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Jennie Moore · Sahar Attia ·
Adel Abdel-Kader · Aparajithan Narasimhan
Editors
Ecocities
Now
Building the Bridge to Socially Just and
Ecologically Sustainable Cities
Ecocities Now
Jennie Moore · Sahar Attia · Adel Abdel-Kader ·
Aparajithan Narasimhan
Editors
Ecocities Now
Building the Bridge to Socially Just
and Ecologically Sustainable Cities
Editors
Jennie Moore Sahar Attia
British Columbia Institute of Technology Cairo University
Burnaby, BC, Canada Cairo, Egypt
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse
of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar
or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
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This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
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To everyone involved in transforming cities to
ecocities that are socially just and
ecologically sustainable.
Preface
Ecocity, regardless of its many interpretations, has been an evolving and trending
concept since publication of the book “Ecocity Berkeley” by Richard Register in
1987. The concept’s roots lie in the urban ecology movement of the 1970s. In essence,
it is a vision of ecologically healthy cities. The concept remains inspiring despite it
being challenging to see a fully functioning, ecologically healthy city. Many inter-
national conferences, symposiums, forums, workshops, courses, and seminars have
been held on ecocities, helping find a way forward for the movement.
In 1990, the First International Ecocity Conference was convened in Berkeley,
California. A subsequent conference was held two years later in Australia, then Africa
two years after that, and then China. Thus, the Ecocity World Summit conference
series was born. Today, it is the longest-running conference for sustainable cities,
addressing ecological city design, development, operations, and governance. Since
its inception, 13 Ecocity World Summits have been held in different countries of every
continent except Antarctica. The Summit moves around the world, engaging large
and small cites alike. The 13th edition of the Ecocity World Summit was convened
in 2019 in Vancouver, British Colombia, Canada.
The Summit series is organized and authorized under the auspices of Ecocity
Builders, a California-based, not-for-profit that also owns the Ecocity Standards and
works internationally. The Summits are typically held in partnership with a host
city and local academic institution along with collaborators from the community
and host country. The Summit brings together innovators and pioneers, designers
and planners, policymakers and administrators, city-building professionals, business
people, community leaders, teachers, and students. It provides an intersection for
people from a diversity of backgrounds and ethnicities to advance a social justice
agenda oriented to being in ecologically healthy communities. It provides a platform
for knowledge sharing by indigenous peoples, minorities, historic preservationists,
futurists, and youth to engage fully in the issues that shape their lives. It provides an
opportunity for journalists, writers, and cultural creatives to inspire and be inspired.
A tradition of the Ecocity World Summit is to publish a proceeding to ensure that
the knowledge generated by the Summit can reach a wider audience. For the 2019
Summit, the Ecocity Committees (the Steering Committee, the Advisory Group, and
the Program Committee) agreed to publish a book comprising the top-ten papers
vii
viii Preface
This book arose from the desire to publish information about the state of practice
in ecocity development around the world as presented at the Ecocity World Summit
2019 held in Vancouver, Canada. The editors would like to thank all the participants
and contributing authors as well as the British Columbia Institute of Technology and
City of Vancouver who were the Summit’s co-hosts. They would also like to thank
Ecocity Builders, the international, not-for-profit organization who is the keeper of
the Summit series, owner of the Ecocity Standards, and who works with communities
around the world to implement the work of transforming cities into ecocities. Partic-
ular apprecitiation goes to Kirstin Miller, Executive Director of Ecocity Builders
for unwaivering committment and effort in these endeavours. Special thanks also
goes to Andrea Dusanj and Christine Pinkham from the British Columbia Institute
of Technology for assistance with the manuscript. Thanks also goes to the Vancouver
Convention Centre for allowing use of the cover photo exemplifying elements of an
ecocity in a snapshot of Vancouver. Finally, we thank Springer and their editorial
team for assistance in bringing the book from concept to publication.
ix
Contents
1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Jennie Moore
xi
xii Contents
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Chapter 1
Introduction
Jennie Moore
Cities are the largest structure humans build.1 They are home to over half the global
population and cover 3% of Earth’s land surface (Huang et al. 2010; Grimm et al.
2008). Cities offer a compact, efficient habitat for humans; however, they have not
yet achieved their potential for livability in harmony with Earth’s ecosystems. In
ecological terms, cities are dissipative structures, meaning their internal order is
created by dissipating the order of ecosystems from whence they draw energy and
material resources (Rees 2012). The impacts of cities, therefore, stretch well beyond
their borders. The built environment accounts for 40% of global materials demand
(Rees 1999). Cities, directly and indirectly, account for 70% of total global energy
demand and associated greenhouse gas emissions (Grimm et al. 2008; Seto and
Satterthwaite 2010). A third of the world’s land area and over half the ocean is used
for food production (IPBES 2019). With 75% of terrestrial land and 66% of ocean
areas significantly altered or impacted by human activity (IPBES 2019), the question
of how to secure a sustainable future that enables global ecosystems and humanity
to thrive becomes paramount.
An “ecocity” is an ecologically healthy city. According to the two founding
pioneers of the global ecocity movement, Richard Register and Paul Downton,
ecocity is informed by and evolves through the study of ecology that seeks to under-
stand the processes “of engagement by living creatures with their environment and
with each other” (Downton 2007). Its purpose is to support a healthy relationship
between humanity and the global ecosystem of which it is part (Register 2006).
1 Richard Register, pioneer of the ecocity movement and co-creator of the Ecocity World Summit
conference series, is credited with this observation which he often makes at the beginning of
presentations and conversations.
