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I'm also grateful for the folks at FlatWorld, who continue to wear the
white hats while offering low-cost, highly innovative learning
products, challenging industry conventions, and helping students
and faculty worldwide. Vicki Brentnall has been an especially
understanding, highly skilled, and rapidly responding steward of this
work, while Lindsey Kaetzel has been a huge help on this version
and will keep me on track for future efforts. Thank you so much for
keeping things on track and making the final product stronger. Sean
Wakely, thank you for text, phone calls, and meetings that have kept
me on track and focused on priorities. You have assembled the
Justice League of the Textbook Publishing Industry to get the word
out on our low-cost, high-impact product. And Alastair Adam and
John Eielson, thank you for your stewardship of FlatWorld and for
the countless improvements at the firm. I look forward to great
things to come.
I’ll continue to share what I hope are useful insights via my blog,
The Week In Geek (http://www.gallaugher.com), and Twitter
(@gallaugher). Do feel free to offer comments, encouragement,
ideas, and examples for future versions. I am hugely appreciative of
all who continue to share the word about this project with others.
Your continued advocacy helps make this model work! Want to learn
to program and build apps? Check out the online learning resource
at http://gallaugher.com/swift. Professors, it’s a great way to offer a
high-impact, light-lifting technical course in a flipped-class model,
and it also works well for online learning, independent study, as well
as for a traditional lecture-driven programming course.
Boston College students Courtney Scrib and Nate Dyer also pointed
me to examples I’ve used in this edition, as did ACU student Aaron
Andrew. Thanks for thinking of me and for sharing your very useful
ideas!
New retail sales per square foot not only highlights Apple
dominance, but shows that the #2 company after Apple is a
largely automated kiosk provider. Tiffany's position shows
vulnerability highlighted earlier in the e-commerce jewelry
discussion.
Useful question was added asking students to consider
Walmart going after both Amazon and FreshDirect with
Jet.com. A class discussion of what it'll take is a great way to
make sure students understand assets at work.
Uber's gargantuan losses before and after its IPO frame the
question: is Uber a company with a bad business model, or a
company with bad management and a good model, or bad
in both areas? Lyft (also struggling, but with better growth)
is compared.
[88] Prescott states that Las Casas was on the island at the time. In this he is
mistaken. On the other hand, Bernal Diaz was an eye-witness, and tells a very
different story. But the tale of the soldier is not so striking as that of the priest, who
writes from the statements of Velazquez’ friends, colored by time and distance.
The final words which passed between the governor and Cortés, according to Las
Casas, in effect were these: ‘Compadre, is this the way you are going? A nice
manner, truly, of taking leave!’ To which Cortés makes answer, ‘Pardon me, sir;
there are things which must be carried out before they are considered. I wait your
worship’s orders.’ Hist. Ind., iv. 451-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii.
[89] Testimonio de Montejo, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 437. ‘No le pudo estoruar la yda
porq̄ todos le siguian: los q̄ alli estauã, como los q̄ venian con Grijalua. Ca si lo
tentara con rigor vuiera rebuelta en la ciudad, y aun muertes. Y como no era párte
dissimulo.’ Cortés even announced that he was going on his own account, and
that the soldiers had nothing to do with Velazquez. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13. But
this is highly improbable. According to De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii,
Cortés spread insinuations against Velazquez’ greed and selfishness, commented
upon his own liberality and upon the rich prospects before them, and thus gained
the voice of his followers, so that the former dared not attempt any overt acts.
‘Loricâ ab eo tempore sub veste munitus, stipatusque armatis militibus, quos spe
sibi fidos amicos fecerat.’ Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 346-9; Cortés, Memorial, 1542,
in Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 310. Las Casas repeats his condemnation of Gomara,
as a man who wrote only what he was told by his master. He scouts the idea of
the powerful Velazquez either needing Cortés’ pecuniary aid or not being able to
dispose of his fleet as he wished. A humble squire, indeed, to raise his voice
against the great Velazquez, who could have taken his bread and life at any
moment! Hist. Ind., iv. 448-9.
