Ho Chi Minh s Blueprint for Revolution

In the Words of Vietnamese Strategists

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 Ho Chi Minh’s
Blueprint for Revolution
This page intentionally left blank
 Ho Chi Minh’s
Blueprint for Revolution
In the Words of Vietnamese
Strategists and Operatives

ViRginia MoRRis
with CliVe a. Hills

McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

Jefferson, North Carolina
 liBRaRy of CongRess CaTaloguing-in-PuBliCaTion DaTa
names: Morris, Virginia, 1969– author. | Hills, Clive a., author.
Title: Hồ Chí Minh’s blueprint for revolution : in the words
of Vietnamese strategists and operatives / Virginia Morris
with Clive a. Hills.

♾
Description: Jefferson, north Carolina : Mcfarland & Company, inc.,
Publishers, 2018 | includes bibliographical references and index.
identifiers: lCCn 2018014974 | isBn 9781476665634 (softcover : acid free paper)
subjects: lCsH: Hồ Chí Minh, 1890–1969—Political and social views. |
Vietnam—Politics and government—1945–1975. | Vietnam—
Politics and government—1858–1945. | Revolutionaries—Vietnam—Biography. |
Vietnam—History—1945–1975. | Vietnam—History—1975–
Classification: lCC Ds556.9 .M685 2018 | DDC 959.704092 [B]—dc23
lC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018014974

BRiTisH liBRaRy CaTaloguing DaTa aRe aVailaBle

ISBN (print) 978-1-4766-6563-4
ISBN (ebook) 978-1-4766-3121-9

© 2018 Virginia Morris and Clive a. Hills. all rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form

or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying
or recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publisher.

front cover: Hồ Chí Minh’s illustration (Pixabay);

topographic map of Vietnam, 1965 (u.s. army Map service)

Printed in the united states of america

McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640
www.mcfarlandpub.com
To our beautiful daughter, Bluebelle,
and wonderful son, albion.
now that this book is finished,
we can spend many more enjoyable
moments together.
This page intentionally left blank
 Table of Contents

Acknowledgments ix
Preface 1
Introduction: Hồ Chí Minh’s Legacy 3

Part I: Establishing the Blueprint

(1890–1945)
1. The Making of a Revolutionary 7
2. Hồ’s female Couriers 20
3. The seeds of Hồ’s Revolutionary strategies 39
4. The infant Blueprint 63

Part II: Evolution and Application

of the Blueprint
The August Revolution (1945)
5. Hồ’s Road to Power 79
The French War (1945–1954)
6. Blueprint for Revolution 100
7. The Water flows south 118
8. The north: The Westward March 132
9. The secrets Behind the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ 163
The American Vietnam War (1954–1975)
10. and so it Begins again 182
11. a Divided Country 208
12. The Hồ Chí Minh Trail 230
13. Tết: america’s Big Decision 257
14. The Phoenix Program: Targeting the VCi 291
15. Total Victory 319

vii
viii Table of Contents

Epilogue: Eyes Wide Open 345

Appendix I. Abbreviations and Acronyms 351
Appendix II. Translation of Vietnamese Terms 352
Chapter Notes 354
Bibliography 374
Index 377
 acknowledgments

My interest in the female couriers who contributed so much to this book was
first awakened when lady Borton, a historian and author of Hồ Chí Minh: A Journey,
mentioned the subject to me in 2005 as we sat in an open air tea room in Hanoi. i
had just completed my book on the history of the Hồ Chí Minh Trail and was looking
for an exciting new academic research project to expand my knowledge of Vietnam
and those who had wanted to control it. My curiosity aroused, i broached the subject
with lê Đỗ Huy, a Vietnamese researcher, who had been pivotal to my work on the Hồ
Chí Minh Trail. He readily agreed to assist and in the first instance approached Dr.
nguyễn Văn Khoan, a renowned historian, to guide us through the various stages of the
project.
i wanted the book to be based mainly on the testimonies of key players, with direct
interviews being my main source. Primary and secondary documentation including doc-
uments, journals, personal diaries, maps, audiotapes as well as books would then be used
to put these very rare accounts into context. This documentation not only came from
private collections, but were sourced from various institutes including those in Hanoi:
the Hồ Chí Minh Museum, the Vietnamese People’s army library, Museum of Viet-
namese Revolution, the institute of Party History, the state library of Vietnam, the army
Museum, the Women’s Museum and the Hồ Chí Minh Trail Museum. others in Vietnam
were the navy Museum in Hải Phòng and the Women’s Museum of Cochinchina in Hồ
Chí Minh City. in the united states institutes included the naval Historical Center and
the Marine Corps Historical Center in Washington, D.C., the u.s. army Military History
institute in Philadelphia and the air force Historical Research agency in Maxwell.
finally, those in london comprised the British library and the national archives.
Before listing my main interviewees, i would like to give a thank you to those who
assisted me, with special reference to a few. Primarily, Clive a. Hills, my husband and
co-author, whose photographs have been used extensively in the book. He also spent
several years preparing the excellent maps, with assistance from lê Đỗ Huy and me,
mainly using information obtained from the interviewees. in addition, my gratitude goes
to those who copy-edited or proofread the manuscript, including Christie Dickason,
author and historian; Prof. David Hunt, my PhD tutor from south Bank university; Paul
Middleton and amanda gray, freelance editors; and my former work colleague, Clare
Head. others who contributed their military knowledge were Dr. aziz shahab, translator
and cultural expert on afghanistan, who was very important when it came to confirming
the conclusions for the book. Mark Hampton, who helped edit the text, also gave his
advice based upon his military knowledge and experience of conventional and guerrilla

ix
x Acknowledgments

warfare gained from conflicts in afghanistan and elsewhere. a special thank you goes
to Brenda Morris, my mother, who looked after both my newborn daughter and later
my newborn son so that i could carry on writing; louise edwards, for babysitting; Trish
Babtic and Jeremy Preston for their support; and the society of authors, which awarded
me an authors’ foundation grant so that i could continue with my research.
finally, in this group of remarkable people who contributed their knowledge and
time, equal gratitude has to go to Thammavong Phiphatsely (Mr. Vong) in the lao People’s
Democratic Republic. He passed away in March 2015, but at the time when i was research-
ing this book he had retired from the lao army and the secret police and worked as a
lawyer. He guided both Clive a. Hills and me some 1,600 km in total through remote
lao, which included more than 700km along the incredibly difficult Hồ Chí Minh Trail.
This enabled us not only to collate a photographic record of previously inaccessible parts
of lao, but also to discover new information about this famous route.
now to those who contributed by granting me interviews; a rare group of people
indeed, whose remarkable lives makes this book a unique and worthwhile historical
record. When the wars in Vietnam finally ended and peace returned, another fight
began for them, which in some ways was even more difficult. This fight was the
one to rejoin society, to return to normality, and to forget their sometimes terrible pasts.
Most were then, and still are to this day, trying to free their minds of what they wit-
nessed, endured, or had to do. The majority has found solace but only with those
who shared the same experience. i feel deeply privileged to have met these men and
women from both sides of the conflict and for permitting me, an outsider, to enter their
world.
i extend a huge and heartfelt thank you to several american men: senior Master
sergeant Jim Burns, staff sergeant John stryker Meyer, Major Mark a. smith and sergeant
Robert Taylor. My appreciation also goes to Mrs. Phuong, who worked alongside her
allies. They all not only gave freely of their time so that i could understand fully their
role in the Vietnam War, but also assisted with photographs and guidance on the maps.
Through Meyer, i was invited to an american special operations association reunion
where i was introduced to a number of highly secretive and cautious elite soldiers and
pilots. assured by Meyer that i could be trusted, they opened up and began to talk about
their covert operations in Vietnam, lao and Cambodia, and granted me full and rare
interviews.
Without doubt, the biggest thank you goes to those who explained to me Hồ Chí
Minh’s blueprint for revolution. The man who did most to open the door to these people
was general Phạm Hồng Cư, a retired high-ranking political commissar. He arranged
access to the veterans as well as photographs and information relating to them. i list
interviewees in chapter order. introduction: Mrs. ngô Thị Huệ, general nguyễn Thới
Bưng, Mrs. lê Thị Thu, Mrs. Võ Thị Tâm, Mrs. lê Thị Thu nguyệt, Mrs. Đặng Hồng
Dực, Mrs. Trầm Hương and Mrs. Trần Hồng Ánh. in Chapters 1 to 4: Dr. nguyễn Văn
Khoan, Brigadier general Đào Văn Trường and general Võ nguyên giáp. in Chapters
5 to 9: Brigadier general lê Trọng nghĩa and Mr. Vũ anh. in Chapters 10 to 15 and the
epilogue: Colonel nguyễn Trọng Tâm, lieutenant general Đồng sĩ nguyên, general Hồ
Đệ, Brigadier general Trần Văn Phúc, general lê Mã lương, Colonel lê Hồng Vân,
Colonel Đặng Xuân Thành, Major Bùi Thị Hương, Mr. lê Quang Vịnh, Mr. Phan nam,
Mr. Hoàng lanh, Mrs. Hoàng Thị nở, Mrs. nguyễn Thị Hoa, Mrs. Trần Thị Thu, Mrs.
Hoàng Thị an, Mrs. nguyễn Quý Hoàng nhung, Mr. nguyễn Xuân Tốn, Mrs. Trần Thi
 Acknowledgments xi