J. Moore (B)
British Columbia Institute of Technology, 3700 Willingdon Avenue, Burnaby, BC V5G 3H2,
Canada
e-mail: Jennie_Moore@bcit.ca
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license 1
to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020
J. Moore et al. (eds.), Ecocities Now,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58399-6_1
2 J. Moore
Born out of the urban ecology movement in the 1970s, and spearheaded through
the Ecocity Berkeley initiative (Register 1987), the ecocity movement finds its roots
in bioregionalism. Bioregionalism is concerned with intentional living within the
ecological carrying capacity of one’s home place, typically defined by a water-
shed with coherent landscape features supporting established flora and fauna (Berg
1978; Aberley 1994; Carr 2004; Newman and Jennings 2008). Collaboration among
community institutions and stakeholders is key to ensuring urban system stability,
giving rise to resilience. The ecocity movement is a manifestation of social ecology,
concerned with how human social relations “affect the relation of society as a
whole with nature” (Roseland 1997). This includes social justice, healthy commu-
nities, appropriate technology, community economic development, and indigenous
world views, to name a few (Roseland 1997). Contemporary and complementary
approaches include permaculture (Mollison 1988; Mollison and Holmgren 1990),
biomimicry (Benyus 1997), and one planet living (Desai and Riddlestone 2002), or
more specifically, one Earth living since only Earth meets the requirements to sustain
life as we know it (Moore 2012). Antecedent examples can be found in Ebenezer
Howard’s (c. 1898) vision for Garden Cities that integrate nature with social cooper-
ation (Haughton and Hunter 1994; Register 2006; Moore 2013). Cities in Evolution
described by Patrick Geddes (c. 1915) advocates a whole-systems approach for re-
integrating country-urban linkages that fostered the concepts of human ecology and
orientation to the bioregion (Aberley 1994; Haughton and Hunter 1994; Moore 2013).
And, Lewis Mumford’s (c. 1930–60) articulation of an ideal city maps to contem-
porary literature about sustainable cities as “an organic community, designed on a
human scale, oriented towards human needs, fueled by a life-enhancing economy,
surrounded by undeveloped lands, and with streets filled with people instead of
automobiles” (Wheeler 2004; Moore 2013).
The quest to evolve ecocities is three-fold: (i) reduce overall demand for energy
and materials within a city through social innovation coupled with intelligent design,
(ii) improve access to resources by all who need it, and (iii) re-generate natural habitat
to secure local and global ecosystem integrity.
This book represents the state of practice in ecocity development utilizing case
studies from Africa, Asia, North and South America. It documents the best papers
submitted for presentation at the Ecocity World Summit, held October 7–11, 2019 in
Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. The material spans a diversity of geographic
regions, physical scales, income levels, social and natural science approaches, and
development topics. It revolves around a core theme of building socially just and
ecologically sustainable cities and then drills into three sub-themes addressing:
climate action, circular economy, and informal solutions for sustainable develop-
ment. These themes enable exploration of how a combination of ecosystem-based
and socially-led development approaches are responding to global challenges while
simultaneously positioning cities for improved outcomes.
The first part of the book comprises two chapters that address the role of building
robust social and environmental communities simultaneously. Due to rapid urban-
ization, most of the world’s cities, especially in developing countries, encountered
social and ecological injustice over past decades. This is most notable in informal
1 Introduction 3
cities in developed as well as developing countries discover that they can learn a lot
from each other in a bid to live socially just lives in ecologically sustainable cities
that operate within planetary boundaries.
References
Aberley, Doug. 1994. Futures by design: The practice of ecological planning. Gabriola Island, BC:
New Society Publishers.
Benyus, Janine. 1997. Biomimicry: Innovation inspired by nature. New York: Harper Collins
Publishers Inc.
Berg, Peter (ed.). 1978. Reinhabiting a separate country: A bioregional anthology of Northern
California. San Francisco, CA: Planet Drum Foundation.
Carr, Mike. 2004. Bioregionalism and civil society: Democratic challenges to corporate globalism.
Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Desai, Pooran, and Sue Riddlestone. 2002. Bioregional solutions for living on one planet.
Schumarher Briefings. Devon UK: Green Books.
Downton, Paul. 2007. Ecopolis: Concepts, initiatives and the purpose of cities. In Steering sustain-
ability in an urbanizing world: policy, practice and performance, ed. Anitra Nelson. Burlington
VT: Ashgate.
Grimm, Nancy, Stanley Faeth, Nancy Golubiewski, Charles Redman, Wu Jianguo, Xuemei Bai,
and John Briggs. 2008. Global change and the ecology of cities. Science 319: 756–760.
Haughton, Graham, and Colin Hunter. 1994. Sustainable cities. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers
Ltd.
Huang, Shu-Li, Chai-Tsung Yeh, and Li-Fang Chang. 2010. The transition to an urbanizing world
and the demand for natural resources. Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability 2: 136–
143. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cosust.2010.07.003.
IPBES (Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services). 2019.
Summary for policymakers of the global assessment report on biodiversity and ecosystem services
of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services, ed.
S. Díaz, J. Settele, E.S. Brondízio, H.T. Ngo, M. Guèze, J. Agard, A. Arneth, P. Balvanera, K.A.
Brauman, S.H.M. Butchart, K.M.A. Chan, L.A. Garibaldi, K. Ichii, J. Liu, S.M. Subramanian,
G.F. Midgley, P. Miloslavich, Z. Molnár, D. Obura, A. Pfaff, S. Polasky, A. Purvis, J. Razzaque,
B. Reyers, R. Roy Chowdhury, Y.J. Shin, I. J. Visseren-Hamakers, K.J. Willis, and C.N. Zayas.
Bonn Germancy: IPBES secretariat, 56. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3553579.
Lovelock, James. 2000. Gaia: A new look at life on earth (First published in 1979). Oxford UK:
Oxford University Press.
Mollison, Bill. 1988. Permaculture: A designers’ manual. Tyalgum, Australia: Tagari.
Mollison, Bill, and David Holmgren. 1990. Permaculture one: A perennial agricultural system of
human settlements, 5th Revised edn, June 1 1990. Tyalgum, Australia: Tagari.
Moore, Jennie. 1997. Inertia and resistance on the path to healthy communities, Chapter 13. In
Eco-city dimensions: Healthy communities, healthy planet, ed. Mark Roseland. Gabriola Island:
New Society Publishers.
Moore, Jennie. 2012. One-Planet living (text box). In Toward sustainable communities: Solutions
for citizens and their governments, ed. Mark Roseland. Gabriola Island: New Society Publishers.