[90] In his memorial to the emperor in 1542, Cortés relates this enforced
transaction quite at length. Learning that his stock of the week had been seized,
Hernan Dalonso seeks Cortés and complains, with tears in his eyes, whereupon
he receives the gold chain, ‘de unos abrojos.’ Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 310-11;
Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 221.
[91] Bernal Diaz asserts that Duero and Láres were present at the parting, and
that Velazquez and Cortés several times embraced each other and vowed eternal
friendship. ‘Habuit Cortesius cùm e Sancti Jacobi urbe et portu solvit, naves sex;
aliâ, nam septem habuit, in portu, ut sarciretur reficereturque, relictâ.’ De Rebus
Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 348. This authority believes
that one of the reasons for Cortés’ hurried departure was a fear that Grijalva’s
vessels might turn up; but they had already arrived, as we have seen. The seventh
vessel, a caravel, joined Cortés at Trinidad, with nine horses and eighty
volunteers, under Francisco de Salcedo. Id., 354. ‘Partiose de Santiago Barucoa
... en seys nauios.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13.
[92] Pedro Juarez Gallinato de Porra was sent with a caravel under orders to take
the cargo of supplies to Cabo Corrientes or Punta de Santanton, and there await
the fleet. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13. In De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, loc. cit.,
the captain is called Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo. He brings 1500 tocinas (salt
pork), and 2000 loads cassava. ‘Mil cargas de pan cazavi, y dos mil tocinos y
muchos fasoles y aves y otras cosas.’ Cortés, Memorial, 1542, in Id., Escritos
Sueltos, 311.
[93] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14, mentions several more names, with occasional
remarks on wealth and standing. Puertocarrero is also written Puerto Carrero, and
in the modern form of Portocarrero. Torquemada and Oviedo, passim.
[95] Ordaz proceeded on his mission in the caravel El Guerho, and returned to
Trinidad in the vessel of Sedeño, who received two thousand and more
castellanos in gold fringes, the only treasure on hand. Cortés, Memorial, 1542, in
Id., Escritos Sueltos, 312. ‘Quatro mil arrouas de pan, mil y quinientos toçinos y
muchas gallinas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 14. Bernal Diaz intimates that Sedeño
came into port of his own accord, and was induced to sell ships and cargo. Hist.
Verdad., 14. He was reputed the richest man in the party. Id.; Las Casas, Hist.
Ind., ii. 455-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii. ‘De una hacienda de V. M. compró al
mayordomo de ella quinientas é tantas cargas (pan)’. Cortés, Memorial, 1542, loc.
cit. The Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 411, contains interesting
testimony as to what goods were obtained, and how.
[96] The Habana was then situated on the south side of the island, not on the
north side, where the appellation now obtains. Prescott and others fall into
numerous blunders by supposing the Habana of to-day to be identical with the
Habana of three hundred years ago, sending a whole fleet far out of its way for no
other purpose than to collect provisions, which one vessel would accomplish as
well.
[97] ‘Començó Cortés â poner casa, y â tratarse como señor: y el primer
Maestresala q̄ tuvo, fue vn Guzmã que luego se muriò, ò mataron Indios.’ A
different man from the later mayordomo, Cristóbal de Guzman, who captured
Quauhtemotzin during the siege of Mexico. ‘Caceres ... fue despues de ganado
Mexico, hombre rico.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 15-16.
[98] Bernal Diaz says that Barba was one of the most devoted to Cortés. See,
also, Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii., cap. xiii. Solis details at length a public gathering, in
which the members of the expedition became highly excited over Velazquez’
efforts to stop Cortés, and threatened to destroy the town. He adds that a rumor of
Velazquez’ coming in person to enforce his order created another excitement.