Kim Khánh, Colonel Hùng sơn, Mr. lê Đình Toán, Mr. nguyễn Hữu Thái and Prof.
Hoàng Hoa.
others general Cư introduced me to included Brigadier general nguyễn Huy Văn
(alias Kim sơn, for information and maps on the Westward March), Prof. Bửu nam (a
former prince who helped in contacting Mrs. Trần Thị Thu), Prof. Hoang Thi Châu (who
helped in contacting Phan nam), Prof. nguyen Quảng Tuân (who explained the impor-
tance of the poem “The Tale of Kiều”) and Phan Thuận an (a Huế scholar), along with
the work of nguyễn Trọng Thanh (a deceased war photographer).
Most of the translations were provided with great skill and dedication by lê Đỗ
Huy, mainly from Vietnamese and Russian sources, with some french material. To do
this work accurately he had to understand various forms of communism, north Viet-
namese military terminology and have an immense understanding of Cold War history.
This task of translation alone took years to complete. once all this information was cor-
related, lê Đỗ Huy then went back to the interviewees to ask them to clarify further
points. it was this deeper probing by lê Đỗ Huy into their personal experiences that
enabled me to draw my conclusions for this book. others who helped included Phan
Mạnh Hùng, who translated some interviews conducted in Vietnam, as well as the daugh-
ter of Hồ Học lãm and the daughter of lý Phương Đức, who translated documents from
Chinese.
in conclusion, i feel i should highlight some of the complications Clive a. Hills and
i came across when preparing the maps and manuscript. one of the main difficulties was
time span. The ever-changing geographical provincial boundaries and place name vari-
ations were key issues; in each case the most common names and provincial boundaries
were chosen for the given period. Military ranks, aliases and names of people changed
over time; in general no ranks are stated in the main text and the most commonly used
name of the person has been selected throughout. To easily identify a woman in the text,
a female name has been given a title when it helps the flow. When looking at established
groups and who ran them, it was not always possible, for example, to accurately date the
disbanding of a group—it invariably operated for a time after its official closure as a result
of poor communications or because people voluntarily kept it running.
looking at the interviewees, if their words were thought to be confusing, the person
in question was asked to verify what they meant. Where possible, when their way of
expressing things could be kept, it was. for example, some interviewees used “Brother”
or “sister” and these forms of address were preserved rather than substituting them for
the more common title of “Comrade” for continuity. When the words “enemy” or “lib-
erated zone” were used by those who were speaking, these expressions have been retained.
The most common abbreviation is the communists’ political group name, which
changed throughout the years. for continuity reasons the indochinese Communist Party,
the Vietnamese Communist Party and the Worker’s Party of Vietnam are either shown
in full or within the main text as the “Party” or the “Communist Party.” other abbrevi-
ations include, Chinese Kuomintang to Kuomintang (Vietnamese Kuomintang is always
written in full) and Côn Đảo island Prison to Côn Đảo Prison or Côn Đảo island. (The
prison complex is actually on Côn sn island, but as this is part of the Côn Đảo archi-
pelago it is the archipelago which gives the complex its common prison name). When a
person’s name is shortened, as a general rule only Hồ Chí Minh is called by his first name
of Hồ; most other names of people have been shortened using their last name.
finally, the Vietnamese requested that the names of people and places were written
xii Acknowledgments

in Vietnamese script. This has been done. nevertheless, where the words are very com-
mon in english and might halt the flow of reading if changed, these names have been
kept in english, including saigon, Hanoi and Vietnam.
i am confident that this book is a true guide to the highly complex story of the
blueprint for revolution. Making this book has been incredibly time-consuming and
extremely difficult. some of the facts could only be gleaned face-to-face, meaning infor-
mation about the early years was especially problematic to get because most of the people
who were involved then had died. nonetheless, it is the many new personal details
obtained which, in fact, make this book valuable.
 Preface

as a foreigner, i was given an unparalleled opportunity to work with important rel-

atives of Hồ Chí Minh. This access has enabled me to present the first definitive expla-
nation of the blueprint he and his fellow colleagues designed to allow them to fight and
win a protracted asymmetric war against a superior power; in this case conflicts against
the colonial french and the americans and their south Vietnamese allies. although there
have been many other examples of such asymmetric conflicts, the Vietnamese model is
crucial to understand because it has been tested and shown to be effective.
This study is intended to provide a comprehensive look at the blueprint; a history
of french and american strategies is not given here, although sufficient detail is specified
for the reader to understand the context of the blueprint. in Part i, the first chapters
describe how the blueprint was designed, starting in the nineteenth century through to
the Japanese occupation of Vietnam in the mid–1940s. in Part ii, the succeeding chapters
define the application of the blueprint during the august Revolution in 1945 when Hồ
Chí Minh first came to power, the french War (1945–1954) and the famed american
Vietnam War (1959–1975). The epilogue concludes with the relevance of the blueprint
today, highlighting the dangers it poses to the West.
There have been numerous other studies on the wars in Vietnam, but this book is
distinctive because the story is told from the point of view of communist leader Hồ Chí
Minh and also quotes the Vietnamese strategists and operatives, particularly the female
couriers, who contributed so much to his blueprint. To achieve this unique perspective,
the work is based mainly on the rare testimonies of key players, with direct interviews
being the main source. a full list of participants as well as primary and secondary sources
are listed in the acknowledgments.
anyone attempting to undertake this project today would find it impossible to do
so; the academic research and analytical analysis have taken more than a decade to com-
plete, with many visits to america, france, lao and Vietnam. This dedication to detail
means that most of the crucial people involved have since passed away, whereas other
younger veterans may not be as open when talking to unfamiliar scholars.
i earned the respect of the war veterans because of my long association with the
region. i first became interested in indochina in the 1970s, when the Khmer Rouge were
in control of Cambodia. later my curiosity shifted to the historic events of the Vietnam
War and why a so-called peasant army could defeat american forces. in the mid–1990s
my attention turned to actual research and during my PhD in engineering i visited Hanoi
university. Then, from 1997 to 1999 i lived in the lao People’s Democratic Republic; dur-
ing this period i walked the Hồ Chí Minh Trail in lao with Clive a. Hills, becoming the

1
2 Preface

first Westerners to do so since the end of the Vietnam War. it was from this achievement
that the Vietnamese expressed an interest in writing books with me.
since 2003, i have worked with senior Vietnamese Communist Party members as
well as veterans of the wars in indochina. i have been humbled and honored to do so.
 introduction:
Hồ Chí Minh’s legacy

Hồ Chí Minh became the leading figure in the fight to gain Vietnam its independ-
ence. He designed his original blueprint to liberate the country, first from the french
and then from the americans and their south Vietnamese allies. The american Central
intelligence agency (Cia) analyzed parts of Hồ’s model of asymmetric warfare. The Cia
directed the afghan Mujahideen against the soviet invasion. The Mujahideen taught the
Taliban. The Taliban have influenced other extremist islamic groups. now key elements
of the model are being used to try to radicalize countries. The author tells the story from
Hồ’s point of view of how a still-current model came to be designed and concludes why
this story is very relevant today.
from an early stage in his political life, Hồ wanted to use diplomacy as a means to
free Vietnam; in reality, he knew that other far more drastic measures were needed. He
embarked on extensive foreign travels looking for answers, from Britain to senegal and
the united states to algeria, and during this period his revolutionary path was set. His
bold travels put him on a course that ultimately led him to design what was at that time
a completely new form of warfare, a blueprint, known by him and those who worked
with him as an all-People’s War.
few people understand the strategies behind Hồ’s blueprint. The author, however,
worked for more than a decade with people who personally knew Hồ. she interviewed
war veterans and, importantly, had the opportunity to go back to re-address and scrutinize
what they had said. she read personal diaries and was given access to recently declassified
information from Party archives. These first-hand accounts, supported by rare docu-
ments, enabled this book to cover the development and use of the blueprint through the
french colonial period, the Japanese occupation (mid–1940s), the french War (1945–
1954) and the american Vietnam War (1959–1975).
To help the author begin to unlock the secrets of the blueprint, in 2006 general
nguyễn Thới Bưng, a former deputy minister of defense for Vietnam (1992–1996), intro-
duced her to five female courier veterans at the Women’s Museum of Cochinchina. Built
in Hồ Chí Minh City in 1985, the museum formally recognizes the incredible role of
women throughout various conflicts. Hồ had said that the couriers were fundamental
for victory and because women conducted most of this work, for this reason they, and
the architects that used them, have been chosen to be the connecting thread of the nar-
rative to reveal Hồ’s strategies.
general Bưng’s piercing black eyes gave little away as he recounted the events of the

3
4 Introduction

Main wartime activities, 1925 to 1975.

