Imperialism and Economic

Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An

Economic and Business History of
Sudan Simon Mollan
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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN ECONOMIC HISTORY

Imperialism and
Economic Development in
Sub-Saharan Africa
An Economic and Business
History of Sudan
Simon Mollan
Palgrave Studies in Economic History

Series Editor
Kent Deng
London School of Economics
London, UK
Palgrave Studies in Economic History is designed to illuminate and
enrich our understanding of economies and economic phenomena of the
past. The series covers a vast range of topics including financial history,
labour history, development economics, commercialisation, urbanisa-
tion, industrialisation, modernisation, globalisation, and changes in
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More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14632
 Simon Mollan

Imperialism
and Economic
Development in
Sub-­Saharan Africa
An Economic and Business History
of Sudan
Simon Mollan
University of York
York, UK

ISSN 2662-6497     ISSN 2662-6500 (electronic)

Palgrave Studies in Economic History
ISBN 978-3-030-27635-5    ISBN 978-3-030-27636-2 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27636-2

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2020

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The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
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The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
This book is dedicated to the memory of Annette René Mollan,
and John and Sheila Wade.
 Summary of Book

This book examines the economic and business history of Sudan, placing
Sudan into the wider context of the impact of imperialism on economic
development in sub-Saharan Africa. From the 1870s onwards British
interest(s) in Sudan began to intensify, a consequence of the opening of
the Suez Canal in 1869 and the overseas expansion of British business
activities associated with the Scramble for Africa and the renewal of
imperial impulses in the second half of the nineteenth century. Mollan
shows the gradual economic embrace of imperialism in the years before
1899, the impact of imperialism on the economic development of colo-
nial Sudan to 1956 and then the post-colonial economic legacy of impe-
rialism into the 1970s.
This text highlights how state-centred economic activity was devel-
oped in cooperation with British international business. Founded on an
economic model that was debt driven, capital intensive, and cash-crop
oriented, the colonial economy of Sudan was centred on cotton growing.
This model locked Sudan into a particular developmental path that, in
turn, contributed to the nature and timing of decolonization, and the
consequent structures of dependency in the post-colonial era.

vii
 Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the following people for helping shape my aca-
demic understanding of history, business and economy, and for collegial
support and friendship. Thanks to Erik Benson, Alex Bentley, Mark
Billings, Emily Buchnea, Anna Clarkson, Stephanie Decker, Rodrigo
Dominguez, Gabie Durepos, Roy Edwards, Chris Elias, Jari Eloranta,
Neil Forbes, Ralf Futselaar, Bill Foster, Billy Frank, Juan Gallindo, Rick
Garside, Beverly Geesin, Dan Giedeman, Vincent Geloso, Chris Hall,
Jean Helms-Mills, Jan-Otmar Hesse, Jane Hogan, Dave Kelsey, Joe Lane,
Mitch Larson, Olly Lendrum, Cherry Leonardi, Alan McKinlay, Craig
McMahon, Garance Marechal, David Meredith, Ranald Michie, Rory
Miller, Albert Mills, Peter Miskell, Matthew Mitchell, John Moore, Tony
Moore, Don Morrison, Erin O’Brien, Andrew Popp, Michael Prestwich,
Chris Prior, Richard Reid, Kristine Saevold, John Singleton, Andrew
Smith, David Smith, Jack Southern, Jason Taylor, Tom Tomlinson, Olli
Turunen, Nicky Tynan, Chris Vaughan, Phillip Williamson, Nick White,
Justin Willis, John Wilson, Nick Wong, and Bob Wright.
A special thanks to my colleagues at the University of York, both past
and present: Kiev Ariza Garcia, Neveen Abdelrehim, Sue Bowden, Tim
Chapman, Bill Cooke, Chris Corker, Bob Doherty, Matthew Hollow,
Beatrice D’Ippolito, Jon Fanning, James Fowler, Philip Garnett, Alex
Gillett, Yoo-Jung Ha, Shane Hamilton, David Higgins, Arun Kumar,