Hist. Mex., i. 63-6; Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 8, follows him; also Prescott. According
to Las Casas, Velazquez sends a letter to Cortés, asking him to wait for an
important communication, which he will bring in person or send by messenger. At
the same time come letters for Ordaz and others, requesting them to seize the
commander. Ordaz accordingly invites him to a banquet on board his vessel, with
the intent of carrying him off to Santiago; but Cortés perceives the snare and
retires under pretence of indisposition. The good bishop observes that he never
knew Velazquez evince so little sagacity as on this occasion; nor did Ordaz
behave any better. Hist. Ind., iv. 456-7. Gomara has the same account, but adds
that the messenger from Velazquez came in a caravel, together with Alvarado,
Olid, Ávila, Montejo, and others of Grijalva’s party, who had just arrived from an
interview with the governor. Hist. Mex., 14. He is evidently mixed. Torquemada,
who quotes both versions from Herrera and Gomara, places the occurrence at
Trinidad, and considers that Cortés was capable of and right in foiling Velazquez.
Bernal Diaz scouts Gomara’s story, which is repeated in De Rebus Gestis
Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 355-6. Peralta claims that his
father, Suarez, pursued and slew the Indian courier sent with orders for Luis de
Medina, then with the fleet, to assume the command. He thereupon brought the
papers to Cortés and warned him to sail away. Nat. Hist., 62-4. Peralta evidently
upholds all his father told him.
[99] So affirms Tapia, one of the party. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 555;
and this is the view of most writers. Bernal Diaz states that the review was held at
Cozumel, which may also have been the case; but he was not present at San
Antonio. A review must have been held before the fleet set out on its voyage, in
order that captains might be appointed and receive apportionments of men and
supplies. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 292-3, assumes that, owing to Alvarado’s
absence, the muster was reserved for Cozumel.
[100] ‘Tomo [Cortés] fiada de Diego Sanz tendero, vna tieda de bohoneria en
sieteciẽtos pesos de oro.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 12, 14-15. This was at Santiago.
This author, who, together with Diaz, forms the main authority for the above list,
mentions only eleven vessels, but does not include Alvarado’s. He places the
Spanish force at 550 men, but, by adding to this the sixty and odd men absent
with Alvarado from the review, the number would agree with Bernal Diaz’ figures.
Thirteen vessels, two having joined at Habana as transports; 530 infantry; twenty-
four horses; 5000 loads of maize and cassava; 2000 tocinos. De Rebus Gestis
Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 356. Twelve vessels and 500 men.
Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 419-20. Fifteen vessels and 500
men, without any Indians or negroes, says Cortés, in his Memorial, 1542, not
venturing to admit that he had disobeyed the royal order and his instructions in
taking Cuban Indians. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 310; Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 220.
Seven navios, three bergantines. Oviedo, i. 539. Nine vessels, 550 Spaniards, two
to three hundred Indians. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 446, 457. Eleven vessels of
thirty to one hundred tons, 663 Spaniards, including thirty men with firearms.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 54; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 19;
Vetancvrt, Teatro Ecles., pt. ii. 100-11; Fancourt’s Hist. Yuc., 26-7; Zamacois, Hist.
Méj., ii. 296. Thirteen vessels, 560 persons, thirteen horses. Tapia, Relacion, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 558; Prescott, Mex., i. 262, follows both Bernal Diaz and
Gomara, but without seeking to account for their differences, and thus allows
himself to exceed every other authentic estimate for the number of the men.
[101] Torquemada, i. 364; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 14, gives the same names, except
that Francisco de Salcedo stands in the place of Alvarado. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 66,
mentions eleven, including Salcedo and Nortes; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 453,
names eight, as appointed by Velazquez. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 287, leaves out
Ávila, which is certainly a mistake, based on Bernal Diaz, who includes Ginés
Nortes, the captain merely of a transport. Salcedo joined later, at Villa Rica.