Moore, Jennie. 2013. Getting serious about sustainability: Exploring the potential for one-planet
living in Vancouver. A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree
of doctor of philosophy in the Faculty of Graduate Studies, School of Community and Regional
Planning at the University of British Columbia. Vancouver: University of British Columbia.
Newman, Peter, and Isabella Jennings. 2008. Cities as sustainable ecosystems: Principles and
practice. Washington DC: Island Press.
1 Introduction 7
Rees, W.E. 1999. The built environment and the ecosphere: A global Perspective. Building Research
and Information 26: 206–220. https://doi.org/10.1080/096132199369336.
Rees, W.E. 2012. Cities as dissipative structures: global change and the vulnerability of urban
civilization. In Sustainability Science: The emerging paradigm and the urban environment, eds.
Michael P. Weinstein and R. Eugene Turner, 247–273. New York: Springer.
Register, Richard. 1987. Ecocity Berkeley: Building cities for a healthy future. Berkeley, CA: North
Atlantic Books.
Register, Richard. 2006. Ecocities: Rebuilding cities in balance with nature. Gabriola Island: New
Society Publishers.
Roseland, Mark. 1997. Dimensions of the Future: An eco-city overview. In Eco-city dimensions:
Healthy communities, healthy planet, ed. Mark Roseland, 1–12. Gabriola Island: New Society
Publishers.
Seto, Karen, and David Satterthwaite. 2010. Interactions between urbanization and global
environmental change. Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability 2: 127–128.
Wheeler, Stephen. 2004. Planning for sustainability: Creating livable, equitable, and ecological
communities. London: Routledge.
Part I
Socially Just and Ecologically Sustainable
Cities
Social justice and ecological sustainability are two overlapping, connected concepts
that target livable, healthy, equitable, and sustainable communities. The link between
social justice and ecological sustainability as revealed in the Ecocity Standards
interprets the importance of exploiting all hidden resources and characteristics that
can play an important role in enhancing the quality of life in urban communities.
Agyeman and Evans (2003) state that there are five areas of common concern to
environmental justice; they include land use planning, solid waste, toxic chemical
use, transportation, and energy.
Due to rapid urbanization, most of the world’s cities especially in developing
countries, encountered social and ecological injustice over past decades. The most
affected communities by this injustice are informal areas. Despite multiple research
and investigation aimed at tackling ecosystem services issues in informal areas,
these under-privileged areas have gone a long way since they started to develop in
the last century, from being totally marginalized and unrecognized by governments,
to achieving a presence and full recognition in all urban and environmental platforms
(Attia et al. 2016).
The first part of this book comprises two chapters that address the role of building a
robust social, urban, and environmental community. Both chapters provide examples
of social and technical performance and solutions to improving health of people while
improving ecosystems.
The first chapter investigates informal areas in Egypt, and highlights their hidden
green characteristics through analyzing their compliance with sustainable urbanism
theories, their green performance according to green rating systems focusing on
energy performance and what quality of life they provide to their dwellers. Four case
studies from Cairo are investigated to apply the concepts discussed, exploring what
quality of life these areas provide to their dwellers according to the criteria defined
by a number of indices that measure quality of life as well as prosperity.
The second chapter discusses the potential of communal structures, within
informal settlements, regarding the design and implementation of decentralized water
management systems. Kampung Tamansari, an informally grown area in Bandung,
Indonesia, is used as an example. It shows how to find synergies between the water
10 Part I: Socially Just and Ecologically Sustainable Cities
system and the needs of an area that can lay very much beyond that discipline. The
equal importance of functioning components and the consideration of the stake-
holders’ interests and needs is fundamental. The authors think that the results could
be useful in informal settlements with similar characteristics as Kampung Tamansari.
Both chapters demonstrate that ecosystem services in informal areas such as
energy security, water quality, and safe sewage systems, which are still contested,
need more research and innovative ideas to capture effectively the social needs.
To achieve social justice and ecological sustainability, it is essential to ensure a
safe and impactful ecosystem, and to promote sustainable, inclusive, and equitable
communities.
References
Agyeman, Julian, and Tom Evans. 2003. Toward just sustainability in urban communities: Building
equity rights with sustainable solutions. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science 590: 35–53.
Attia, Sahar, Shabka, Shahdan, Shafik, Zeinab and Ibrahim, Asmaa. 2016. Dynamics and resilience
of informal areas: International perspectives.
Chapter 2
Supporting Informal Areas Resilience:
Reinforcing Hidden Green Potentials
for a Better Quality of Life
Abstract Urban areas are both contributors to climate change and victims of it.
Major urbanization activities take place in the Global South, where informaliza-
tion is synonymous to urbanization. Aspiring to be equitable, cities should balance
the needs of their various inhabitants, securing the prosperity of both affluent and
vulnerable groups. For many years, slums and informal areas have been seen as
geographies of blight and despair. However, these areas efficiently provide needs,
amenities, and affordability to vast groups who, otherwise, were not addressed by
their governments. This paper studies informal areas and highlights their hidden green
characteristics through analyzing their compliance with the principles of sustainable
urbanism. Furthermore, the paper investigates the green performance of such areas
according to rating systems focusing on energy performance. Additionally, the paper
explores what quality of life these areas provide according to criteria defined by a
number of indices that also measure prosperity. Four informal districts in the Greater
Cairo Region are investigated as case studies to validate results and provide practical
insights. The paper then deduces several strategies that can assist informal areas to be
more resilient in the face of climate change with its associated increased heat stress
and improve quality of life.