ix
x Acknowledgements

Philip Linsley, Steve Linstead, Jo Maltby, Leo McCann, Daniel Muzio,

Katherine Newling, Linda Perriton, John Quail, Bharati Singh, Ayumu
Sugawara, Simon Sweeney, Kevin Tennent, Jacco Thijssen, and Shradda
Verma. Thanks also to Kent Deng, Ruth Noble and Laura Pacey at
Palgrave.
I finished this book while on sabbatical as a visiting fellow at the Duke
University Center for International and Global Studies in the Spring and
Summer of 2019. I am especially grateful to Giovanni Zanalda, and also
to all those who made my time in North Carolina fruitful and hospitable,
especially Erin Dillard, Amanda Frederick, Melissa Neeley and Jon
Cogliano. And, of course, a special debt is owed to my friends and family.
Thank you.
This book is dedicated to the memory of Annette René Mollan, and
John and Sheila Wade. They were instrumental in encouraging my inter-
est in history and the practice of historical research.

Carrboro, NC, and York, UK Simon Mollan

June–July 2019
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

Part I Foundations of Imperialism in Sudan  19

2 British Business and Sudan During the Mahdiya 21

3 The Beginnings of Imperial Development, 1899–1919 51

Part II Business and Imperialism in Sudan  81

4 The Sudan Plantations Syndicate, 1904–1919 83

5 The Sudan Plantations Syndicate, 1919–1939107

Part III The Political-Economy of Imperialism in Sudan 143

6 The Economy of Sudan, 1919–1939145

xi
xii Contents

7 The Relationship Between Business and Government

to 1945165

8 War, Decolonization and After201

Part IV Conclusion 241

9 Conclusion: Business, Imperialism and the Organization

of Economic Development in Sudan243

Appendices267

List of Primary Sources293

Index301
 About the Author

Simon Mollan is a Senior lecturer/Associate Professor in the

Management School at the University of York (UK), where he was Head
of the International Business, Strategy, and Management Group between
2012 and 2016. He is currently Director of the Sustainable Growth,
Management, and Economic Productivity Pathway at the ESRC White
Rose Doctoral Training Partnership and previously held academic posts
at York St John University, Durham University and the University of
Liverpool. He is Associate Editor of the journal Essays in Economic and
Business History and has published widely in the field of international
economic history, financial history and business history.

xiii
 List of Charts

Chart 3.1 Sudan exports by product (%), 1901–1914 53

Chart 3.2 Sudan exports by product (£E) 1901–1914 54
Chart 3.3 Total value of external trade (£E, nominal and inflation
adjusted), 1909–1920 70
Chart 3.4 The visible balance of trade (£E000s, inflation adjusted),
1909–192072
Chart 3.5 Comparative colonial revenue (£000s), 1899–1914 74
Chart 3.6 Comparative colonial revenue (as % of 1899 value),
1899–191475
Chart 4.1 Sudan Plantations Syndicate total capital (£, nominal and
inflation adjusted), 1906–1919 94
Chart 5.1 Allocation of revenue from the Gezira Scheme (£) 125
Chart 5.2 Sudan Plantations Syndicate return on capital employed,
1926–1950126
Chart 6.1 Comparative cotton prices, 1922–1938 (£/ton) 148
Chart 8.1 Sudan imports and exports, 1939–1955 (£E) 203
Chart 8.2 Sudan exports, 1919–1946 (nominal and inflation adjusted
to 1901 prices, £E) 203
Chart 8.3 Sudan exports 1939–1955 (nominal and inflation adjusted
to 1901 prices, £E) 204
Chart 8.4 Sudan imports and exports, 1939–1955 (£E, nominal and
inflation adjusted) 205
Chart 8.5 Sudan export destinations, 1939–1959 (%) 205

xv
xvi List of Charts

Chart 8.6 Sudan import origins, 1939–1956 (%) 206

Chart 8.7 Sudan government revenue and expenditure, 1939–1956
(£E, inflation adjusted) 221
Chart A1 Imports (£000s, inflation adjusted), 1909–1947 268
Chart A2 Exports (£000s, inflation adjusted), 1909–1947 269
Chart A3 Export percentage change on the previous year, 1912–1947 272
Chart A4 Sudan government revenue and expenditure; Sudan exports,
1909–1955 (£000s, inflation adjusted) 273
Chart A5 Government revenue (£000, inflation adjusted) various
colonies, 1899–1955 274
Chart A6 Government revenue (£000, inflation adjusted) various
colonies, 1939–1939 275
Chart A7 Government expenditure (£000s inflation adjusted) various
colonies, 1899–1955 275
Chart A8 Government expenditure (£000s inflation adjusted) various
colonies, 1919–1939 276
Chart B1 Sudan colonial debt (£), 1930–1973 279
 List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Sudan Plantations Syndicate directors and links to other

companies, 1914 91
Fig. 5.1 The managerial structure of the Gezira Scheme 110

xvii
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 Sudan’s international trading partners: imports and exports