[102] Such is in substance the speech prepared by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 15-16,
well suited for the enterprise, yet not exactly in accord with the pretended mission
of peaceful trade and exploration. Torquemada, i. 364-5, gives it nearly in the
same form, while Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 71-3, elaborates to suit himself.
1519.
Early in March[122] the fleet again sailed, and after taking shelter
from a gale behind Punta de las Mujeres for one or two days, passed
round Catoche and along the Yucatan coast, hugging the shore to
note its features, and sending forth a growl of revenge on passing
Potonchan. Boca de Términos was now reached, whither Escobar
had been sent in advance to explore, and within the entrance of a
little harbor, to which a boat’s crew was guided by blazings, a letter
was found, hidden in a tree, from which circumstance the harbor was
named Puerto Escondido. The letter reported a good harbor,
surrounded by rich lands abounding in game; and soon after the fleet
met the exploring vessel, and learned of the important acquisition to
the expedition in Grijalva’s lost dog.[123] Off Rio de Tabasco the fleet
came to anchor, and the pilots knowing the bar to be low, only the
smaller vessels entered the river. Remembering the friendly
reception accorded Grijalva, the Spaniards were surprised to find the
banks lined with hostile bands, forbidding them to land. Cortés
therefore encamped at Punta de los Palmares, on an island about
half a league up the river from the mouth, and not far from the capital
of the Nonohualcas, a large town of adobe and stone buildings on
the opposite mainland, protected by a heavy stockade.[124]
In answer to a demand for water, the natives thereabout pointed
to the river; as for food, they would bring some on the morrow.
Cortés did not like the appearance of things; and when, during the
night, they began to remove their women and children from the town,
he saw that his work must begin here. More men and arms were
landed on the island, and Ávila was ordered to proceed to the
mainland with one hundred men, gain the rear of the town, and
attack at a given signal.[125] In the morning a few canoes arrived at
the island with scanty provisions, all that could be obtained, the
natives said; and further than this, the Spaniards must leave: if they
attempted to penetrate the interior, they would be cut off to a man.
Cortés answered that his duty to the great king he served required
him to examine the country and barter for supplies. Entering the
vessels, he ordered them to advance toward the town; and in the
presence of the royal notary, Diego de Godoy, he made a final
appeal for peace, as required by Spanish law, casting upon the
natives the blame for the consequences of their refusal. The reply
came in the form of yells, mingled with the noise of conchs,
trumpets, and drums, and a shower of arrows. The Spaniards drove
their prows forward into the mud. The Indians crowded round in
canoes to prevent their landing. A well directed volley at once
cleared the way, and notified Ávila to attack. Panic-stricken at the
strangeness and suddenness of it all, the natives fell back, but rallied
at the call of their leaders, and poured a shower of arrows on the
Spaniards as they threw themselves into the water to wade ashore,
receiving them at the point of their lances as they reached the bank.
Tabasco’s men were powerful and brave. The charge of cowardice
had been flung at them by their neighbors for having been friendly
with the Spaniards on former occasions, and they were now
determined to vindicate their character for courage. Once on solid
ground the Spaniards rang their battle-cry of “Sus, Santiago, á ellos!”
Up, Santiago, and at them! and drove the enemy within the
stockade. A breach was quickly made, and the defenders chased
some distance up the streets, where they made a stand, shouting
“La, la, calachoni!” Strike at the chief! At this juncture Ávila
appeared. The natives saw the day was lost to them, and they
turned and fled. The Spaniards did not pursue very far, but halted in
an open space, where three stately temples invited to pillage, though
little was found worth taking, except some maize and fowl. During
the action eighteen Indians were killed and fourteen Spaniards
wounded.[126] In the formal taking of possession which followed, it
was noticed by those present that mention of the name of Velazquez
was significantly omitted.[127]
Next morning Alvarado and Francisco de Lugo, each with one
hundred men, were sent by different ways to reconnoitre and forage,
with orders to return before dark.[128] Melchor, on being called to
accompany one of them, was missing. Presently his clothes were
discovered hanging on a tree, indicating that he had gone over to the
enemy. Lugo had advanced not more than a league when, near a
town called Centla, he encountered a large body of warriors, who
attacked him fiercely and drove him back toward the camp. Alvarado
had meanwhile been turned by an estuary from his course and in the
direction of Lugo. Hearing the noise of battle he hastens to the
assistance of Lugo, only to be likewise driven back by the ever
increasing hosts, and not until Cortés came to the rescue with two
guns did the enemy retire.[129] The result, according to Bernal Diaz,
was two of Lugo’s men killed and eleven wounded, while fifteen
Indians fell and three were captured.
