14
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 17 25
No 50 75
Total 67 100
Comment: 25% said people do lose elections as a result of mass media platforms while 75%
answered that they said no to it.

Question 15

Is Nigeria election result announced through the mass media or from the electoral body?

Table 4.15
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 20 29
No 47 71
Total 67 100
Comment: 29% respondents positively said yes, while 71% said ssid no to it.

Question 16

Who takes the decision of election in the Nigeria general elections?

Table 4.16
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Electoral body 40 60
Mass media 27 40
Total 67 100
Comment: from the table, it is obvious to say that electoral body makes most of the election
decision, since both respondents are positive.

4.4. TESTING OF HYPOTHESIS

The hypothesis formulation in chapter one of this work is hereby texted here as follows: using the
chi-square strategies the formualr below.

Chi-square X2= ∑ (Fo-Fe)2

Fe

Where ∑= summation
 Fo= observed frequencies

Fe= expected frequencies

Since the above frequency is given, we then compute for expected frequency (Fe) by multiplying the
row total by the column total and dividing it by the grand total.

Thus:

RT= Row total

CT= Column total

GT= Grand total

In each test, the hypothesis tests are carried out by the following stages.

The test hypothesis is stated

The decision carried out criterion stated

The observed frequency is stated

The expected frequency is stated

The chi-square (x2) statistical is calculated

The decision rule is presented

The level rule of significance that is x2 critical value was at 0.05 or 5% for all the test.

The degree of freedom (df) is the number of independent calculation required from the row and
column before the remaining unknown in the row or column can be obtained.

It is denoted by the degree of freedom

DF= (C-1) (r-1)

Where C= column

R= Row

4.5. TEST OF HYPOTHESIS

The hypothesis formula for this study was tested in order to get accurate figure and answer.
Hypothesis will be tested 5% level of significance (i.e. 95%) confidence unit. The following formular
is to be applied chi-square x2 ∑ (fo-fe)2

Fe

Where X2= Chi-square

∑= Summation

E= Expected frequencies (N/2)

 A= Alpha 0.05 probability country

DF= Degree of freedom (n-1) = (2-1) =1

N= number of alternative.

Testing for hypothesis 1

Ho:Nigeria does not conduct their general election using mass media platforms

Hi:Nigeria conduct their general election using mass media platforms

ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 48 72
No 19 28
Total 67 100
Using chi-square distribution
O E O-E (O-E)2 (O-E)2/E
45 33.5 15.5 210.02 6.28
19 33.5 -14.5 210.25 6.28
Total 12.56
DF=N-1 = 2-1

(2-1) (4-1)

1X3 = 3

Level of significance =5% or 0.05 chi-square for (0.05 df) = 0.95,3= 7-81

Comments: since the calculated value of chi-square Hi is accepted and Ho rejected.

Therefore, Nigeria conduct their general election using mass media platforms as depicted above.

TESTING FOR HYPOTHESIS

From question 6

Ho: Mass media does not influence the Nigeria general election.

Hi: Mass media influences Nigeria general elections

ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 55 82
No 12 18
Total 67 100
Using chi-square distribution
O E O-E (O-E)2 (O-E)2/E
55 33.5 21.5 462.25 13.8
12 33.5 -21.5 462.25 13.8
Total 27.6
DF=N-1 = 2-1

(2-1) (4-1)
1X3 = 3

Level of significance =5% or 0.05 chi-square for (0.05 df) =0.95,3= 7-81

Comments: since the calculated value of chi-square 7.81 the alternative hypothesis is taking by
accepting the Hi and rejected Ho.

TESTING OF HYPOTHESIS

From question 10

Ho: Nigeria does not encounter problems using mass media platforms in their general elections.

Hi: Nigeria do encounter problems using mass media platforms in their general elections.
ANSWERS RESPONSES PERCENTAGE
Yes 50 75
No 17 25
Total 67 100
Using chi-square distribution
O E O-E (O-E)2 (O-E)2/E
50 33.5 16.5 272.25 8.12
17 33.5 -16.5 272.25 8.12
Total 16.24
DF=N-1 = 2-1

(2-1) (4-1)

1X3 = 3

Level of significance =5% or 0.05 chi-square for (0.05 df) = 0.95,3= 7-81. The calculated value of x2
=16.24

Comments: since the calculated value of chi-square 16.24 is greater than the critical value 7.81, the
Hi accepted and Ho rejected which shows that Nigerian do encounter problems using mass media
platforms in their general elections as different things will be saying from different quarters using
mass media platforms.

DECISION RULE

From the first hypothesis test, it is very obvious to note that Nigeria uses mass media platforms in
their general elections in which Ho was rejected and Hi was accepted.