Vietnam War according to Party lines. Having been too young to have taken a lead role
during the french War, he did play his part against the americans, seeing Hồ’s plans
come to fruition. now he had been instructed to facilitate a meeting of former couriers
with the author. Behind his deadpan communist façade, you could tell he knew that the
women who had agreed to speak were going to reveal the truth about some of the most
compelling stories of the war era. However, one could tell by the way in which he wrung
his hands, they were accounts that only heroes of the revolution could give without
serious repercussion from the Vietnamese government.
The five women couriers perched delicately upon wicker seats. These former heroes
greeted the author with warm smiles. Their demeanor gave few clues to the exciting,
often horrific, stories they were about to tell, narratives so different from those of their
 Hồ Chí Minh’s Legacy 5

The author Virginia Morris and Clive A. Hills with their first courier interviewees, taken at
the Women’s Museum of Cochinchina on 15 June 2006. Sitting from left: Lê Thị Thu, Ngô Thị
Huệ (widow of General Secretary Nguyễn Văn Linh) and General Nguyễn Thới Bưng. Standing
from left: a member of the museum staff; Trầm Hương, a journalist; Trần Hồng Ánh, director
of the Women’s Museum; Võ Thị Tâm; Clive A. Hills; Lê Thị Thu Nguyệt; Đặng Hồng Dực;
and Virginia Morris (Clive A. Hills).

male counterparts. They spoke about intriguing covert events, such as having to move
copious numbers of weapons through enemy-held territory, to more detailed accounts
including the successful planting of a bomb that led to the destruction of a military
Boeing 707. They worked on what are best described as suicide assignments. What drove
them to sacrifice their lives, or, more to the point, why more did not join up, are questions
that can now be answered.
from interviews arranged by others at a later date came the words of those who had
made use of these couriers as architects of the blueprint. They included Đào Văn Trường,
one of Hồ’s first guerrilla leaders, and Võ nguyên giáp, the supreme commander of the
military. When talking to the author, Đào Văn Trường explained the difficulties they had
while designing and implementing Hồ’s revolutionary strategies when they had to fight
both the french and Japanese in the 1940s. giáp described the process he went through
in order to develop two essential parts of the blueprint, a covert network known as the
Revolutionary infrastructure and his conventional military units. Then both men spoke
of the part they played during the french War and how the revolutionaries re-established
Hồ’s blueprint to do it all again during the Vietnam War.
6 Introduction

The author also interviewed americans who had opposed the revolutionaries and
fought against the spread of communism. They included men such as John stryker Meyer,
a special forces soldier who operated and fought along the Hồ Chí Minh Trail, and Mark
a. smith, one of the key enforcers of the notorious Phoenix Program. Meyer described
how his unit had to gather intelligence, not only while being surrounded by thousands
of enemy fighters, but knowing that their mission had probably been compromised. smith
spoke of how he permanently silenced hostile operatives whose names appeared on a
“list.”
The descriptions from all the participants changes the popular understanding of
events during the various stages of the conflicts. Their detailed stories also reveal the
answer to one of the most important questions: was the fight solely about the spread of
communism?
Regardless of the previously unknown details in this study, countless unanswered
questions on Hồ’s blueprint remain unanswered. Many people who designed it have now
died. others are too old to recall their thoughts. The author’s final interviewee was lê
Trọng nghĩa, who was the former head of the intelligence Department for both the Com-
munist Party and the military, and who took part in major events such as the august
Revolution of 1945, which saw Hồ come to power. He summarized another fundamental
problem. The author had explained that she found the numerous special roles played by
the couriers difficult to understand fully because there seemed to be so much information
missing. He laughed and said, “Because many of the people involved were recruited and
run locally by individual heads, when that head died, their network went unrecorded.
Therefore, no one person will ever thoroughly grasp this paramilitary system, not even
me.”1
Hồ’s legacy is the design of a new form of asymmetric warfare, which gained victory
in Vietnam and opened the way for political reform across the region. There have been
many other examples of asymmetric conflicts such as the american War of independence,
but what makes Hồ’s blueprint important is that, although he implemented strategies
and tactics that had been used previously in warfare and designed new ones, it was how
he combined these and then used the population that made his unified system new.
for the world, the unwanted heritage of Hồ’s blueprint or all-People’s War is that
he had inadvertently designed a model for fighting which is best described as a protracted
asymmetric war against a superior power. The veterans who participated in this book
have not only enabled a crucial part of world history to be recorded and understood, but
have also unintentionally laid bare the potential threats to countries today.
 Part I: EstablIshIng thE bluEPrInt (1890–1945)

1
the Making of a revolutionary

Early Years
In the picturesque region of annam, Vietnam, in 1890, a future leader was born.
Known by more than 170 aliases throughout his life, he is best recognized as hồ Chí
Minh. For those who supported his way to gain Vietnam its independence, he was a hero,
but those who opposed his methodology hunted him down and labeled him their “most
wanted man.”
born nguyễn sinh Cung, hồ was one of four children of nguyen sinh sắc (1862–
1929) and Ms. hoàng thi loan (1868–1901). his family was raised in his father’s village
of Kim liên, which typified a very poor settlement of that period, with dusty tracks lead-
ing from a large cluster of simple houses, and grubby children hanging around in dark
corners getting up to no good.1
In 1887, just three years before hồ’s birth, French Indochina had been formed from
Cambodia and Vietnam.2 the French divided Vietnam into the two protectorates of
tonkin (north) and annam (middle), and the colony of Cochinchina (south). hồ’s prov-
ince of nghệ an, annam, became a region known for persistent resistance against French
rule.
Poor farmers inhabited hồ’s village and, with little encouragement around them to
change their impoverished situation, life remained as it had been for decades. undeterred
by this environment and the expectations of others, hồ’s father sắc studied for a doctorate
degree and became the first native of the village to achieve such a qualification. this
allowed sắc not only to educate his boys formally but he could teach them by example
the power of extensive knowledge and diplomacy.
One observation by hồ was that his father earned the admiration from his peers
and the disadvantaged people because, although educated, sắc had refused the honor
of a mandarin post at the royal court of huế to serve the emperor and took up teach-
ing among the people instead. he told the authorities the reason was that he was still
mourning the death of his wife and infant child. More probably, he did not want to
align himself with the French and a corrupt royal court, saying privately to trusted friends
and family, “Mandarins are slaves among slaves but their slavishness is even more
than that of the slaves.”3 he meant the mandarins were slaves within the royal court
whose own monarchy were slaves to the French. For his son, hồ, the message was clear:
stay loyal to your nationalist beliefs if you want to win over the people.


 Part I. Establishing the Blueprint (190–1945)

An elderly scholar giving village children a lesson in Chinese ideograms, a tradition that lasted
until 1919 (courtesy Lê Đỗ Huy).

Learning from Phan Bội Châu

another influence on hồ was Phan bội Châu (1867–1940), who had also declined
a prestigious role at the royal court. a nationalist and celebrated scholar throughout the
country, Châu too had an impact on hồ through his writings and ideas.
Châu used to visit hồ’s father and the two men chatted long into fire-lit evenings
about freedom and how to gain independence for Vietnam. sắc’s vision of how to free
the country from a suppressive colonial grip is unknown, but it is documented that Châu
believed nationalist scholars could be the catalyst. While the two men engaged in impas-
sioned talk, hồ busied himself with his duties or played, or simply pretended to sleep.
however, all the while he was listening intently to Châu explaining his arguments and
describing his experiences as a founder of various patriotic groups and his travels to for-
eign lands.
Châu had originally been a part of the save the King Movement. started in 1885, it
is generally recognized as the first group to raise arms against French rule. 4 In 1904, Châu
then led the group that created the Vietnam Modernization association. they elected
Prince nguyễn Cường Để (1882–1951) as the figurehead.5 this association became the
first anti-colonial movement in Vietnam to acknowledge that the country needed to
modernize. On this premise, they proposed moving from a monarchy to a constitutional
monarchy.
 1. The Making of a Revolutionary 9

An annual ceremony set up by the ruling Vietnamese Nguyễn Dynasty to elect mandarins, a
tradition that lasted until 1919 (courtesy Lê Đỗ Huy).