Nor did the matter rest here. The captives told Cortés that
Tabasco, concerned at the arrival of so large a fleet which augured
hostile occupation, had aroused the province, the assembled chiefs
being also urged by Melchor to manfully expel the invaders, as the
people of Potonchan had done. To depart now would leave a stain
upon the generalship of Cortés in the eyes of both Spaniards and
Indians such as was not to be thought of. There must be a battle
fought and won. To this end all the horses, cross-bows, firelocks, and
guns were brought on shore. Thirteen of the best horsemen[130]
were selected to form a cavalry corps under the leadership of
Cortés. The horses were provided with poitrels having bells
attached, and the riders were to charge the thick of the enemy and
strike at the face. Ordaz was made chief of infantry and artillery, the
latter being in special charge of Mesa.[131] In order both to surprise
the enemy and secure good ground for the cavalry, Cortés resolved
to advance at once on Centla. It was annunciation day, the 25th of
March, when the army left camp and stood before Centla, in the
midst of broad maize and cocoa fields, intersected by irrigation
ditches. The enemy were ready, their dark forms appearing in the
distance under an agitated sea of glistening iztli. The cavalry now
made a detour to gain their rear, while the infantry marched straight
on.[132] Formidable as was in truth the Spanish army, the
unsophisticated natives made light of it, and came gayly forward to
the combat in five squadrons, of eight thousand warriors each,[133]
as Bernal Diaz says, “all in flowing plumes, with faces painted in red,
white, and black, sounding drums and trumpets, and flourishing
lances and shields, two-handed swords, fire-hardened darts, and
slings, and every man protected by an armor of quilted cotton.” They
would encircle these impudent interlopers, and did they not fall
fainting beneath their brave yells and savage music, they would
crush them like flies. And by way of beginning, they sent forth a
cloud of arrows, stones, and charred darts, wounding many and
killing one, a soldier named Saldaña. The Spaniards answered with
their cross-bows and firelocks, and mowed the packed masses with
their cannon. The soft soil and ditches were less to the agile Indian
than to the heavily accoutred Spaniard.
It adds nothing to the honor of Spanish arms to throw in at this
juncture a miracle to terrify the already half-paralyzed Indians, who
might otherwise prove too strong for their steel-clad assailants; but
the records compel me. While in the dire embrace of heathen
hordes, midst thrust and slash and crash of steel and stone, the
enemy hewn down and driven back only to give place to thrice the
number, behold, upon a gray-spotted steed, a heavenly horseman
appeared, and from a slight eminence overlooking the bloody field
he frowned confusion on the foe. The heathen warriors were stricken
powerless, enabling the Spaniards to form anew; but when the
horseman vanished, the Indians rallied. Thrice, with the same effect,
the awful apparition came and went.[134] Then there were horsemen
indeed, more real to the Spaniards, but none the less spectral to the
Indians. They had been detained by the marshes intervening; and
now, with swords and helmets glittering, they rose in the enemy’s
rear, and midst clang of arms and shouts of Santiago y San Pedro,
they threw themselves with terrible effect upon him. What could the
Indians do? Those that were not trampled or cut to death turned and
fled, and the Spaniards possessed the field. “And this was the first
preaching of the gospel in New Spain, by Cortés,” remarks the
caustic Las Casas.[135]
The Spaniards drew up at a grove to return thanks for this great
victory. A large number of the enemy were slain. Sixty of their own
number were wounded, and two lay dead; eight horses had been
scratched, and their wounds were cauterized and anointed with the
fat of dead Indians.[136] On returning to camp two of five captives,
leading men, were sent with presents to the cacique to represent the
danger of further hostility, and to propose a council of peace.
