Introduction:

The Naxalite movement in India is a deep and intricate phenomenon that has had a big impact on
internal security in the nation. The Naxalite movement, which began in the late 1960s and has
since grown, poses a serious threat to the Indian government. The purpose of this dissertation is
to examine the consequences of the Naxalite movement for India’s internal security while
offering a thorough examination of the ideology and its development.The Naxalite Movement in
India has gone through several organisational upheavals and conflicts of ideas along its
interesting journey. In its lengthy history since 1967, the movement has seen many highs and
lows, reflecting the belief stated in one of the official Maoist documents: "Revolutions
never move forward straight ahead. All successful revolutions have a history that demonstrates
this. Before the ultimate win, there are several repetitions of success and failure, zigzag paths,
and ups and downs.

In the year 1967, the isolated West Bengali village of Naxalbari gave rise to the Naxalite
movement in India. Bimal Kissan, a young tribal man, was granted permission by a judge to till
his property. He was attacked by the local landlords, who had the backing of their goons and
musclemen. The local tribe took violent action to regain their territories after this incident
enraged the tribe’s populace. The events in Naxalbari evolved into a massive uprising that
attracted attention and support from all over the country, including areas of Tamil Nadu, Uttar
Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, and Andhra Pradesh.The conviction that an armed revolution is the
most effective way to effect social change is fundamental to Naxalite doctrine. The Naxalites
aimed to enlist the support of the rural poor, especially those from tribal communities and
landless peasants, in their fight against the governmental machinery, which they saw as being
repressive. Their philosophy placed a strong emphasis on the necessity of a lengthy people’s
struggle to create a socialist society devoid of classes.

In 1967, a violent uprising was launched by Charu Majumdar and Kanu Sanyal within the
Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI (M)]. Their aim was to form a “revolutionary
opposition” against the CPI (M) leadership in its official capacity. CPI (M) revolutionaries in
their cadres prvoked a counterattack against the landlord, sparking the “Naxalbari Uprising.”
Charu Mazumdar was the leader of the rebellion. Similar to this, Chandra Pulla Reddy led a
peasant revolution in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh, in an area known as Srikakulam.
The triumph of the Communist movements in China and Russia served as the impetus for both
violent episodes. The then-United Front administration, led by the CPI (Marxist), violently
suppressed the uprising with various forms of repression. The “revolutionaries” created the All
India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) in May 1968, boiling
with rage. The cornerstone of the AICCCR was “allegiance to armed struggle and non-
participation in the elections.” The radicals defined the Indian situation at the time as basically
semi-colonial and semi-feudal, understanding it to be comparable to China’s pre-1949 status.
The revolutionaries came to the conclusion that an immediate resort to an armed fight along
Chinese lines was necessary to initiate the “People’s Democratic Revolution” in India. 1The
Naxalite movement has changed significantly over time in terms of both ideology and methods
of operation. Despite having its roots in Marxist-Leninist doctrine, the movement has evolved to
meet shifting social and political environments, giving rise to various Naxalite groups and
tactics. Divergent strategies for using military force, interacting with the government, and
reaching out to local communities are the outcome of the movement’s fragmentation.It is
impossible to overestimate how much the Naxalite movement has affected India’s internal
security. Naxalism’s expansion throughout the nation, especially in the so-called “Red Corridor,”
has presented a significant threat to governmental authority and governance. To topple the
government and create free zones under their rule, the Naxalites have taken part in a variety of
actions, such as armed assaults, extortion, and recruitment.

In fact, Naxalism is an ideological, political and economic struggle, which wants to overthrow
the power of the present ruling class. The state power of such a ruling class whose owners are
domestic and foreign capitalists, land owners, contractors, brokers and bureaucrats and who rules
over the majority of the working class.India’s security apparatus has suffered significant setbacks
as a result of the Naxalite insurgency, necessitating a comprehensive response from the
government. Through counterinsurgency operations dubbed “Operation Green Hunt” and other
programmes, the government has attempted to eliminate Naxal influence by using force.Given
the movement’s ingrained character and its deep roots in marginalised groups, these operations
have, nevertheless, had limited success.The Naxalite movement in India presents more general
concerns about social justice, development, and governance in addition to its direct security
implications. Naxalism is fueled by long-standing complaints about land rights, economic
inequality, and social exclusion, which highlights the structural problems the Indian state is
confronting.A comprehensive strategy that tackles the underlying socio-economic variables that
drive the insurgency as well as security concerns is necessary to address the core causes of
naxalism.

If Naxalism is discussed in India, on one hand it appears as a violent weapon taken up for justice
and respect, while on the other hand, its terrorist face is also reflected. After its beginning, this
Naxalite movement kept growing gradually. Naxalism, which emerged in the 1960s, has
captured large areas of the country. Whatever may be the name of Naxalism, the result is the
same – violence, murder, revenge and the game of power politics. Any person, army or officer
who comes in the way of their intention is eliminated. Any class or group that tries to challenge
him is eliminated. Despite facing many ups and downs and destruction, this movement has
remained continuously active. The Naxalite movements, who believe in Mao’s philosophy and
follow it, have continuously expanded their cadre by adopting terrorist activities, which is posing
a serious challenge to the internal security of India.

There have always been two classes in society, and class strife is the root cause of all the changes
that have occurred in the world from the communist era to the present. These two classes have
conflicting interests. Approving the surplus value created by the working class is the foundation
of the economic prosperity of an exploiting class. Conversely, there exists a class that depends
on the sale of its labour and is subject to exploitation. The struggle between these competing
classes stems from their divergent interests. The exploited class, which makes its living by
selling its labour, struggles to survive while the class in positions of economic power seeks to
profit by abusing the working class more and more.

It is vital to comprehend all of the causes and situations where Naxalite occurs in order to
comprehend the growing impact of Naxalite terrorism. If we do research, we find that naxalism
has established a stronghold in areas where issues like unemployment, illiteracy, poverty,
economic inequality, and caste inequality are pervasive. As it relates to Naxalism, Charu
Majumdar once stated, “Only the poor landless farmers, labourers, and tribals can wage class
struggle.” The Naxalites think they are leading the revolution only on the basis of land reform,
the minimum wage, social dignity, and the poor Dalit people’s democratic rights.2

The notion of class struggle included in Karl Marx’s 1848 “Communist Manifesto” serves as the
foundation for the Naxalite movement. Marx’s theory of class conflict postulates the existence of
two classes based on the distribution and production of society, which are driven to conflict by
competing interests. According to Marx’s thesis, this conflict will go on as long as there are
contradictions in the commercial world. This is an economic war, not an intellectual or spiritual
one.The wave of progress went one way, and in a system beset by a lack of resources and social
dignity, people’s rights were infringed upon and widely exploited. This led to a sense of
dissatisfaction with the system, which eventually manifested itself as rebellion. It gave rise to
aggression. These individuals opted for the route of violence and their own violence in the
struggle for rights against the system.

Naxalism is the largest threat to India’s internal security that has surfaced in recent decades.
Regarding this matter, political experts and philosophers share a common view that it represents
the most important internal security challenge of our day. The world’s largest democratic nation
is India. Here, democracy has continued to grow after independence. Here, democratic ideals
have been fostered by the public’s great faith in the Republican system. Nevertheless, it is ironic
that despite years of freedom, some parts of India remained impoverished and lacked access to
basic amenities like food, clothing, housing, employment, and healthcare. A significant portion
of the populace began to rebel.

The purpose of this paper is to outline the degree to which Indian development and integrity are
threatened by the CPI-Maoists. It will outline the history of the communist movements in India
and explain how internal conflicts among these parties paved the way for the rise of naxalism. It
will also examine the philosophy and strategies of the CPI-Maoists, who believe that the Indian
government is imperialist and feudal, and how they intend to destroy India’s democratic
institutions by waging a protracted “people’s war.”

2
Naxalite Ideology, Evolution and it’s stages:

“Naxalite : A member of an extreme Maoist Group in India that originated in 1967 in West
Bengal and which employs tactics of agrarian terrorism and Direct action.” 3

The “agrarian struggle” that gave rise to the Naxalite movement was primarily represented by the
events that transpired in Naxalbari, West Bengal, in 1967. Since then, the movement has not only
seen internal disputes and organisational changes, but its core principles and goals have also
changed as a result of the People’s War Group’s (PWG) strengthening in the late 1990s. “The
agrarian revolution and the fight for nationality are two aspects of our agenda for a new
democratic revolution.”The PW held an All India Special Conference in an undisclosed
Dandakaranya location from November 15–30, 1995. There, it approved two significant party
resolutions. “India is a semi-feudal, semi-colonial society; here the New Democratic Revolution
(NDR) has to be completed victoriously, paving the way to the Socialist Revolution and
advancing towards the ultimate goal of Communism,” said the “party programme” that was
accepted at the conference. Feudalism, imperialism, and comprador bureaucrat capital are the
three great mountains that the Indian people must overcome in order to move forward with the
current phase of the NDR. The four main tensions in Indian society today are the following: the
conflict between imperialism and the Indian people; the contradiction between capital and
labour; the contradiction between the governing classes; and the conflict between feudalism and
the general populace. The primary contradiction at this point is the one between feudalism and
the general populace, even though the first two are basic problems that must be addressed by the
NDR. India is a multi-national nation that is home to many different ethnic groups, each of
which has the right to self-determination, including the option to secede. India will transform
into a true, voluntary federation of all national people’s republics upon the triumphant
completion of the NDR.