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license 11
to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020
J. Moore et al. (eds.), Ecocities Now,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58399-6_2
12 H. A. E. E. Khalil and S. Gammaz
2.1 Introduction
Many reports have discussed the phenomenon that the majority of humankind have
been living in urban areas, with the year 2007 as the marked threshold (GlobeScan and
MRC Mclean Hazel 2007). These studies estimate that by mid-twenty-first century
this number will exceed 70%. This phenomenon is mostly expanding in the devel-
oping world, which hosts more than 70% of the current world’s population led by
Asia and then African cities (UN-HABITAT 2012). However, recent studies report
the urbanization rate is highest in Africa although it has the lowest urbanization ratio
(Clos 2015). Cities have expanded, for the past half century, into the land around them
at an escalating rate with expanding highways and transportation systems to serve this
growth, at the expense of valuable farmland in many instances (UN-HABITAT 2012).
In recent years, this process of urbanization has been proven, almost beyond
doubt, to be one of the main reasons for climate change. This is mainly attributed to
the high CO2 (carbon dioxide) emissions of the built environment, reaching 70% of
global emissions, and the high ecological footprint of city dwellers (IPCC WGI AR5
2013; UN-HABITAT 2016). Certainly, cities are suffering, to different extents, from
the consequences of climate change whether from unprecedented heat waves, cold
weather, storms, and so on. Thus, the issue of investigating the mutual relationship
between cities and climate change becomes more vital.
Moreover, it is vital to note that this urbanization phenomenon has been associated
with slum formation (UN-HABITAT 2016). The numbers are continuously on the
rise where the total number of slum dwellers in developing countries was estimated to
be 862.569 million comprising 32.7% of total urban dwellers in the same area in 2012
(UN-HABITAT 2012). These numbers have reached 880 million with 29.4% of urban
dwellers in 2014 (UN-HABITAT 2016). Although the percentages are decreasing,
the total number is increasing, thus posing a real challenge to cities.
In the quest for equitable and sustainable urban development, cities should balance
the needs of their dwellers with impacts on their well-being socially, economically,
and environmentally. An equitable city would also balance the needs of its various
inhabitants, securing the prosperity of both affluent and vulnerable groups. For many
years, slums and informal areas have been seen as geographies of blight and despair.
However, these areas efficiently provide needs, amenities, and affordability to vast
groups who, otherwise, were not addressed by their governments. In this pursuit,
it is vital to investigate the status quo of informal areas in cities of the developing
world regarding both the quality of life they provide, their strengths, and any negative
impacts.
This paper investigates informal areas and highlights their hidden green char-
acteristics through analyzing their compliance with sustainable urbanism theories,
their green performance according to green rating systems focusing on energy
performance, and the quality of life they provide. Four case studies from Cairo
are investigated to apply the concepts discussed.
2 Supporting Informal Areas Resilience: Reinforcing … 13
•Mixed-use
Completeness •Mixed housing
•Sense of Place
For the past few decades, there has been a growing movement toward sustain-
able urbanism in both theory and formal practice away from preceding trends and
practices of the Functional City. Many urbanists have compiled sets of principles
that guide sustainable urban development; for example, “New Urbanism” (Hasic
2000), “Transit-oriented Development” (Boarnet and Crane 2001), “Smart Growth”
(Stoel 1999), “Decentralized Concentration” (Breheny 1996; Høyer and Holden
2003; Holden 2004), and “Sustainable Urbanism” (Farr 2008). These principles and
theories have dominated urban debates and guided many cities’ efforts to improve
livability. Moreover, these principles have been the base for many indices to assess
the performance of urban settlements toward their sustainability as exemplified by
the Green City Index and Your Better Life initiatives among many others. Figure 2.1
summarizes the extracted principles for sustainable urbanism based on the above
literature and summarized in Khalil (2010).
As energy is the primary driver for sustainability, it would be logical to assess
the ecological performance of informal areas focusing on energy. In that sense,
the paper utilizes the indicators of the Green City Index that are related to energy
efficiency and policies for green energy (The Economist Intelligence Unit 2009,
2010, 2011a, b, c). The paper adopts the indicators extracted by Khalil (2012b)1
as a base to analyze the performance of the informal area under study as shown
in the next part. These are, namely: electricity consumption, access to electricity,
clean and efficient energy policies, climate change action plan, eco buildings policy,
green spaces per capita, population density, land use policy, population living in
informal settlements, waste recycling and re-use policy, length of mass transport
network, urban mass transport policy, and congestion reduction policy. Although
there could be additional indicators related to energy efficiency, availability of data
falls short in many countries (Khalil 2012b). For better relevance to informal areas in
Egypt, the extracted indicators represent those used in the Green City Index reports
of either all continents or specifically Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Furthermore,
these indicators could be classified into two categories: first, indicators related to
energy required for achieving good quality of life (in the short term) and second,
indicators related to energy policies required for sustaining this quality of life over
the long term within an energy-efficient approach as shown in Table 2.1. The main
aim for this categorizing is to differentiate between two things. First, the energy
consumption needed to provide a good quality of life within an energy-efficient
strategy. Second, the energy consumption that can sustain this quality of life within
a resource-constrained environment. Hence indicators of the first group affect short-
term pursuit of good quality of life such as energy consumption, access to electricity,
green spaces per capita, population density, length of mass transport network, and
congestion reduction policy. Indicators of the second group have direct relevance
to sustaining a good quality of life while reducing the associated negative impacts
of energy consumption such as clean and efficient energy policies, climate change
action plan, eco buildings policy, land use policy, waste recycling and re-use policy,
and urban mass transport policy.