Tabasco was very ready to lay down arms, and he sent a propitiatory
offering of fowl, fried fish, and maize bread by messengers with
blackened faces and dressed in rags. Cortés answered with a
reprimand, “Tell your master, if he desires peace he must sue for it,
and not send slaves.” Tabasco hastened to comply, and sent
immediately to Cortés an embassy of forty chiefs, richly clad and
walking in stately procession, followed by a file of slaves bearing
presents. Low bowing before the bearded assembly, and swinging
before them the censer in token of reverence, the ambassador
implored pardon, and proffered submission. “The blame is all your
own,” said Cortés, with severity. The Indians acquiesced, though it
puzzled them to know for what they were to blame. Cortés further
informed them that the great king, his master, had sent him to scatter
blessings, if they were found deserving; if not, to let loose upon them
the caged lightning and the thunder which he carried. Whereat the
gun charged for the occasion was fired, and as the noise
reverberated over the hills and the ball went crashing through the
trees, the Indians fell prostrate with fear, and the noble Europeans
were proud of their superiority.
Reassured against further punishment, the next trick played
upon them was to tie a mare in the bushes in sight of a stallion which
they paraded before their visitors; and when he neighed and reared
and plunged to get to his mate, the natives were told that the great
beast was angry because of the peace that was being made, and
only further gifts would pacify him.
On the following morning Tabasco presented himself in person,
attended by a large retinue, and bringing presents, among which
were some gold ornaments of little value and twenty female slaves.
The terms dictated by Cortés were that they should return their
women and children to the village within two days, in token of their
good faith, and that the treacherous Melchor should be delivered up.
But the unfortunate interpreter had already suffered death in return
for his bad advice. It was useless to demand gold, for there was little
or none here. So they proceeded at once to expound the doctrines of
their faith; to lay before them the truths of the gospel which they had
come so far to bring. An altar was erected in the chief temple on
which was placed a large cross. From this altar Father Olmedo
preached to the natives, and here were baptized the first converts to
the church in New Spain, consisting of the twenty female slaves,
who were afterward distributed among the leaders. Then followed
the ceremonial tender of allegiance by the chiefs of Tabasco’s
province to the Spanish king, and the formal naming of the large
town, which was called Santa María de la Victoria, in
commemoration of the victory.[137]
Palm Sunday being at hand, it was resolved to celebrate it in
such a manner as to further impress the natives. Attired in their most
brightly colored garments, with palms in their hands and banners
aloft, the Spaniards marched in solemn procession, to harmonious
chants, about the temple; and when these doughty men of war
humbled themselves before the symbols of their faith, the wondering
heathen thought that great indeed must be the god worshipped by
such beings. After commending the sacred emblems to the care of
the chiefs, with a promise to send holy men to teach them the true
faith, and with assurances of royal protection, the Spaniards bade
the Nonohualcas farewell, and were shortly on their way again.
Keeping close to the shore for purposes of observation, the
several places observed and named by Grijalva were pointed out to
Cortés and commented upon by those who had accompanied the
former expedition. Certain of the new captains took umbrage at this
assumption of superior knowledge, accompanied by liberal proffers
of advice; and one of them, the polished Puertocarrero, broke out in
a strain of pleasant sarcasm. “It seems to me, señor,” he said, taking
the incidents of a well-known romance for his text, “as if these
gentlemen would enlighten you, in the words of the father of
Montesinos: