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Brands and Political Loyalty
Brands and Political Loyalty
CATHERINE NEEDHAM
is a lecturer in politics at Queen Mary, University of London, and is writing a book on New Labour and public
service delivery for Palgrave Macmillan. Her research interests include political communications, citizenship and
public service reform. She has written a number of articles on branding including ‘Brand leaders: Clinton, Blair
and the limitations of the permanent campaign’, Political Studies, Vol. 53, No. 2, 2005, and ‘New and improved?
Labour’s brand values’, Renewal, Vol. 9, Nos. 2–3, 2001.
Abstract
Incumbent political parties, like the providers of commercial goods and services, are seeking to
secure repeat sales at a time when consumer loyalty is under threat from proliferating choice and
social realignment. As with other large and infrequent purchases, parties need to use marketing not
only to win a sale (an election) but also to minimise post-purchase dissonance and encourage brand
loyalty so that consumers will buy their product in the future. Successful parties develop brand
attributes in their leaders to maintain relationships with supporters beyond the initial transaction,
although in doing so they create problems for leadership succession.
Taking its cue from early accounts overlooking the differences between
of political parties being sold like promoting a set of policies and market-
soap powder, political marketing has ing a commercial product.4
developed into a recognised sub- Existing political marketing analyses
discipline of political science.1 Political tend to have two limiting characteris-
marketing analyses are premised on tics. The first is that they are generally
two assumptions. First, that the choices applied to election campaigns, where
voters make at election time are there are structured opportunities to
analogous to the choices consumers ‘sell’; scholars have come more slowly
make between commercial products to the recognition that politicians
or services. Secondly, and by ex- pursue promotional strategies just as
tension, that parallels exist between assiduously once elected. The ad-
marketing a consumer product or ministrations of Reagan and Thatcher,
service and promoting a political which retained close links with cam-
party. Such analyses vary in the paign advisers and pursued aggressive
degree of explanatory power that news management strategies, sharply
they attribute to commercial marketing exposed the need for marketing analysis
models. Some assume strong paral- from within government. Blumenthal’s
lels between commodity marketing The Permanent Campaign and Cockerell,
Catherine Needham and political advocacy.2 Others make Hennessy and Walker’s Sources Close to
Department of Politics,
Queen Mary, weaker assumptions about shared ter- the Prime Minister were early efforts by
University of London, Mile End,
London E1 4NS, UK minology and techniques.3 Many are journalists to capture this dimension of
Tel: ⫹44 (0)20 7882 3712 careful to highlight the dangers of the governing process.5 However,
Fax: ⫹44 (0)20 7882 7855
E-mail: c.e.needham@qmul.ac.uk taking the analogy too far, and of like the academic analyses that later
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the supplier may be using marketing Gordon Brown. The role of these
communications to keep their product party leaders (or de facto party leaders in
at the ‘‘front of mind’’ of the con- the case of presidents) in personalising
sumer.’32 Egan uses the example of the brand needs further exploration.
long-term financial purchases to il-
lustrate his point but his comments
have clear relevance for politics. For PARTY LEADERS AS BRANDS
incumbent parties they can do this The importance of political leaders to
through securing the credit for success- a party brand has been noted.35 Smith
ful policies while blaming others (their gives examples of party images tested
predecessors or ‘globalisation’) for un- by MORI, and shows the interrelated-
successful ones. However, as White ness of leader and party brands.36
and de Chernatony argue, parties must A MORI poll in the 2001 elec-
offer emotional as well as functional tion showed that voters said that
payoffs to the electorate.33 They must image (of leaders and parties) was
develop appeals that resonate with the a greater determinant of voting be-
aspirations and instincts of voters as haviour than the parties’ policies.37 For
well as showing a capacity for com- parties seeking to develop relation-
petent policy delivery. Such an ap- ships with voters over several elec-
proach can form the basis of an tions, orienting their appeal around a
ongoing relationship with voters, help- popular leader helps to consolidate the
ing to secure repeat purchases. party’s appeal. This is particularly the
O’Shaughnessy argues that political case given a media environment that
parties fail to recognise the impor- is increasingly focused on personality.38
tance of relationship marketing and Through using the party leader as the
branding.34 However, it is possible to brand, a shortcut to sum up all the
argue that it is sensitivity to the desirable attributes of the party, it
symbolic and emotional aspects of is possible for parties to reconfigure
relationship building that helps to loyalty in an era where institutional
explain successes and failures in recent ties are weak.39
election campaigns in the UK and Taking the successes first — those
USA, in particular the success of party leaders who were able to secure
Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, repeat purchases through re-election
Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and George — it is possible to identify a num-
W. Bush. It can also help to illuminate ber of common themes: a politician
the failures of single-term politicians with apparent conviction and an acute
like George Bush senior and John sensitivity to public opinion, success
Major. These examples are discussed in at identifying and promoting symbolic
more detail below. Further it can cast policies, and an adeptness at secur-
light on the difficulties that successors ing personalised rather than general
to successfully branded leaders face in party acclaim. Margaret Thatcher and
winning voter support. In addition to Ronald Reagan associated themselves
Bush senior and Major, such problems with an era of smaller government,
have been experienced by Al Gore and lower taxes, individual self-reliance and
may be a problem for Tony Blair’s a robust defence policy. Butler and
eventual successor, looking likely to be Collins note:
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BRANDS AND POLITICAL LOYALTY
‘Ronald Reagan garnered much support in notion that Clinton had no ‘‘core
US presidential elections by dwelling on values’’ was becoming a Beltway
themes — appealing to the masses with a cliché’.44 However, they too were
broad focus, symbolism and emotiveness, never rejected by the voters. Clinton
rather than with the specific positions and left office after the maximum two
programme that are followed only by the terms, and Blair has indicated that he
‘‘political nation’’.’40
will step down as Labour party leader
before the next general election.
Scammell argues, ‘Thatcherism was not These successful political brands can
so much as ideology, but more a style be contrasted with the electoral failures
of leadership and a set of values’.41 of their successors: George Bush senior
While the detail of policies was shaped and John Major. In both cases these
by their market, their appeal was that leaders won one election but were
of a successful brand: simple, aspira- unable to create relationships with
tional and clearly differentiated from voters to secure repeat purchases. Both
those of the opposition. Despite public leaders attempted to differentiate them-
(or at least media) outrage at some of selves from their predecessors but in
their policies — Reagan’s Iran-contra doing so were unable to develop
adventures, Thatcher’s remodelling of positive narratives to appeal to voters.
the NHS — they were leaders who Major attempted to develop a political
successfully achieved repeat purchases. brand that was more conciliatory and
Indeed, they were never rejected by caring than that offered by Thatcher
the voters; both left office for reasons but failed to marshal symbolic achieve-
other than electoral defeat. ments or promote strategic vision
In the leadership strategies of Clin- during his time in office.45 Simi-
ton and Blair it is possible to see larly, George Bush senior offered a
attempts by centre-left parties to repli- more hands-on and policy-oriented
cate these strategies. Both leaders presidential style but could not offer a
strived to develop simple, reassuring distinctive set of values — and indeed
and credible messages, which distin- was portrayed in the cartoon Doones-
guished them from opponents and bury as an ‘invisible man’ for his lack
resonated with the aspirations and of political presence.46
values of voters. These premiers were For the purpose of understanding
particularly effective at differentiation political brands these examples are
from opponents and at appealing to instructive. The successful leaders dif-
voter aspirations, although the value ferentiated themselves not only from
dimension was problematic for leaders the opposition but also from elements
who much of the time looked too of their own party, thereby building
eager to please.42 Tony Blair became problems of succession into their
mired in repeated accusations of ‘spin’, appeal. Reagan, Thatcher, Clinton and
which ultimately led to the resignation Blair defined their personal brands
of his communications adviser.43 Clin- in opposition to traditional elements
ton struggled in his early years of office within their party, and continued
to develop a distinctive message which to do so even after gaining office.
left him with the reputation of being a They emphasised the break with the
weak president. As Klein puts it, ‘the past, rather than continuity, a perhaps
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BRANDS AND POLITICAL LOYALTY
arise from such a strategy, however. (6) O’Shaughnessy ref. 3 above; Franklin, B.
(1994) ‘Packaging Politics’, Edward Arnold,
Recent popular and successful leaders London, UK; Scammell, M. (1996) ‘The
in the UK and USA have been odd couple: Marketing and Maggie’,
succeeded by leaders who failed to European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 30, Nos.
10–11, pp. 122–134; Nimmo, D. (1999)
establish enduring relationships with ‘The permanent campaign: Marketing as a
voters. governing tool’, in Newman, B. (ed.) ‘The
This discussion has conflicting im- Handbook of Political Marketing’, Sage,
plications for politics. On the one hand London, UK, pp. 73–86; Franklin, B.
(1998) ‘Tough on Soundbites, Tough on the
it allows parties to thrive under charis- Causes of Soundbites’, Catalyst, London,
matic leaders. On the other it makes it UK; Ornstein, N. and Mann, T. (2000)
difficult for a party to sustain success ‘Conclusion: The permanent campaign and
the future of American democracy’, in
once a charismatic leader leaves office. Ornstein, N. and Mann, T. (eds) ‘The
Parties need to make choices about Permanent Campaign and its Future’,
whether leader-based brands represent American Enterprise Institute and the
Brookings Institute, Washington, DC, pp.
the best hope of electoral success in a 219–234.
media environment which personalises (7) Henneberg, S. (2004) ‘Political marketing
and simplifies politics, or whether they and the relationship marketing paradigm’,
might be able to sustain a party brand paper presented to the Political Studies
Association conference, 5–8th April, p. 6.
which could be the basis for longer- (8) Gross, N. (2001) ‘Commentary: Valuing
term repeat sales. ‘‘intangibles’’ is a tough job, but it has to be
done’, Business Week, 8th August.
(9) Harrop, ref. 3 above; Scammell, M. (1999)
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