Table 2.1 Energy efficiency indicators extracted from the Green City Index categorized as
achieving good quality of life and sustaining it. Source Modified from (Khalil and Khalil 2015)
Category Energy efficiency indicators
Achieving good quality of life Sustaining good quality of life
Energy and CO2 Energy consumption: Total final Same
energy consumption, in gigajoules
per head
Electricity consumption per unit of Same
GDP: Total final energy consumption,
in megajoules per unit of real GDP
Access to electricity: Percentage of Clean and efficient energy policies:
households with access to electricity An assessment of the extensiveness of
policies promoting the use of clean
and efficient energy
Climate change action plan: Measure
of a city’s strategy to combat its
contribution to climate change
Buildings Energy consumption in buildings (not Eco buildings policy: Measure of a
within the Green City Index for city’s efforts to minimize the
Africa) environmental impact of buildings
Land use Green spaces per capita: Sum of all Land use policy: Measure of a city’s
public parks, recreation areas, efforts to minimize the environmental
greenways, waterways, and other and ecological impact of urban
protected areas accessible to the development
public, in m2 per inhabitant
Population density: Population Same but it has a two-sided effect
density, in persons per km2
Population living in informal
settlements: Percentage of the
population living in informal
settlements
Waste Waste collection is not necessarily Waste recycling and re-use policy:
concerned with energy consumption Measure of a city’s efforts to reduce,
recycle, and re-use waste
Transport Length of mass transport network: Urban mass transport policy: Measure
total length of all train, tram, subway, of a city’s efforts to create a viable
bus and other mass transport routes mass transport system as an
within the city’s boundaries, alternative to private vehicles
measured in terms of the area of the
city (in km/km2 )
Congestion reduction policy:
Measure of a city’s efforts to reduce
congestion
16 H. A. E. E. Khalil and S. Gammaz
indices that focus on the environmental performance of the city (and its neighbor-
hoods) or its sustainability in general, namely CASBEE for Urban Development,
CASBEE for Cities, and LEED for Neighborhood Development. In addition, there
are some more locally tailored indices, such as megacity sustainability indicators in
Brazil (Leite and Tello 2011), The Sustainability Cities Index in the UK (Forum for
The Future; General Electric GE 2010), and The Freiburg Charter for Sustainable
Urbanism (The Academy of Urbanism 2010). A widely used index on the city level is
the Green City Index that acknowledges the performance regarding CO2 emissions,
energy, buildings, transport, waste and land use, water, air quality, and environmental
governance through 30 indicators (The Economist Intelligence Unit 2009).
Furthermore, new indices were developed to bridge the gap between providing a
good quality of life and having the resources to sustain it in a responsive way. The
UN-Habitat developed the City Prosperity Index (CPI) and used it in its 2012 cities
report. It devised five categories: productivity, infrastructure development, quality
of life, equity and social inclusion, and environmental sustainability in addition to
the urban local power functions in the form of government institutions, laws, and
urban planning (UN-HABITAT 2012). It is important to note that the quality of life
category in this index comprises only a part of the quality of life as seen by the
previously mentioned indices. In that sense, CPI would be equal to any other Quality
of Life (QOL) index with imbedded sustainability assessment.
In the quest to develop a comprehensive index that is free of bias from the indus-
trial sector and that would interpret the voice of people in assessment, the Inter-
national Ecocity Framework and Standards was developed (Ecocity Builders 2011).
Comprised of 18 conditions, organized in four categories, for healthy cities that are in
balance with the ecosystem, the index is under continuous development and piloting.
The assessment bundles are: first, urban design concerned with access by proximity
to services, access to safe and affordable housing, green buildings, and environmen-
tally friendly transport ation. Second, bio-geophysical conditions including clean
air, healthy soil, clean and safe water, responsible resources/materials, clean and
renewable energy, healthy and accessible food. Third, socio-cultural features include
eco-friendly culture, community capacity and governance, healthy and equitable
economy, lifelong education, and well-being or quality of life. Fourth, ecological
imperatives include healthy biodiversity, living within earth’s carrying capacity, and
ecological linkages (Moore et al. 2017). The interesting aspect of this index is that
it deploys qualitative questionnaires to identify subjective assessments to the city or
districts sustainability performance. In USA, STAR Community Rating System has
been developed during the period 2008–2012 as a leading framework and certification
program for cities and counties to measure their progress across social, economic,
and environmental performance areas. As outlined in its version 2.0 released in
October 2016, it is organized by goals, objectives, and evaluation measures tackling
the performance in seven categories: built environment, climate and energy, economy
and jobs, education, arts and community, equity and empowerment, health and safety,
natural systems, and an eighth category of innovation and process. Measuring the
objectives is done either through attainment of community level outcomes and/or
2 Supporting Informal Areas Resilience: Reinforcing … 17
Informal areas are a manifestation of people’s needs and how they respond to their
own requirements when governments fail or refrain from responding. Simply formu-
lated, informalization is “a process which is unregulated by the institutions of society
in a legal and social environment in which similar activities are regulated” (Oldham
et al. 1994, p. 10). For Roy (2005), informality can be seen as a pattern for urban-
ization within an array of patterns instead of as opposed to formal sector, providing
a promising resource instead of a catastrophe (Roy 2005). In that sense, she has a
different approach than the two opposing perspectives regarding informal areas as
either deteriorating, decaying, and uncontrolled (Hall and Pfeiffer 2000) or a heroic
adventure and a creative reaction to government inefficiency (De Soto 2000). Yet,
it is important not to over romanticize the attributes of informal areas as they carry
their own inherent complications.
In Egypt, informal areas have gone through many efforts to define them, as they
are different from what the UN-Habitat classifies as slums. In 2007, General Organi-
zation of Physical Planning (GOPP) defined them as “all what is self-built, whether
single or multistory buildings or shacks, in the absence of law and urban regulations
enforcement. They are areas built on land not allocated for construction as specified
in the city urban plan. Despite the fact that buildings’ conditions may be good, they
might be unsafe environmentally and socially, and or lacking basic infrastructure
and services” (GOPP and UNDP 2007). However, the current working definition
of informal areas uses different terms, either unplanned areas as specified by the
Unified Building Law no. 119 or unsafe areas as defined by the Informal Settlement
Development Facility ISDF (ISDF 2011; Khalil 2012a).
18 H. A. E. E. Khalil and S. Gammaz
Worldwide, informal areas are of two main categories: squatting or illegal subdivi-
sions, different in origin, process, and characteristics. Squatter areas are dominantly
unplanned, chaotic, and located on the margins of the city. Illegal/informal subdivi-
sions have legal land ownership but illegally subdivided with a lack of public services,
infrastructure, and public spaces in many instances (Imperato and Ruster 2003). In
Egypt, the general classification of informal areas includes the informal areas built on
agricultural land, which can be considered illegal subdivisions with legal ownership,
and areas built on desert land that are mainly chaotic and unplanned. These two types
comprise the main patterns of informal areas; however, there are also shacks and envi-
ronmentally unsafe areas both in the city core and on the fringes (Khalil 2010). In
both cases, these areas are developed and built without any technical expertise of an
architect or a planner. They are the direct manifestation of grassroots development
that comprise a parallel universe to formal, theory-based planning taking place in
adjacent locations.