In the second test of hypothesis, the mass media platforms influences Nigeria general elections as
Ho was rejected and Hi was accepted.

Thirdly, it was seen that Nigeria do encounter problems using mass media platforms in their general
elections.

4.6. DISCUSSION ON MAJOR FINDINGS

During the research, the researcher found out that the Nigeria government uses mass media
platforms in their general elections
 The researcher also found out that mass media platforms influences the general election of Nigeria.

The researcher also found out that there are problems in using mass media platforms as different
information are given from different quarters making people to be steady in a particular context.

CHAPTER FIVE

5.0. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1. INTRODUCTION

Having run a thorough research on the influence of mass media on 2023 general election in the
above chapters then this chapter will include summary of findings, conclusions and
recommendations in respect of the above study.

5.2. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

This chapter is the summaryof the research which is depicted below thus;

There are influences of mass media in the Nigeria general election of 2023.

There are platforms in which mass media disseminate information to the general public.

It was summarized that the general public are been fed with variety of information through the
various media platforms.

5.3. Conclusion

This paper has restricted itself to the influence of the media in the electoral process with particular
reference to Nigeria presidential election. In doing so it has examined the various obstacles that have
affected the performance of the media in Nigeria’s electoral process. While in a sense it can be said
that it has been influenced by Nigerian media in the critical area of electioneering campaign since
1993, however, from what we have said, the Nigerian media may need to improve their coverage of
politics and elections. But any assessment of the media must take into consideration the legal,
normative and economic factors which constrain their performance. We need to note that although
media functions are the same everywhere, they are not and cannot be performed the same way in
every society. Indeed the performance of each nation’s institutions is contingent upon the nation’s
level of development, its literacy rate, its culture and general disposition. To this extent, every nation
gets the media it deserves. It therefore, implies that the media in any country are propelled not only
by news content but more by societal values. The Nigerian Constitution does not empower the
media. Although Section 22 of the Constitution singles out the media for the tedious task of making
government accountable to the people, rather, it generalizes the freedom of speech and protects
owners and not media practioners. This is a far cry from the practice in advanced democracies. For
instance, according to the American Constitution, “congress shall make no laws restricting the press”.
In the coverage of politics and elections, the greatest challenge of the Nigerian media is that
proprietors who are mostly persons with political interests discourage them from adhering to the
fundamental principles of balance and objectivity. In addition, the Nigeria media workers are poorly
paid compared to the work they do. Finally, while it can be said that there are some internal
 problems that hinder the media, there are also some official factors. For the media to achieve these
goals, it is also important to attack the inhibitory practices to achieve full media coverage of the
electoral processes.

5.4. RECOMMENDATIONS

Based on the above findings as contained in the work, the following are recommended thus.

1. The government should revive the lows and reforms the platforms of mass media for concrete
and reliable information.
2. They should help provide or put the enabling facilities that will help the country to realize the
goal in place so as to make room for reliable information from the mass media.
3. Government should have a proper and reliable platform in which they disseminate information
to the general public.
4. Government should always organize seminars, workshops and training to the mass media
organisation to give them the opportunity to acquire skills and knowledge for proper guidance.
5. There should be security check on the mass media, during the general elections and to the
general public.

References

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APPENDIX
Department of Mass Com
FedPolytechnic Nekede
P.M.B 1036 Owerri Imo
state
Dear Sir/Madam
I am a final year student of department of Mass Communication, Federal Polytechnic NekedeOwerri.
I am conducting a research work titled the Influence of mass media on Nigeria elections pertaining the
Nigeria presidential election
The study is purely an academic exercise and should not be view otherwise. All the information given by
you will treated strictly confidential.
This research work is in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the award of Higher National Diploma
(HND) in purchasing and supply.
Thanks for your co-operation
Yours faithfully
OKEREAFOR ODINAKACHUKWU .V.

QUESTIONNAIRE
Please the “good” () for the answer you consider appropriate and where necessary
1. Name of organization…………………………
2. Position held or rank …………….
3. Marital status
a. Single [ ]
 b. Married [ ]
4. Sex
a. Male [ ]
b. Female [ ]
SECTION B
5. Does Nigeria conduct their general election using mass media platforms.
A. Yes ( ) B. ( )
6. Does mass media platforms influences the Nigeria general elections.
A. Yes ( ) B. ( )
7. Are there problems encountered using mass media platforms.
A. Yes ( ) B ( )
8. Are there plans to redress the problems encountered from the mass media platforms.
A. Yes ( ) B. ( )
9. Is there an intermediary between mass media, Nigeria and its election
A. Yes ( ) B. ( )
10. Does mass media provide efficient and reliable information from the general election to the masses.
A. Yes ( ) B. ( )