The document titled “Strategy and Tactics” was the second document approved during the
meeting. It states, “Under the leadership of the working class, all anti-feudal, anti-imperialist
forces—the working class, peasantry, petty bourgeoisie, and national bourgeoisie—should form
a broad united front to overthrow the common enemies, namely, feudalism, imperialism, and
comprador bureaucratic capital.” This is the political strategy to be pursued in the current stage
of NDR in India. The military plan, also known as the Indian Revolution’s course, entails waging
a protracted people’s war to liberate the countryside first by building base regions and guerilla
zones through area-wise seizure of power, then encircling the cities and taking control of the
entire nation. Since Indian society has developed unevenly on the political, social, and economic
fronts, different strategies—that is, different kinds of organisation and struggle—must be used in
different parts of the nation while maintaining the same political position nationwide. When
doing political and mass activity in metropolitan settings, extreme caution should be taken, and
organisational work should move forward with an eye towards the long term. Caste is a unique
3
Collins English Dictionary, Harper Collins Publishers
issue in India, and in order to combat untouchability, caste prejudice, and ultimately eradicate the
caste system, proper forms of organisation and activism need be developed with vigour. Given
the current state of affairs in India, election boycotting strategies must be followed for a
considerable amount of time; additionally, taking part in parliamentary and assembly elections
under any pretext serves to erode the power of the class struggle. The difficulties relating to
organisational conflict between the Liberation and PW are clearly demarcated by these two texts,
which contain various organisational features of PW. However, the PWG’s defining trait during
the 1990s was the increase in militarism. Before it combined with MCC to establish the CPI
(Maoist), the People’s Guerrilla Army (PGA), special guerrilla squads, Permanent Action Teams
(PAT), and Special Action Teams (SAT) were the defining characteristics of PWG activity for a
considerable amount of time.The prevailing social and economic difficulties gave rise to the
Naxalite movement. In reality,.And we can consider the origin and evolution of Left Wing
Extremism or Naxals im different phases that will be discussed.

The Naxalbari Phase:One might argue that the Naxalbari event served as the catalyst for the
agrarian movement’s shift from largely a political and socioeconomic movement into an armed
conflict. The event resulted from the covert actions of extreme hardline Communist leaders like
Charu Majumdar, Jangal Santhal, and Kanu Sanyal, who were able to organize and inspire the
landless peasants to seize the landlords’ land, whom they referred to as their “class enemies.”
Some, on the other hand, believe that it was the product of years of intellectual and tactical
planning and that, at the time of the incident, the radical Communists had already planned to
seize state power through armed conflict.The radicals defined the Indian situation at the time as
basically semi-colonial and semi-feudal, understanding it to be comparable to China’s pre-1949
status. The revolutionaries came to the conclusion that the “People’s Democratic Revolution”
ought to begin in India right away by using military conflict along Chinese lines. 3. Radical
Communists gathered in support of Charu Majumdar from all around the nation. To resolve
internal conflicts within the CPI (M) party, the All India Coordination Committee of Communist
Revolutionaries (AICCCR) was established in 1967.4 The extremist leaders were kicked out of
the party after it failed. On April 22, 1969, they subsequently founded a new party known as the
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), or CPI (ML). The newly formed party’s Central
Organizing Committee was headed by Charu Majumdar.4 On July 2, 1969, Radio Peking
announced the establishment of CPI (ML). To bring about a revolution, the party was to toe the
Maoist line.Several regions of the nation saw the fallout from the Naxalbari incident. In Tamil
Nadu, K. Sundaram and Nenjil Selvan started the Red Flag movement. Similar campaigns were
launched in portions of Orissa, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar (Muzaffarpur), Kerala (Wynad and
Tellicheri), and other states. Of all of these, T. Nagi Reddy’s movement in Srikakulum, Andhra
Pradesh, was the most powerful. Not every group shared the same ideologies or was connected
to the CPI (ML). Some of them differed from the former in terms of ideology and methodology.
But the battle for leadership was far more important than the ideological component.In the initial
stage of LWE, the state responses differed. Because of the actions of its own cadres, the United
Front administration in West Bengal was embarrassed and brutally put an end to the revolt. It
dismissed the rebellion as “Left Adventurism,” and on July 12, 1967, it began a massive
onslaught. The fights were vicious. There was a great deal of violence and killing between the
CPI (ML) and government authorities during the violent conflicts that raged between 1969 and

4
Satya Prakash Dash, “Formative Years,” in Naxal Movement and State Power (New Delhi:
Sarup and Sons, 2006), p. 21.
1972. Additionally, the administration implemented significant land reforms.With the coming
into power of the Congress supported government in Bengal in the year 1971,a major operation
named “Steeple Chase” was launched in which the military, paramilitary and state forces
participated jointly in the Naxal affected areas.5It took two months to put an end to the radical
movement. In July 1972, following Charu Majumdar’s arrest and demise, the movement
ultimately came to an end. Six The movement subsequently faded away in other sections of the
nation as well, and there was a pause for roughly ten years.Despite being a failure, the
“Naxalbari uprising” signaled the start of the militant LWE movement in India and gave rise to
the words “Naxalism” and “Naxalite.” It is unprecedented in history for revolutionary politics to
be associated with a village’s name rather than the leader’s.After that, it reappeared in the early
1980s, kept gaining ground, and hasn’t stopped growing since then.Because they did not see the
movement as a fight for their own cause, the urban middle class, sharecroppers, agricultural
laborers, poor peasants, and workers in general did not support it at this phase.In addition, the
general populace was not psychologically ready for an “armed struggle.” The fanatics’ alienation
from the general public was partly caused by their overzealous affiliation with China, which
stripped them of their nationalistic identity. The movement was founded on an overly sanguine
assessment of the potential for swift advancement and an underestimate of the power of the state.
Without wider public backing, the campaign progressively faded away despite the bravery,
selflessness, and inspiration of the activists and heroes. Nonetheless, the leaders were successful
in giving the fledgling Marxist-Leninist movement both an intellectual façade and cutting-edge
militancy. They were also successful in drawing some of the brightest brains among the nation’s
idealistic youth.

Post Charu Phase: Early 1970s-2004:The death of Charu Majumdar devastated the Naxalites all
throughout the nation.His passing caused the Naxalist movement’s central authority to fall
apart.The CPI (ML) then broke out into a plethora of organizations and sub-groups that were
fighting among themselves, accusing one another of treachery and going in the wrong direction.
Many times, splinter groups would target the cadres of one another.Many factions of various
sizes bearing the same name CPI(ML) continue to survive even to this day.6Bitter polemics that
split these organizations occurred in the 1970s and 1980s, but efforts were also made to
reconstruct the Maoist movement as a whole throughout this period.Satyanarain Singh founded
the CPI (ML) Satyanarain Singh Group (SNS) in 1971 as a rebel against Charu Majumdar’s
“annihilation” program. Ashim Chatterjee and Santosh Rana also left the CPI (ML) during the
1971 Indo-Pak War as a result of Charu Majumdar’s disagreement with the stance taken by the
Indian government. Following Charu Majumdar’s passing, Mahadev Mukherjee and B. N.
Sharma took over as CPI (ML) leaders.However, the harmony was short-lived, as Sharma was
banished by Mahadev Mukherjee.Another rift in the Mahadev Mukherjee camp emerged when
the CPI (ML) broke up into factions supporting and opposing Lin Biao. 10The epicenter of
naxalism steadily moved from West Bengal to Bihar and Andhra Pradesh starting in the late
1970s. The two most significant LEGs were found to be the People’s War organization (PWG) in
Andhra Pradesh and the “Liberation” organization in Bihar. The CPI (ML) “Liberation” was the
new name given to the pro-Mao, pro-Charu Majumdar, and anti-Lin Biao faction in 1974 after it
was reorganized by Subrata Dutta, also known as Jawhar. This group, which rose to prominence

5
Kumar Singh Amit,The Rising Tide of Left Wing Extremism in India and implications for National Security.KW
Publishers Pvt Limited (New Delhi)
6
Ibid
among the Naxals, declared itself to be the legitimate heir to Charu Majumdar’s CPI (ML).
Following Jauhar’s death in a police confrontation in 1975, Vinod Mishra was chosen to serve as
“Liberation”’s general secretary. Despite his claim to be a follower of Charu Majumdar, he was
the first Naxal leader to realize that using force to overthrow the Indian government would not
succeed.In order to address the flaws and gaps in the armed uprising, he launched a “rectification
movement” without overtly rejecting Charu Majumdar’s tactics. As part of this new way of
thinking, “Liberation” entered electoral politics in 1982 by means of a front group known as the
Indian People’s Front (IPF) and joined the popular mobilization.The idea of the IPF was to
provide a national substitute for the Congress Party.When the Indian People’s Party (IPF) gained
a seat in the 1989 parliamentary elections, the first Naxalite member of the Indian Parliament
was admitted.Yet another group in Bihar, which was then called “Dakshin Desh” was founded in
1969 by Kanhai Chatterjee and Amulya Sen 7.In 1975, this organization changed its name to the
Maoist Communist Centre (MCC).This group was mostly made up of members of lower castes,
upper/middle caste who were mainly landless.The growing left-wing extremism in India is brutal
in the way it executes landlords. Because they perceived this group as a challenge to their
hegemony, the upper-class and middle-class landlords organized private militias. Naxalites and
anyone thought to be Naxalite sympathizers were brutally murdered by gangs like Ranvir Sena .
In contrast to the CPI (ML), which saw multiple splits, the MCC stayed whole. In order to
become the Maoist Communist Centre (India), also known as MCC (I), it amalgamated with the
Revolutionary Communist Centre, India (Maoist) in 2003.LWE has also occurred in Andhra
Pradesh since the Naxalbari era. Leading it were Pulla Reddy, D. V. Rao, and T. Nagi Reddy,
who were kicked out of the AICCCR over disagreements with Charu Majumdar. Thirteen The
Andhra group was also not immune to the divisions that beset the CPI (ML). Pulla Reddy
established his own party in 1971 after severing ties with D. V. Rao and T. Nagi Reddy.
Following that, Pulla Reddy partnered with Satyanarain Singh [CPI (ML) SNS group]. Their
reunion was short-lived, as they broke up once more.In the meantime, D. V. Rao assumed
leadership of the Andhra group following the passing of T. Nagi Reddy. The Srikakulam district
was the center of most Naxalite activities in the early 1970s. The prominent leaders, such as
Appalasuri and Adibhatla Kailasam, were killed by government forces, thereby neutralizing their
power. The Naxalites in Andhra Pradesh have greatly benefited from their ability to enlist the
support of writers, educators, and civil rights organizations. These groups have been effective in
providing the necessary rationale for the violence carried out by the Naxals by drawing attention
to the shortcomings of the administration and the abuses committed by the police. Even now, a
lot of films that support the Naxalites’ cause are made in Andhra Pradesh. Kondapalli
Seetharamayya was able to revive the Naxal movement in the late 1970s after it had lost
momentum as a result of police interventions. The Naxals were able to effectively relocate their
base from the Srikakulam area to the Telangana region, particularly Adilabad, Karimnagar, and
Warangal. The Naxalites in Andhra Pradesh did not object to the mass line, in contrast to the
Charu Majumdar line. But by the early 1990s, the government in Andhra had gradually
reclaimed control over the Naxals.Some extreme organizations, including the MCC and the
PWG, were working nonstop to create a united front during this time. Although there were
ideological similarities and shared goals, there were many challenges on the way to the merger,
with leadership and territory disputes leading to internal strife. Hundreds of cadres and
supporters were killed in the two factions’ battle for supremacy in various domains.However, the

7
https://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/terroristoutfits/mcc.htm
efforts to establish a united front only partially succeeded towards the close of the millennium.
Following the establishment of the state of Jharkhand in November 2000 and the
administration’s anti-Maoist campaigns, the MCC and PWG intensified their collaboration,
leading to the declaration of a ceasefire.Remarkably, on August 11, 1998, the PWG
amalgamated with the Bihar CPI (ML) (Party Unity). Now that the ideological divide has been
bridged, Maoism is in the lead.The CPI (ML)-PWG, the MCC-I, and the Janashakti became the
three primary LEGs at the end of the millennium. Efforts to bring the various LEGs together
were also stepped up. In addition, more effort was put into setting up regular militias. In
December 2000, the PWG reportedly reorganized its guerrilla army to become the People’s
Guerrilla Army (PGA), which served as its military wing. With the largest mass base and the
most potent military, it emerged as the strongest LG.