Table 2.2 Different indicators measuring QOL, adopted from Mercer 2011, The Economist
Intelligence Unit EIU 2007, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development OECD
2011, UN-HABITAT 2012 and their relevance to assessing QOL in informal areas
Sector
ability
tricity, tele- transportation
phones -Transportation choic-
es
Housing: Quality of hous- Housing: Housing -Housing choices
units, appli- ing units with -Quality of built envi-
ances, basic ser- ronment
maintenance vices,
rooms/person
Medical & Health: life ex- Health: life health sub-index. Health facilities
Health Con- pectancy expectancy
siderations: Quality of public
Hospital, & private health
supplies care
Social Serv.
civil society
Crime Petty & violent Safety: hom- Crime rates
crime, threat of icide rate, as-
terror sault rate
(continued)
20 H. A. E. E. Khalil and S. Gammaz
access to services
and infrastructure.
As argued by Khalil (2010), informal areas in Egypt can be said to have green
aspects that resemble some of the principles highlighted in sustainable urbanism
and its related theories. She discussed their compactness, although it could be over
compact in many cases, defined edges with distinct urban pattern, increased walk-
ability and energy efficiency, domination of mixed uses and mixed housing driven
by actual needs, completeness with many daily needs satisfied for a diverse group of
residents, and high participation in decision-making as they were mainly self-built by
the community through the informal sector. However, they lack other aspects such as
connectivity, green transportation, open and green spaces. It is also vital to note that
in some instances over-crowdedness becomes a problem exceeding the UN-Habitat
threshold of two persons/room. In addition, they may lack an overall vision of devel-
opment as they are developed incrementally with no pre-planning. Thus, there is a
need for a more comprehensive approach that recognizes the positive green aspects
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der Frauen und also wohl auch der Götter; er fabriziert aus
goldgleißendem Messing, das er um schnöden Mammon von der
Küste erhandelt, jene massiven, wuchtigen Fuß- und
Handknöchelringe, die an den schlanken Gliedern der Schönen
meine staunende Bewunderung stets von neuem erregen. Wie jeder
ordentliche Meister trug der Mann sein gesamtes Handwerkszeug
bei sich: 2 Blasebälge, 3 Schmelztiegel, 1 Hammer, das war alles.
Bitten ließ er sich nicht lange; eins, zwei, drei waren die beiden
Blasebälge am Boden befestigt. Es sind einfache Ziegenbälge,
deren Extremitäten durch einen Knoten in sich verschlossen sind,
während die obere, für die Luftzufuhr bestimmte, weite Öffnung von
zwei Holzleisten eingefaßt wird. Am anderen Ende des Balges ist
eine schmale Öffnung gelassen; in dieser steckt eine Holzröhre.
Rasch hat der Fundi aus der nächsten Hütte einen Haufen
Holzkohlen erborgt; schon hat er auf die Mündungen der zwei
Holzröhren — es kommen stets zwei Blasebälge zur Anwendung,
um einen dauernden Luftstrom zu erzielen — eine Tondüse gesetzt;
mit einem derben Schlag treibt er einen Holzhaken über den
Holzröhren in die Erde. Jetzt füllt er den einen seiner kleinen, bereits
stark verschlackten Tontiegel mit dem gelben Material, setzt ihn ins
Zentrum des Kohlenherdes, der einstweilen nur schwach glimmt,
und dann beginnt die Arbeit. In raschem Wechsel fahren die Hände
des Fundi mit den Schlitzen der Blasebälge auf und nieder; hebt er
die Hand, so spreizt er den Schlitz breit auseinander, so daß die Luft
ungehindert in den Fellsack hineintreten kann; drückt er die Hand
nieder, so schließt er den Sack, und fauchend bläst die Luft durch
Bambusrohr und Düse in das rasch erstarkende Kohlenfeuer. Doch
der Mann bleibt nicht bei der Arbeit; schon hat er einen andern
herangewinkt, der ihn beim Blasen ablöst. Im Gleichtakt sausen die
Hände auf und nieder, der Fundi aber hat aus seinem Rucksack,
einer großen Felltasche, noch ein paar Werkzeuge geholt; mit
Verwunderung sehe ich, wie er zunächst mittels eines glatten,
fingerstarken Rundstabes ein paar Löcher senkrecht in den reinen
Sand des Waldbodens drückt. Dies mag nicht schwer sein,
gleichwohl entwickelt der Mann dabei bedeutende Sorgfalt. Darauf
ein rasches Niederknien, ein paar Schläge auf ein paar kleine
Holzhaken; an den Boden genagelt sehe ich eine kleine, niedliche
Mulde. Ein Stück Bambusrohr ist es, der Länge nach halbiert, so daß
die beiden Endknoten den Miniaturtrog abschließen. Endlich ist das
gelbe Metall flüssig genug; mit zwei langen, durch Aufsplittern
zangenartig gegabelten Stäben hebt der Fundi den Tiegel vom
Feuer: eine kurze, rasche Wendung nach links, ein Neigen des
Tiegels, unter Zischen und starker Rauchentwicklung fließt das
Metall zunächst in die Bambusform, sodann in die Erdlöcher.
Das Verfahren dieses hinterwäldlerischen Meisters mag
technisch nicht auf der Höhe stehen; es läßt sich indes nicht
leugnen, daß er mit den geringsten und einfachsten Mitteln
vollkommen Ausreichendes zu erzeugen versteht. Die vornehmen
Damen hierzulande, d. h. die, welche es sich leisten können, tragen
zweierlei Arten dieser schweren, massiven Messingringe: eine im
Querschnitt halbkreisförmige und eine kreisrunde. Jene erzeugt der
Fundi in genialster Weise in der Bambusform; Peripherie: rund,
Oberfläche: horizontal; die andere in seinem kreisrunden Sandloch.