Châu got much of his inspiration for the Vietnam Modernization association from
Japan, praising its culture through his writings and teachings. the Japanese script and
race were akin to that of the Vietnamese, he said, and he wanted the Japanese to be role
models for the youth of Vietnam. although China might have appeared the more natural
ally, with parts of the country being a safe haven for the Vietnamese resistance movement,
Chinese power had waned in contrast to the growing strength of Japan. On these grounds,
Châu ruled out asking for help from China, and remained impressed by the initial success
of the Japanese in the russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). 6
this admiration for Japan raised an important question for Châu and other members
of the Vietnam Modernization association. they needed to know whether the Japanese
would help militarily to free the Vietnamese from colonial rule by sending troops or
through financial assistance, or whether they would decline to get involved. to find the
answer to this question, the Vietnam Modernization association sent Châu to Japan in
1905.7 Đặng tử Kính, a man known for his anti–French activities, traveled with him.
tăng bạt hổ acted as their courier, a man trusted implicitly by Châu because as early as
1872 and at just fourteen years old, tăng had participated in fierce uprisings against the
French.
Châu had no connections in Japan. undaunted by this, he swiftly made contact with
liang Qichao, a Chinese activist who had taken refuge in Japan after a coup d’état in
10 Part I. Establishing the Blueprint (190–1945)

China in 1898, and whose reformist writings had inspired members of the Vietnam Mod-
ernization association. Qichao gave Châu frank and open advice about his hopes for
Japanese assistance, “Once Japanese troops [have] entered within your country’s borders
it [will] surely be impossible to find an excuse to drive them out.”8 Qichao furthermore
introduced Châu to many prominent politicians, including Okuma shigenobu, a well-
liked statesman who had previously served as prime minister of Japan for a few months
in 1898. Châu asked shigenobu for financial assistance. the Japanese government did
not want to damage its own relationship with France and so refused.
From his experiences in Japan, Châu initiated the go East Movement, aimed at
encouraging the youth of Vietnam to study abroad. his idea was that the youth studying
with the movement could take their newfound knowledge and external perspective on
the world, and go back to Vietnam with a greater understanding of how to oppose the
French. Part of Châu’s thinking behind the movement came about because, although the
Japanese government had said no to assistance, opposition government party members
had promised financial aid to Vietnamese students wishing to study in Japan.
Châu’s journey in 1905 bore other fruit to help the go East Movement operate
smoothly. While on an English ship traveling from hải Phòng to Japan via hong Kong,
he met a cook named lý tuệ.9 after talks with Châu, this new contact agreed to create
a courier sea route. by the end of 1905, this route became the main and safest system for
couriering, not only documents but also students, to and from Japan.10 From 1905 to
1908, the new line carried a total of about 100 students from tonkin and 200 from
Cochinchina to the schools in Japan.11 Eventually the French and Japanese governments
suppressed the movement and expelled Châu from the country in 1909.
When in Vietnam, Châu had asked the young hồ and his brother to join the go
East Movement. hồ rejected the offer. some suggest that his father persuaded him to
decline based on what he had heard through his long conversations with Châu. Others
say that hồ had been influenced by liang Qichao advising Châu not to allow Japanese
troops to enter Vietnam, because later hồ said that relying on the Japanese to oust the
French could be likened to “driving the tiger out of the front door while welcoming the
wolf in through the back door.”12 Châu’s experience had clearly swayed hồ’s decision not
to pursue the Japanese for help, but also motivated hồ’s quest to seek an alternative. Years
after, hồ wrote that he preferred to go to France to observe the secret of Western success
at its source because when he had asked Châu how the Japanese had managed its own
technological achievements, Châu replied, “they learned it from the West.”
hồ never joined the go East Movement but he admired Châu’s drive to liberate
Vietnam. hồ respected Châu’s ability to amass support through his patriotic groups and
writings, but all the while being mindful of the concepts of secrecy and security. Conse-
quently, when former students of the go East Movement, or close work colleagues of
Châu’s, wanted to join with hồ, he took them in as trusted revolutionaries.

Useful Inheritance
hồ học lãm is probably the most famous of the students hồ inherited from Châu.
For three decades lãm worked covertly for hồ under the disguise of a high-ranking
officer in the nationalist Chinese Kuomintang army.13 lãm personally knew high-up
people because, for instance, in 1908 he had studied in Japan in response to the go East
 1. The Making of a Revolutionary 11

Movement.14 In one establishment, his classmate had been Chiang Kai-shek (1887–1975),
who went on to lead the Kuomintang from 1926, after the death of sun Yat-sen (1866–1925).15
nevertheless lãm could not enjoy the privileges of his important Chinese connections.
Instead he lived in daily fear, because shortly after Chiang Kai-shek took office he started
to eliminate the communists and their associates. although lãm himself did not subscribe
to communism he knew he could still become a target. he was famous among both the
Vietnamese communists and nationalist parties because he put his politics aside to give
cover and assistance to anyone whom he regarded as a patriot. hồ also directed lãm to
steal information from the Kuomintang to give to the Chinese Communist Party. hồ pro-
vided the information as a way of showing his gratitude for the many years of help he
had received from sun Yat-sen and now from members of the Chinese Communist Party.
another example of a useful man inherited by hồ was lê thiết hùng (1908–1986).
hùng worked with lãm as his personal Vietnamese courier from around 1930 to 1936.
his cover, like lãm, was as a Kuomintang officer. hồ had appointed hùng to this work
because he had been one of his trainees in guangzhou in 1926 and a loyal communist.16
although hồ himself never joined the Chinese Communist Party, he had asked hùng to
enroll in 1926. this enabled hồ to widen his group of communist allies; he also knew
that Chinese Communist Party members would trust hùng more than they did the non-
communist lãm. hùng went on to become a central general in hồ’s revolutionary army.

Networking with Phan Chu Trinh in Paris

highly focused and with a sense of adventure, hồ wanted to search for a bold new
approach to help liberate Vietnam. With only a primary school education behind him,
on 5 June 1911 hồ (now Văn ba) set sail from saigon, heading for Marseilles, France. In
the following years he traveled through, and lived in, many countries, including the
united states, spain, Portugal, algeria, tunisia, benin and the Congo.
On the occasion when hồ’s ship entered the port of Dakar, the capital of senegal, a
fellow passenger had recorded17: “at Dakar there was a great storm. the ship couldn’t
enter the port and the life boats couldn’t be lowered into the sea. In order to make contact
with the ship the French onshore forced some africans to attempt to swim out to the
ship. One, two, three then four jumped into the sea and one after another each was
dragged under by the waves and drowned. It was a terrible sight for everyone on board
including ba [hồ ], who was deeply affected to such an extent that he cried. I was surprised
and I asked him why? he said, ‘the French in France are all good. but the French colo-
nialists are very cruel and inhuman. It is the same everywhere. at home I witnessed sim-
ilar events in Phan rang. the French burst out laughing while our compatriots drowned
for their sake. to the colonialists, the life of an asian or an african is nothing.’”18
It is not known exactly when hồ arrived back in France to settle. Vietnamese sources
suggest that hồ arrived in 1917, but French police documents record it as June 1919. 19 hồ
went to Paris to meet Phan Chu trinh (1872–1926), a family friend and also the acknowl-
edged leader of the Vietnamese community there.
While formulating his political ideas, trinh lived in Paris. he had been exiled there
by the French because, along with two others, trinh had initiated the Modernization
Movement.20 Established in his native province of Quảng nam in 1906, the group publicized
the need for independence. to spread their patriotic message through peaceful means,
the Modernization Movement established life improvement schemes in villages, such as
1 Part I. Establishing the Blueprint (190–1945)

economic help and education for all. trinh was arrested in 1908 because the authorities
wanted the Modernization Movement closed, and they sentenced him to life incarceration
in Côn Đảo Island Prison. however, the French human rights association and the French
section of the Workers’ International successfully lobbied members of the French Parlia-
ment. the outcome of which meant that trinh did not have to endure desperately grim
confinement within Vietnam; instead, the colonial French authority exiled trinh to Paris.21
hồ wanted to understand fully trinh’s views on an independent Vietnam because
they differed so much from those of Châu. trinh had backed the go East Movement,
even though he opposed turning to other countries for support; instead he believed in
attaining liberation by educating the population in Vietnam. Châu had also retained
links to the monarchy, whereas trinh favored French democratic principles and made it
very clear that if the system of monarchical autocracy was not abolished, simply restoring
the country’s independence would not bring happiness.
likewise, trinh advocated non-violence, when Châu did not. Châu was prepared to
build an army through his new Vietnamese restoration league (1912–1925), a nationalist
organization that had replaced the Vietnam Modernization association.22 the association
had been regarded as outdated by members because its agenda focused on assistance from
Japan. the new Vietnamese restoration league took its inspiration from China’s Wuchang
uprising in 1911, which served as the catalyst to the Xinhai revolution, known as the
Chinese revolution. this action saw the end of the Qing Dynasty and in 1912, within areas
controlled by the rebels, the leaders declared the republic of China. these revolutionary
acts in China inspired Châu, who now looked to develop armed units and form an interim
government to create a democratic republic for Vietnam, albeit with royal connections.
On moving to Paris, hồ wasted no time in tracking down trinh. When hồ arrived,
the city was the scene of mass social unrest following the First World War. In such turmoil,
with few jobs available for him, hồ lived in dirty hotels and worked for long hours to
make ends meet. his life improved when trinh found a job for him as a photo retoucher
in a shop managed by him. With the two of them working so closely together, they became
trusted friends. trinh introduced hồ to Phan Văn trường (1875–1933), another well-
respected Vietnamese patriot living in France. Phan Văn trường, now a French citizen,
had trained as a lawyer and first settled in France in 1910. as he spoke French, while
trinh did not, it was he who introduced hồ to Paris society.
hồ enjoyed the company of both trinh and Phan Văn trường and they made a
strong impression on him. Phan Văn trường influenced hồ more than trinh because he
supported hồ’s political views; remaining in contact with hồ until Phan Văn trường
died in the 1930s. although hồ was more aligned to Phan Văn trường, both trinh and
Phan Văn trường had established movements to end French colonialism, which they
discussed with hồ. they had different styles: Phan Văn trường was a man of action and
trinh a man of ideas. Even though neither man moved Vietnamese independence forward
significantly, hồ could see that if their skills and passion for Vietnam were nurtured cor-
rectly, they could both be very useful to him.

Hồ’s First Bold Revolutionary Act

In early 1919, at the Palace of Versailles, leaders of the victorious allied powers gath-
ered to negotiate the treaty of Versailles, to conclude the state of war between them and
germany to end the First World War.23
 1. The Making of a Revolutionary 1

this gathering should have been a great opportunity for nationalist groups from
across the world. u.s. President Woodrow Wilson (1856–1924) issued to the conference
his now famous Fourteen Point Declaration, originally announced in January 1918 in his
address to the joint session of the u.s. Congress. his speech, under fourteen separate
headings, formulated his ideas for the essential nature of a post–First World War settle-
ment. he outlined a policy that included addressing self-determination for colonial coun-
tries, the removal of economic barriers between nations and the establishment of a general
association of nations under specific covenants.24 the nationalist groups liked the idea
of self-determination and they issued manifestos and lobbied those at the negotiations
to promote their fight for self-rule against their colonial masters.
Prince Cường Để, a close associate of Châu, had written to President Wilson on 12
February 1919.25 his letter requested now that germany had been defeated he should be
given immediate assistance by the united states to free Vietnam from the French. It is
not known whether Wilson received the letter or whether any action was taken. What is
clear is that the French somehow found out, and that the letter’s contents shook their
colonial administration. Prince Cường Để and his cause became ever more hated.
For hồ the negotiations at Versailles focused his mind on his message of independ-
ence. In mid–1919 he formed the association of annamese Patriots, calling it annamese
because the people of tonkin, annam and Cochinchina were often jointly addressed by
this name.26 still relatively unknown, hồ listed his close friends trinh and Phan Văn
trường as the directors, with himself as the secretary. In Paris, the association of
annamese Patriots recruited Vietnamese intellectuals and people considered to be work-
ing class; they also approached other nationalist groups seeking an end to colonial rule
in their respective countries.
hồ’s new association of annamese Patriots submitted the document, Demands of
the Annamese People, to those at the negotiations. It listed eight points that needed
addressing, including an amnesty for all indigenous political prisoners. the document
intended to appeal to the allied leaders to apply President Wilson’s ideals to French colo-
nial territories across southeast asia. apparently hồ drafted it, but Phan Văn trường
contributed by improving hồ’s then-inadequate written French. hồ signed the Demands
of the Annamese People as nguyen Ái Quốc (nguyen the Patriot) and dated the document
18 June 1919. historians still dispute the contribution that hồ made to the text and ques-
tion the effectiveness of this petition. some say it boosted hồ’s position among the Viet-
namese community overseas, others noted his personal bravery; having put his name to
it, if he were caught and extradited to Vietnam he could have been sentenced to death.
hồ delivered the petition personally to the president of France and other key min-
isters of state. he received no reply from the French authorities but did receive confir-
mation from President Wilson’s senior advisor that it had arrived. Other contacts
confirmed that the document had been brought to the president’s personal attention. In
fact, by then Wilson had encountered strong opposition to his Fourteen Point Declaration
at Versailles, so ultimately he was obliged to compromise. to preserve his prized, general
association of nations, Wilson made sacrifices on many of the other thirteen points,
including self-determination. this concession seriously angered the citizens of the
colonies and blunted their ambitions for independence.
the Demands of the Annamese People did cause some agitation both in Paris and
much further afield. not only had hồ arranged for his document to be posted to indi-
viduals and hand-delivered by activists across Paris, it was also published in the radical
14 Part I. Establishing the Blueprint (190–1945)

socialist newspaper L’Humanité and 6,000 copies were couriered overseas. these latter
copies were distributed by sympathetic French sailors serving in the French navy and
by Vietnamese soldiers returning home after the First World War. the majority of copies
ended up in Vietnam but other leaflets were sent to areas such as Madagascar (500 copies),
Dahomey (400), north africa (200) and Oceania (100).27
nguyễn Viết ty, a sailor acting as a courier for hồ, carried his copies to Ô Cấp, Viet-
nam, by hiding them within layers of eggs and straw.28 When his ship arrived he then
used flour mixed with water and half-baked it, in order to form a crust over the copies.
this meant that to the bystander the final results looked like normal fresh bread but for
ty the copies inside were safe. to distribute hồ’s demands, he placed the fake bread with
real bread in one of the many hand baskets stacked in a sampan.29
this early post-war era in Paris was a turning point for hồ and his revolutionary
activities, specifically his couriers. hồ had known about the importance of safe passage
for secret documents because of his own experience as a young boy when he had acted
as a messenger between his father and Châu. Furthermore, secrecy and security had been
an issue during his travels. letters that he had sent to his father in Vietnam and to trinh
in Paris had been intercepted by the Sûreté (French security), alerting them to his anti-
colonial activities.
hồ drew on all this invaluable first-hand experience to enable him to ensure the
safe distribution of the Demands of the Annamese People, a landmark delivery for his
couriers. For the first time, revolutionary documents had been organized, en masse, with
specific intent and delivered to Vietnam. this delivery of documents by couriers ulti-
mately set a precedent for both national and international clandestine communications
as well as laying the foundations for establishing a system of legal and illegal courier liai-
son work.30

International Political Framework

these days in Paris moreover saw hồ find his political path, a route that led back
to the powerhouse of communist ideology in Moscow, and the imposing walls of the
Kremlin. hồ himself said that he changed to a radical political view, not only because of
the constant harassment by the Sûreté but also his disillusionment with the French left
wing. the Sûreté were clearly against his anti-colonial views. the role of the French left
wing was far more entangled in colonial politics and the growth of communism.
the seeds of left-wing tendencies were already planted in hồ before he left Vietnam
in 1911. he believed that the socialists were more sympathetic to the subjugated people
of the world under colonial rule. these political views developed in his mind and accom-
panied him to England in 1913. here a young hồ immersed himself in an environment
of socio-economic and cultural change, a trend spreading throughout the world and
forming a platform for political theories and revolution.
It is unknown whether hồ actually visited the grave of Karl Marx (1818–1883) in
highgate Cemetery, one of the most known political theorists. hồ worked in london at
the Carlton hotel in Pall Mall and purportedly at the Drayton Court hotel in West Ealing,
so he had a clear opportunity to visit the grave if he had wished. he definitely knew of
the works of Marx because he had joined the uK Overseas Workers association and also
met communist figures such as tom Mann (1856–1941).31
 1. The Making of a Revolutionary 15

The Drayton Court Hotel in London (009 photograph), where Hồ Chí Minh was supposed
to have worked in 1914. It opened in 194 as one of West Ealing’s most palatial venues with
vast gardens and about sixty bedrooms on offer. It has long since ceased to be a hotel and is
now a busy pub with function rooms (Clive A. Hills).

In early 1919 when he was in Paris, hồ naturally found comfort with left-wing
thinkers. there he had asked Jean longuet (1876–1938), the grandson of Marx and the
chief editor of the newspaper Le Populaire, if he could become a trainee journalist.
longuet welcomed hồ as they had been previously acquainted around 1917 or 1918.
longuet asked campaigner hồ to produce articles about the horrific oppression of the
Vietnamese by the French in Indochina. the friendship blossomed; longuet became the
first Frenchman to address him as “Dear Comrade” and he encouraged his political activ-
ities.
In the middle of July 1920, one of their friends gave hồ a copy of the L’Humanité.
Within its pages was Vladimir Ilyich lenin’s Thesis on the National and Colonial Ques-
tions. according to hồ, this thesis converted him from a socialist thinker to a leninist
revolutionary. the time was right for him to absorb this new political view. he had wit-
nessed that the Versailles conference had ended with no favorable conclusion for the
oppressed citizens of colonial countries and, hồ recognized, that when pushed too far
against wider French interests, his so-called friends within the French left-wing adopted
a non-committal, apathetic approach to colonial issues.
hồ recorded on reading lenin’s thesis, “What emotion, enthusiasm, clear-sighted-
ness and confidence it instilled in me! I was overjoyed to tears. though sitting alone in
1 Part I. Establishing the Blueprint (190–1945)

my room, I shouted aloud as if addressing large crowds, ‘Dear compatriots who are being
harshly exploited! this is what we need, this is the path to our liberation.’”32
lenin’s thesis acknowledged the importance of the colonial countries in the larger
world revolutionary scheme. It also hypothesized that, as the source of raw materials and
cheap labor, the colonial countries were crucial to the ascendancy of Western capitalism.
If the Western working class could ally with the oppressed people of the colonies and
help them achieve independence, together they would strike an important blow against
Western capitalism and support the spread of communism. another key aspect of the
thesis was the idea that during the first bourgeois stage of this colonial revolution, com-
munists had to work with, and even within, the nationalist parties, as there was not a
sufficiently large colonial working class to bring about revolution on its own. Only after
the goals had been attained, with feudalism ended and national independence established,
could the socialist revolution begin, led by the working class.33
hồ and longuet discussed their political views and, on occasions, exchanged
poignant accounts. In his memoirs, hồ writes that longuet had told him that his grand-
father loved him very much. When he was a small boy, longuet said, they often played
together, with his grandfather pretending to be a horse so he could ride him. hồ recalled
that apparently when Friedrich Engels (1820–1895), a close friend of Marx, saw a young
longuet riding his grandfather he had commented, “this is a donkey riding a lion!”34
longuet was a donkey riding on the lion Karl Marx. For Engels or leninists this image
represented the foolish “donkey” bourgeoisie riding high on the back of the mighty “lion”
laborers. Others took the words at face value: a clumsy young fool on the back of a great
man. hồ interpreted these words as the foolish colonialists riding the back of the mighty
suppressed nations.
sadly, the once open friendship between hồ and longuet soon became highly
strained. both had joined the French section of the Workers’ International, the French
socialist party that had helped trinh get to Paris. In December 1920, members went to
the city of tours to participate in the Eighteenth national Party Congress. they debated
whether they should join the third International or stay with the second International.
the First International had been founded in london in 1864, with Marx as the leader.
he had to unite a variety of international left-wing socialist, communist and anarchist
political groups and trade union organizations that had their roots in the working class
and class struggle. the second International was formed in Paris in 1889 and united the
socialist and labor parties. It continued the majority of the work of the dissolved First
International but this time excluded the still-powerful anarcho-syndicalist movement
and unions. the third International (known as the Communist International or abbre-
viated to Comintern) was established in 1919 under the leadership of lenin.
hồ chose to side with lenin and the Comintern because they offered assistance in
helping to free colonial states from suppression. he recalled later how sad he felt when
he noticed that even his best friend longuet was among the leaders of the faction oppos-
ing the Comintern.35 longuet rejected it, saying, “I have already put forth the idea that
we should protect the indigenous peoples.”36
the decision, whether to side with the second International or with the Comintern,
split the French section of the Workers’ International. hồ left his friend longuet and
went with the majority who wanted the Comintern, becoming a founding member of
the French Communist Party.37 Others remained with the second International and a
now weakened French section of the Workers’ International.
Another random document with
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Juhannus-iltana
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
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Title: Juhannus-iltana
Laulunsekainen kansannäytelmä yhdessä näytöksessä

Author: Urho Wiljo Walakorpi

Release date: December 11, 2023 [eBook #72376]

Language: Finnish

Original publication: Hämeenlinna: Boman & Karlsson, 1904

Credits: Tapio Riikonen

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JUHANNUS-

ILTANA ***
JUHANNUS-ILTANA

Laulunsekainen kansannäytelmä yhdessä näytöksessä

Kirj.

URHO HAAPANEN [U. W. Walakorpi]

Hämeenlinnassa, Boman & Karlssonin kustannuksella, 1904.

Henkilöt:

Heikki.
Matti.
Eero.
Kustaa.
Kerttu.
Anni.
Katri.
Niemelä.
Taneli.
Kahvi-Leena.
Poikia ja tyttöjä.
 Metsäinen paikka. Perällä järvi ja sen takana metsiä ja vuoria.

On juhannus-ilta. Kylän nuorisoa karkeloimassa.

Taasen meill' on juhannus ja taasen riemut meillä. Vuoret,

laaksot kesä kattaa kukkaseppeleillä.

Laulaa linnut metsissä

ja vuorilla ne soittaa.
Kesän hellän lempi-aika
mielen aateloittaa.

Itsemme me koristamme
heinän helpeheillä,
kesä, kesä, riemun aika
onhan myöskin meillä.

Tullos kansa karkeloihin,

murehesi heitä!
Kesä kulkee kummuilla
ja sitoo seppeleitä.

Tullos kansa leikkihimme!

Pois on talven valta!
Laulut, kesän laulelmat ne
soipi kaikkialta.

(Kuuluu viulun ääntä. Piiri hajoaa).

Kerttu: Kas! jopa viulu soi.

Heikki: Tulossa on Taneli, se riemusilmä! Onhan se jotakin että

saamme jättää tämän piirileikin ja ruveta tanssimaan. Eikö niin,
tytöt? Onhan se hauskempaa kun tämä "savikraanan" vääntäminen?

Anni: No tietysti!

Eero: Mutta kylläpä ne kenkäparat kuluvat! Lieneekö huomen

aamulla Annillakaan kengistänsä muuta jäljellä kun varret.

Anni: Eipä väliä. Onpa suutari kylässä, viedään sinne.

(Viulun ääni lähenee)

Kerttu: Kas, jopa Taneli on täällä!

Matti: Täällä hän on ja ilon ja riemun hän mukanaan on tuonut.

Tuntuupa jo elämäkin aivan toisellaiselta!

Taneli (Tulee soittaen viululla): Kas niin! Täälläpä lieneekin koossa

tämän kylän nuoret. No, no onneksi olkoon! Ja onko sitten ihme!
Onhan nyt, ellei tuo muistini aivan petä — juhannus ja juhlapäivä.

Heikki: Juhannus on, kesän kaunoisin ilta. Ja riemuita aiommekin

illan kunniaksi.

Taneli: Onneksi olkoon! Mutta minne aiotte laittaa juhannuskokon

tai ettekö laitakaan?

Matti: Laitettu on jo kokkomme tuonne kalliolle ja suuripa onkin.

Eero: Ja koska se Tanelikin on nyt noin juhlatuulella, niin

voimmehan illan hauskuudeksi ja juhannuksen kunniaksi pistää
kalliolla pikku polkaksikin — eikö niin, tytöt?

Kerttu: Niin. Mitäpä se juhannus olisikaan ilman soittoa ja tanssia!

 Anni: Ja varsinkin sellaista soittoa, kun Tanelin soitikosta lähtee;
sehän mielen korkeuksiin kohottaa.

Heikki: Mitäpä me tässä turhia haastelemme! Onhan se jo

soittajan velvollisuuskin seuraa tehdä, mukanansa kone, joka vanhat
luo nuoriksi ja särkyneet sydämet ehjiksi loihtii. Sehän kuuluu
luonnollisesti asiaan.

Taneli: No, no, älkäähän nyt! Kukapa sitä nyt tällaiselta

herrasväeltä hennoisi mitään kieltää. Minne vaan silmänsä luokin,
niin kaikkialta näkee rukoilevia silmiä ja pyytäviä katseita. Teille
seuraa olen tekevä. Soittava olen niin että mäki kaikaa ja vaarat
vaskiset va pisevat ja olenpa soittava aamuun asti.

Kerttu: No tuonhan kaiken me jo edeltäkäsin arvasimmekin.

Taneli (Raappien korvaustaan): Mutta yksi asia painaa mieltäni.

Mieli on miehellä musta ja kieli kuivinta kuivempi. Suottehan tekin
minulle hiukkasen iloa, kun minäkin teille suon?

Matti: No tietysti, jos vaan siihen antiin pystymme.

Taneli: Eipä tarvita pystymistä paljon. Annatte vaan pari tilkkasta

sydämen tippoja, mieleni murheisen lohdutukseksi. Silloin vasta voin
soittaa ja polkkia vedellä. Eikö niin, hyvä herrasväki, onhan se
oikeus ja kohtuus?

Heikki: Mutta sanoittehan eilen — ellen väärin muista — että

heitätte hiiden hinkaloon kaikki väkijuomat ja sen semmoiset ja
rupeatte todelliseksi raittiusmieheksi.

Taneli (Miettien): Sanoinko niin? No juutas! Teinpä nyt hullun

lupauksen. Olisihan tuo vähän niinkuin mieltä murheista virkistänyt.
 Heikki: Iloinen on mies, kaipaisiko iloa parempaa! Ja mitä ne
väkijuomat sitten mieltä virkistäisi? Mitäpä ne muuta tuovat, kuin
kurjuutta, tuskaa ja turmiota.