Das Anlegen an die Gliedmaßen seiner Kundinnen ist einfach; mit
leichten Schlägen seines Hammers legt der Meister das biegsame
Metall ohne weitere Belästigung für die Trägerinnen um Arm und
Knöchel herum.
Formen des Topfes.
Fünfzehntes Kapitel.
„Und will sich nimmer erschöpfen
und leeren.“
Newala, Anfang Oktober 1906.
Ein paar Tage lang hat es geschienen, als wolle unser deutscher
Altweibersommer vom fernen Uleia aus uns hier oben einen Besuch
abstatten, so frisch-kühl schien die Sonne auf Weiße und Schwarze
hernieder, und so windstill war es um unsere Barasa. Jetzt aber
umbraust wieder der altgewohnte eisige Novemberost die Boma von
Newala, und geregnet hat es gerade am Michaelistage auch schon.
Das muß wohl ein hierzulande allgemein verstandenes Signal für
jung und alt gewesen sein, denn weder die unvermeidlichen Knaben
belagern mich, noch kehren auch meine Gelehrten wieder.
Erfreulicherweise habe ich die alten Herren im Laufe der letzten
Wochen so auspressen können, daß ich schon jetzt, im
unanfechtbaren Besitz einer Unsumme von Aufzeichnungen und
Notizen, vollauf befriedigt von dannen pilgern könnte, hielten mich
nicht die Sprachaufnahmen, in die ich mich nun einmal verbissen
habe, noch für eine kurze Spanne zurück. Ganz unmöglich ist es, an
dieser Stelle auch nur die knappste Skizze von dem zu geben, was
ich, der nunmehr wissend Gewordene, von allen diesen mehr oder
minder seltsamen Sitten und Gebräuchen in mein vor Glückseligkeit
jauchzendes Gemüt aufgenommen habe. In amtlichen und
nichtamtlichen Schriften, zu denen ich sicherlich die Muße manchen
Semesters werde opfern müssen, ist der Platz für alle Einzelheiten;
was ich hier bringen kann, darf und will, ist lediglich ein Hervorheben
gerade dessen, was vermöge seiner Eigenart jeden Kulturmenschen
fesseln kann und wohl auch wird.
Ein unbegrenztes Forschungsfeld sind die hiesigen
Personennamen. Wo der Islam bereits Fuß gefaßt hat, herrscht auch
die arabische Benennungsweise; da marschiert neben dem
Makonde-Askari Saidi bin Mussa sein Kamerad vom Nyassasee Ali
bin Pinga, und hinter dem Yaoträger Hamisi zieht Hassani aus
Mkhutu seines Weges fürbaß. Bei den Binnenstämmen waltet als
soziales Prinzip die Sippeneinteilung vor; daher tritt selbst noch zu
dem Vornamen der zum Christentum Bekehrten der Name des
Clans. Daudi (David) Machina nennt sich der schwarze Pastor von
Chingulungulu, und Claudio Matola heißt der präsumtive Nachfolger
Matolas I. und Matolas II. Über diese Namen des Innern gleich mehr.
Ebenso fesselnd wie die Namen selbst ist oftmals ihre
Bedeutung; schon meine braven Träger haben mir in dieser
Richtung manch fröhliche Minute verursacht; sie führen zum großen
Teil auch gar zu drollige Bezeichnungen. Pesa mbili, Herr
Zweipfennig in deutscher Währung, ist uns ebensowenig ein
Fremder mehr wie seine Freunde Kofia tule, der lange Mann mit
dem flachen Käppchen, Herr Kasi uleia, der Mann, der beim
Europäer Arbeit nimmt, und Herr Mambo sasa, die „Sitte von heute“.
Mambo sasa ist und bleibt für mich die lebendige Illustration zu
meiner mitgenommenen Phonographenwalze aus der „Fledermaus“,
die ihr „Das ist nun mal so Sitte“ wohl aus dieser Ideenassoziation
heraus jetzt häufiger ertönen lassen muß als früher. Außer diesen
Getreuen laufen unter meinen zwei Dutzend schwarzen Kameraden
noch folgende Gentlemen herum: Herr Decke (Kinyamwesi:
Bulingeti, verderbt aus dem englischen blanket); Herr Cigaretti
(bedarf keines Kommentars); Herr Kamba uleia (keck, aber sehr frei
übersetzt: du deutscher Strick); Herr Berg oder Hügel (Kilima), und
die Herren Kompania und Kapella. Ins Seemännische fallen die
Namen Maschua (Boot) und Meli (vom englischen mail, das
Dampfboot); ins Arithmetische Herr Sechs (Sitta). Den würdigen
Beschluß macht Mpenda kula, Herr Freßsack.
Den Namen der Binnenstämme fehlt der merkbare europäische
Einschlag dieser Trägernamen, doch spaßig will uns auch hier
mancher erscheinen. Ich bemerke dabei, daß diese Namen
durchweg nicht die ersten sind, die ihren Träger zieren; wie sooft bei
Naturvölkern, auch heute noch bei den Japanern, haben wir auch
hier die Erscheinung, daß jeder einzelne im Anschluß an die
erlangte und festlich begangene Mannbarkeit einen neuen Namen
bekommt. Den hiesigen Eingeborenen ist die ursprüngliche
Bedeutung dieses Wechsels nicht oder nicht mehr bekannt, doch
geht man wohl nicht fehl in der Annahme, daß die neue Benennung
auch einen neuen Menschen bedeutet; jede Erinnerung an den alten
Adam ist damit ausgelöscht, der neue Mensch aber steht in ganz
anderem verwandtschaftlichen Verhältnis zu seinen Angehörigen
und Stammesgenossen als der frühere. Offiziell ist jeder erwachsene
Yao, Makua, Makonde oder Matambwe berechtigt, sich als Pate
anzubieten, doch erweckt mir die Mehrzahl der Namen den
Eindruck, als seien sie in Wirklichkeit Spitznamen, die ihrem Träger
gelegentlich aus dem Bekanntenkreis anfliegen; der Neger hat
bekanntlich ein sehr feines Gefühl für die Schwächen und Blößen
des anderen.
Chelikŏ́ sue, Herr Ratte, ist uns von seinen Heldenliedern von
Chingulungnlu her schon bekannt; zu ihm gehört der Namenklasse
nach Chipembēre, Herr Nashorn. Dieser neigt zum Jähzorn wie
jener Dickhäuter, daher sein Name. An die ursprüngliche
Stammeszugehörigkeit, nämlich zu den Wandonde, erinnert der
Name des alten Biervertilgers Akundonde. Der Sieger im Gefecht ist
Chekamĕ́ nya; Freude herrschte über die Geburt des Machīna;
Makwenja rafft alles an sich; Chemduulăgá macht hingegen wenig
aus sich, er ist die verkörperte Bescheidenheit. Ebenso ist Mkotima
ein ruhiger Mann; Siliwindi ist nach dem gleichnamigen guten
Sänger unter den Vögeln des Landes genannt; Mkokora endlich
trägt den Schmutz mit den Händen weg.
Das sind Wayao-Männernamen. Von den Frauennamen dieses
Stammes will ich nur folgende hervorheben: Frau Chemā́ laga; sie ist
ganz allein zurückgeblieben, alle ihre Angehörigen sind gestorben;
Frau Chechelajēro, die es immer schwer hat; Frau Chetulāye, die
schlecht lebt, und schließlich Chewaŏ́ pe, sie ist dein.
Die Personennamen der übrigen Völker sind im großen ganzen
desselben Charakters: Kunanyupu, Herr Gnu, ist ein alter Makua,
der nach seiner eigenen Aussage in seiner Jugend viele Gnus erlegt
hat; Nantiaka ist der Don Juan, der von einer zur andern flattert.
Geistesverwandt ist Ntindinganya, der Spaßvogel, der anderen in die
Schuhe schiebt, was er selber ausgeführt hat; Linyongonyo ist der
Schwächling ohne Kraft, Nyopa aber der Ehrgeizige, der danach
strebt, daß andere ihn fürchten; Madriga ist der Betrübte, der
Hypochonder; Dambuala der Faule.
Unter den Frauen ist Aluenenge die Selbstbewußte; ihr Herr und
Gebieter hat sich zwar noch ein zweites Weib genommen, aber bei
der wird er, das weiß Aluenenge ganz bestimmt, nicht bleiben,
sondern reuevoll zu ihr zurückkehren. Weit weniger glücklich ist
Nantupuli dran; sie läuft in der Welt herum, bekommt aber nichts,
weder einen Mann, noch sonst etwas. Wieder zur Kategorie der
Unglücklichen gehören dann Atupimiri und Achinaga; jene besitzt
einen Mann, der wenig seßhaft ist; immer ist er auswärts, nur von
Zeit zu Zeit kommt er, um seine Frau zu „messen“, d. h. zu sehen,
ob sie sich gut oder schlecht beträgt. Achinagas Mann aber ist stets
krank und kann nicht arbeiten; so muß sie alles allein machen. Eine
Pesa mbili gibt es auch unter den Makondefrauen; „früher stand ich
hoch,“ so besagt der Name, „in der Wertschätzung der Männer, jetzt
aber bin ich nur noch zwei Pesa wert; ich bin alt geworden.“
Schönheit steht eben auch beim Neger im Preise.
Ein sehr dankbares, aber auch recht schwierig zu beackerndes
Forschungsfeld ist für mich allerorten die Feststellung der
Gebräuche, die den einzelnen in seinem Dasein von der Wiege bis
zum Grabe begleiten.
In der mütterlichen Hütte ist das kleine Negerkind, das noch gar
nicht schwarz, sondern ebenso rosig aussieht wie unsere
Neugeborenen, zur Welt gekommen; der Herr Vater ist weit vom
Schuß; ihn haben die weisen Frauen beizeiten gehen heißen.
Säuberlich wird das Baby gewaschen und in ein Stück neuen
Rindenstoffes gewickelt. Dabei salbt man seine Ohren mit Öl, damit
es hören soll; das Bändchen unter der Zunge aber löst man mit dem
landesüblichen Rasiermesser, damit es sprechen lerne. Knaben
werden wie überall gern gesehen; in bezug auf Mädchen verhalten
sich die Stämme und, genau wie bei uns, auch die einzelnen
Familien verschieden. In der Völkerkunde ist oft zu lesen, daß die
Naturvölker die Geburt von Mädchen aus rein mammonistischen
Gründen freudig begrüßten, brächten doch die erwachsenen
Mädchen dem Elternpaar bei der Heirat den Kaufpreis ein. Bis zu
einem gewissen Grade mögen derartige Momente auch hierzulande
mitspielen, im allgemeinen aber sind Mädchen schon deswegen
gern gesehen, weil sie der Mutter bei den mannigfachen Arbeiten in
Haus und Feld frühzeitig an die Hand gehen können. Nach ihrer
Verheiratung wird der Herr Schwiegersohn zudem zum treuesten,
unentgeltlichen Diener des mütterlichen Hauses. Hier, im Lande der
Exogamie, der Außenehe, siedelt nämlich die junge Frau nicht mit in
das Heim des Ehemannes über, sie tritt auch nicht in seine
Verwandtschaft hinein, sondern gerade umgekehrt: der Mann verläßt
Vater und Mutter und zieht entweder direkt ins schwiegermütterliche
Haus oder baut sich doch unmittelbar daneben an; in jedem Fall
aber sorgt er, bis seine eigenen Familienumstände es anders
bedingen, mit voller Kraft jahrelang für die Erhaltung des
schwiegermütterlichen Anwesens; er besorgt die Aussaat und die
Ernte, macht neue Felder urbar, kurz, er sieht der Schwiegermama
jeden Wunsch an den Augen ab. Er trägt sie auf Händen.