Taneli: Taitaapa se niinkin olla. Mutta hiisi vieköön, olisihan se

sentään mieltäni riemuisaksi luonut. Täytynee kai sitä sitten
kohtaloonsa tyytyä.

Niemelä (Tulee).

Taneli: No kas, onhan täällä Niemeläkin. Terve mieheen!

Niemelä: Jumal'antakoon! (Kättelevät.) Täälläpä onkin väkeä:

nuoria ja onhan täällä vanhempiakin, enemmän kuin jouluaamuna
kirkossa. — Mutta, Taneli, näytäthän kovin murheiselta, mikä on
miehelle tullu?

Taneli: Pyysinhän vaan-näiltä nuorilta pari tilkkaa sydämen tippoja,

mutta…

Niemelä: Eivätkö juuttaat antaneet?

Taneli: Eivät antaneet. Senpätähden mieleni murhei

Niemelä: Huoli pois! Ehkäpä toisella kerralla käy paremmin. — No

nuoret, joko pian aiotte panna kon palamaan?

Eero: Kohta, isäntä, kohta. Tänä iltana aiomme pitää iloa.

Niemelä: Oikein lausuttu, poika, oikein. Silloin tuleekin riemuita,

kun siihen vielä on syytä; kun vielä täydellä sydämellä riemuita voisi.
Ja sitä voi tehdä ainoastaan silloin, kun miehellä on nuoruus
rinnassaan ja suonet kaikki tulena tykkii. Pian saapuu vanhuus,
nuoruuden kevät vierii ja kylmiksi tulevat tunteet riemuja kohtaan.
Riemuitkaa, nuoret, riemuitkaa ja tauvottuanne taas alkakaa, sillä
emmehän nuoruus-ajan riemuja katumaan tule!

Kerttu: No ehkäpä tekin isäntä, vielä muutamia polkkia

pyöräytätte? Ettehän nyt vielä niin vanha ole.

Niemelä: Hm, vanhaksi alkaa käydä mies. Eipä liene minusta enää
nuorison karkeloihin.

(Panee tupakkia piippuunsa ja tarjoaa Tanelille).

Niemelä: No, Taneli, piiput suihin!

Taneli: Kiitos, kiitos. (Tekee samoin).

Niemelä:

No Taneli kai sitä taas tänä iltana nuorille vinguttelee?

Taneli: Ovathan ne minua siihen pyytäneet. Ja miksi en sitten

soittaisi, miksi en toisillekin riemua soisi! Lehdissä ovat puut, kirkas
on taivas, linnut joka lehvällä lemmestä laulaa. Mitäpä me
surisimme, mitä miettisimme? Suruihin ei ole aikaa meillä!

Eero: Siispä kannel soikoon ja vierköön virsi, niin että korvet

kumajavat ja vaarat vaskiset tulta iskevät!

Taneli: Niin laulakaamme. Täysin rinnoin laulakaamme Suomen

suloa ja suvi-illan kauneutta!

Kaikki (Laulavat):
 Honkain keskellä mökkini seisoo
Suomeni soreassa salossa.
Honkain välistä siintävä selkä
vilkkuvi koittehen valossa.
Hoi laarilaarilaa, hoi laarilaarilaa
Kaikuu mun suloinen Suomeni maa!

Omanpa henkeni ieltä ne puhuu honkain humina ja luonto

muu. Itse en sydäntän' hillitä taida, riemusta soikohon raikas
suu: hoi laarilaarilaa, hoi laarilaarilaa kaikuu mun suloinen
Suomeni maa.

Eero: Ja nyt pojat kalliolle! Kokko palamaan ennenkuin yö tulee.

Heikki: Sen teemme. Eteenpäin mars! Mutta viulu soimaan, Taneli,

niin keveämpää on kulku.

(Kaikki menevät. Taneli edellä soittaen marssia).

Katri (Tulee laulaen vastaiselta suunnalta vähän ajan kuluttua):

On tuoksussa tuomet ja luonto niin uinuvi hiljaisna. Mulla

raukalla mieli on musta ja sieluni raukea.

On kaikilla rinta se puhdas,

ja mieli on riemuinen.
Mä raukka en riemua tunne
ja tunne mä onnea en.

Joka lehvällä lemmestä linnut

ne laulavat riemuissaan,
joka rinta on nuoruutta täynnä
ja onnea, onnea vaan.
 En näitä tunne ma kurja,
mä rqukkq ja poloinen,
vain lemmettömyydessä kuljen
ja yössä mä haaveilen.

Tule lintu, sa riemukas rintaa, sä laulaja riemuinen, pois

kauaksi tuskani kanna taa vuorien korkeiden!

Kustaa (On laulun aikana tullut ja rientää nyt esiin): Etkö

todellakaan riemua tunne, kun noin surullisesii laulelet?

Katri: Kustaa! No pilvistäkö sinäkin putosil? Enpä olisi

laulanutkaan, jos tietänyt olisin, ken on mulla kuuntelijana.

Kustaa: Siis onni minulle, ettet tietänyt, sillä aamurunkoiton tavoin

valaisi laulusi sydäntäni.

Katri: Todellako! No sepä hyvä. Sinulla on kai siis jotakin

surtavaa?

Kustaa: No onhan sitä. — Mutta sinä et voi todellakaan arvata,

minkälaisen vaikutuksen laulusi teki.

Katri: Älähän nyt aina kiittele. Sehän tuntuu niin jokapäiväiseltä.

Siitä tulee sinun lakata.

Kustaa: Lakatako? Sepä tuntuu vaikealta, sillä parastahan sitä

aina kiitellään. Ja tiedänhän minä aivan hyvirn, että sinä olet parhain
tyttö koko kylässä.

Katri: No jopa nyt jotakin.

 Kustaa: Ja jos sinä edes hetkeksikin matkustaisit jonnekin pois,
niin arvaapas mitä tekisin silloin minä?

Katri: No?

Kustaa: Minä todellakin seuraisin sinua, vaikka maailman ääriin

mä seuraisin.

Katri: Ja miksi juuri minun perässäni? Ja ellenpä huolisikaan sinun

seurastasi, mitäpä tekisit silloin?

Kustaa: Et huolisikaan. Mitä vielä! Tiedänhän minä aivan hyvin,

että seurastani huolisit. — Ja sitten, Katri, olen ajatellut, arvaas
mitä?

Katri: No sanoppa!

Kustaa: Olen ajatellut, että koska meitä nyt on kaksi… (Tarttuu

hänen käteensä.) Niin, Katri, pidäthän sinä minusta?

Katri: Mutta tiedäthän sinä…

Kustaa: Niin tiedänhän minä. (Syleilee häntä.) Kas tuonne

hongikkoon, joka tuolla vuorella lepää, me majamme rakennamme.
Siellä kaksin raadamme ja kärsimme, eikö niin?

Katri: Niin, niin, siellä monta, monta vuotta onnessa elämme. Sepä
vasta tulee olemaan ihanaa.

Kustaa: Ihanaa tulee se olemaan, taivaallista, Katri!

Katri: Mutta katsohan, tuolla maantiellä tulee Kahvi-Leenakin

reppuineen. Mikäpä tuuli hänetkin tänne toi?
 Kustaa: Se iloinen sielu! Mitäpä lienee taasen eukolla
kerrottavana.

Kahvi-Leena (Tulee mytty kädessä): Siis vihdoin olen täällä. —

Päivää, Katri, niin Katrihan sinä olet, vai muistiniko pettää? Ja tuossa
toinen. No Kustaahan se onkin. Terveisiä kaupungista!

Katri: Onhan se Leenakin jälleen kotipaikkoihinsa osannut?

Leena: Olenhan minä, olenhan minä. Ei viihdy lintukaan vieraalla

maalla saatikka sitten ihminen. — No. Kuinka sitä nyt on täällä päin
voitu?

Katri: Aina vaan kuten ennenkin. Ei ole tapahtunut mitään

kummempaa. Mutta mitenkäs se Leena on itse voinut?

Leena: Herra parantakoon! Onhan se ollut väliin niin ja väliin näin.

Väliin on ollut murhetta, väliin taas iloakin. Palveluksessa olin
kaupungissa kahdessakin paikassa. Kumpikaan paikka ei nyt niin
kehuttava ollut, mutta menihän se sentään, menihän se. (Huokaisee
syvään).

Katri: Ja mikä nyt sitten päähänne pisti, että jätitte toimenne ja

lähditte tänne tallustamaan?

Leena: Mikäkö päähäni pisti? Kysytkin vielä. Sanoinhan jo, että

kaipaahan sitä lintukin kotimaitaan saatikka sitte ihminen. Tahdoin
taasen nähdä näitä järviä ja vuoria, kuunnella syntymäseutuni
honkien huminaa ja tavata entisiä tuttavia. — Mutta voi herran terttu,
miten sinustakin on tullut pitkä tyttö!

Katri: Ja onko sitte ihme? Johan pari vuotta tulee siitä kun minut
viimeksi näitte.
 Leena: Niin — pian kulkee aika. Mutta minäpä vaivainen olen tullut
tuolla kaupungissa kymmentä vuotta vanhemmaksi.

Katri: Ette ensinkään. Punoittaahan poskennekin kuin mansikat

aholla.

Leena: Ei ole minullakaan kuin oli ennen. Vanhaksi alkaa käydä jo

ihminen, enkä tiedä, millä leipänsä irti saisi.

Kustaa: No siihen tiedän kyllä keinon: teidän pitää hankkia

itsellenne kelvollinen sulhanen ja mennä vakavaan liittoon. Onhan se
elämäkin silloin vakavampaa ja hauskempaa.

Leena: Ahah, Kustaa, se entinen pilkkakirves. Enpä muistanut

sinua ollenkaan, kun tämän Katrin kanssa touhusin. Onpa sinustakin
tullut jo aika mies, uljas ja pulska. Sinun kyllä kannattaa naimaan
mennä, sillä saathan sinä morsiamia viisi joka sormelle.

Kustaa: Onpa se Leena nyt oikein antelias. Mutta ellenpä enää

tarvitsisi yhtäkään?

Leena: Ahaa, nyt minä ymmärrän. Tämä Katri on sinun

morsiamesi. No ilmankos se muotokin loistaa ja paistaa kuin
Naantalin aurinko.

Kustaa: Oikeinpa arvasitte. — Mutta teille täytyy minun myös

ruveta touhuamaan kumppania tälle elämän ohdakkeiselle -polulle.
Miekkonen vaan on se mies, joka saa teidänlaisenne emännän.

Leena: Hm. Mitäpä me vanhat sulhasista! (Valoa virtaa

näyttämölle.) Kas, jopa juhannustuletkin palavat!
 Katri: Ehkä lienee parasta mennä katsomaan, ennenkuin'
sammuu. Siellähän tekin Leena, tapaatte tuttavianne.

Leena: Mennään, mennään. (Menevät. — Nuorison lanlua

kuuluu):

Olet maamme armahin Suomenmaa ihanuuksien ihmemaa.

joka niemen notkohon, saarelmaan kodin tahtoisin nostattaa.

Kodin ympäri viljavat vainiot

kalarantoja kaunistais',
jalon kansan kuntoa laulelmat
yli aaltojen kuljettais!

Kaikk', kaikk' ylös yhtenä miehenä nyt

Suomen onnea valvomaan.
Hetken työt tuhat vuosihin vaikuttaa
isänmaahan ja maailmaan!

Taneli (Tulee laulaen):

Minäpä se olen soittoniekka ja mun on lysti olla. Hei illalla

minä laulan vaan, että mun on lysti olla!

Ystävä yksi on mulla vain,

mutta se ystävä parhain,
hei illalla minä laulan vaan,
että se mulla on parhain!

Viuluni, viuluni, soitikkoin,

kruunuihin ma en vaihda,
hei illalla minä laulan vaan,
että kruunuihin en vaihda!
 Soittaja mie olen — soitan siis!
Kaipaisinko mä muuta?
Hei illalla minä laulan vaan,
että kaipaisinko mä muuta!

Leena (On tullut laulun aikana ja tarkastellut Tanelia. Rientää

esiin):

No päivää! Vieläkö muistat sitä Mäkipään Leenaa, joka sullekin

monta kahvikuppia keitti?

Taneli: Ka Leena! No mikä tuuli sinutkin tänne toi?

Leena: Miksikäkö? kysyy jokainen, Kaipaus ja murhe, mikäs muu.

Taneli: No ethän hitossa vaan minua kaivannut?

Leena: Sinuako? No aina vähän.

Taneli: Todellako! Sepä hyvä, sillä jos minäkin toden sanon, niin
olenpa totta tosiaan vähän kaiholla muistellut sinua. Olihan se silloin
edes jotakin, kun sai kunnollista kahvia, sillä sinähän ne parhaimmat
kahvit keitit koko kylässä. Mutta näinä aikoina on se ollut vähän niin
ja näin.

Leena: Onpa se hyvä, että edes joltakin saa kiitosta töistään. —

Niin… kyllähän se ikävää oli kaupungissa.

Taneli: Onhan se ikävää tällainen kulkurielämä kaikkialla. Toistapa

se olisikin naineena miehenä!

Leena (Kielitellen): Olisihan se, olisihan se! Ei tarvitsisi minunkaan

näin pitkin kyliä renkutella. Mutta herra parantakoon! Kai sitä täytyy
lopun ikänsäkin kulkurina olla. Niin. Mitäpä sille kohtalolleen taitaa.

Taneli (Hymyillen): Mutta kuuleppas, Leena… niin eihän se niin

kummallista olisi. Onhan minulla pirtti tuolla salossa, muut tarpeet
sitten kyllä voisimme hankkia… että…

Leena (Nypistellen helmojaan ja muuten touhuavana) Että…

Taneli: Että mekin, Leena, käytäisi niinkuin samaan puulaakiin…

Leena (Paukuttaen käsiään): Mutta herranjesta! ajattelethan sinä

aivan niinkuin minäkin. Eihän minulla tuota mitään vastaan ole.

Taneli: Siis ei muuta kun kättä päälle! (Tarttuu hänen käteensä).

Leena: No kukapa sitä nyt olisi uskonut, että näin pian joutuu
tekemisiin miesten kanssa. Niinhän se on tässä maailmassa, ettei
sitä ihminen tiedä kohtaloaan.

Taneli; Ja tänä iltana pidämme kihlajaisemme, eikö niin, Leena

armas?

Leena (Taputellen häntä aika ajoin): Kuten vaan tahdot.

Taneli Ja ensi pyhänä kuulutetaan ensi kerran kirkossa ja kolmen

viikon päästä pidämme häämme.

Leena: Aivan niin, Taneli.

Leena: Aivan niin, Taneli.

Taneli: Ja sitten jätän tämän kulkurielämäni, ja muutamme

asumaan minun pieneen pirttiini. Siellä sitten kaksin puuhailemme.
Hauskaa tulee olemaan elämämme, Leena.

Leena: No arvaahan sen, no arvaahan sen!

Taneli: Ja sitten kun saamme pojan…

Leena (Kyynelissä): Ja sitten kun saamme pojan…

Taneli: Niin hän tekee työtä ja me saamme levätä.

Leena: Kukapa sitä olisi uskonut! Eihän olisi eilen voinut arvata!

(Nuorisoa tulee).

Heikki: No tännekö se soittoniekkamme on tullutkin? Ja mitä minä

näen! Niinkuin näette, pojat, on hän kihlannut Kahvi-Leenan!

Taneli: Niin todellakin. Minä teille morsiameni esittää saan.

Eero: Kas niin, Taneli, niinhän sitä miehet tekee! Saammehan tänä
iltana siis viettää kahden parin kihlajaisia, sillä niinkuin tiedän, on
myös Kustaa aviosiipan valinnut.

Kustaa: Niin… minä myös morsiameni esitän.

Taneli: Vai Kustaa ja Katri. No, Kustaa, sinä siis myös avioliiton
tärkeyden tajusit?

Kustaa: Minä tajusin sen.

Heikki: No, mitä muuta sitten, kun peli soimaan ja soitto

helisemään, sillä harvoinhan sitä tällaista juhannusta on, että vallan
kahden parin kihlajaisia vietetään.
 Taneli: Tosin tuntuu vähän oudolta olla soittoniekkana omissa
kihlajaisissaan, mutta koitetaanhan nyt sitäkin.

Kustaa: Ja onhan täällä muitakin, jotka sitä taitoa osaavat, he

saavat vingutella väli-ajoilla.

Eero: Siis kaikki hyvin. Mutta ensin laulamme laulun kihlattujen

onneksi ja juhannus-illan kunniaksi. Sehän kuuluu asiaan.

Taneli: Ja sitten soikoon viuluni niin, ett» kallio kaikaa ja maa

tärisee ja se soikoon aamuun asti!

Heikki: Ja nyt laulumme kalkukoon, korkealle kohotkoon jokaisen

rinnasta laulu Suomen suloudelle, ihanalle juhannus-illalle ja
kihlattujen onnelle!

Kalkki (laulavat):

Oi terve Pohjola Islllnune onnela, voimamme, henkemme

sinulle uhroamme!

Oi terve vapaus. sä kansain ihanuus! Eipä ken orjuuteen

voi syöstä poikiamme!

Terve, terve, terve sa Suomenmaa!

Taneli: Nyt, pojat, kalliolle! Siellä se vasta ilo alkaa! (Kaikki

menevät. Leena astuu Tanelin vierelle, Katri Kustaan. Taneli on
joukossa ensimäisena ja soittaa Porilaisten maissia).

Esirippu laskee.