(%) 1908–1913 66
Table 3.2 Imports, 1908–1913 (£E) 68
Table 3.3 Gum exports, 1912–1918 (tons) 71
Table 3.4 Average price of millet at Omdurman, 1909–1920
(Per 100 Kilos in m/ms) 72
Table 5.1 Directors shareholding in the Sudan Plantations Syndicate,
30 June 1923 116
Table 5.2 Top-ten shareholdings in the Sudan Plantations Syndicate,
31 October 1923 116
Table 5.3 Directors of the Sudan Plantations Syndicate, 1920, 1930,
1939, 1945 and 1950 119
Table 5.4 Running hours of the main engines of the Sudan Plantations
Syndicate Factories (No. 1–No. 7), 1924/1925 to 1934/1935 121
Table 5.5 Sudan Plantations Syndicate data, 1926–1939 (£ unless
stated otherwise) 124
Table 6.1 Sudan cotton exports, 1920–1938 147
Table 6.2 Average yield and average sale price for Sudan cotton,
1925/1926–1936/1937147

xix
xx List of Tables

Table 6.3 ‘Adbel Hakim Tafteesh. Actual average profits paid

per annual crop tenancy through the years to tenants who
have remained throughout’ 150
Table 6.4 Cotton, dura and lubia cultivation with cotton yield and
rainfall, 1925–1937 153
Table 6.5 Sudan government revenue, 1926–1934 154
Table 6.6 Financial reserves and assets of the government of the Sudan,
1926–1938155
Table 6.7 Government imports and total imports, 1920–1928 156
Table 8.1 Sudan export destinations, 1944–1947, 1960 (%) 207
Table 8.2 Inflation indicators, December 1939–June 1945 209
Table 8.3 Sudanization and the Second World War: the effect on the
Sudan Civil Service Composition, 1936–1945 209
Table 8.4 Sudan Plantations Syndicate data, 1940–1950 (£E unless
stated otherwise) 218
Table 8.5 Sudan’s export trade, 1950–1965 (£m) 222
Table 9.1 Ratio of average debt outstanding to average annual exports,
1928–1938247
Table A1 Total and mean average annual exports (1901 prices),
1909–1947270
Table A2 Average annual export levels for decades, 1909–1918,
1938–1947 and 1946–1955 (£000s at 1901 prices) with
estimates of annual growth rates 271
Table B1 Sudan Government Treasury-guaranteed loan debt,
1930–1973280
Table B2 Public debt, various African colonies, 1928–1938 (£m) 281
Table C1 Sudan’s international trading partners: imports and exports
(£E/%) 1908–1913 282
Table C2 Imports by international origin and type, 1908–1913 (£E) 284
Table C3 Exports by product and destination, 1908–1913 288
 1
Introduction

For the subversion of a territory, a people, a nation or a state to an exter-

nal alien power to be imperial requires there to be dynamic processes that
draw in, bind, subvert and control, over time. The extent of this must be
sufficient to sustain the extra-territorial supremacy of the imperial power.
If this process reverses, or collapses, albeit gradually, the imperial power
goes into decline, either locally or generally. This is what this book is
ultimately about: how imperial processes—specifically those of an eco-
nomic nature—wax and wane, in this case in Sudan.
What are imperial processes and what agencies and institutions exert
power in such a way to make a relationship imperial are complex ques-
tions that relate to notions of where power is embedded and from where
it acts. Military force and violence are clearly one fairly obvious way in
which imperial power is exerted.1 However, from an economic perspec-
tive, with reference to how imperial power operated systemically, it is
necessary to think of structural forces capable of embedding people, ter-
ritory and resources within imperial relationships—that is, within an
empire. These forces of coercion that were capable of such imperial
embedding were found in a wide variety of institutions, organizations
and activities. Ports, railways and other forms of transport, mail services,

© The Author(s) 2020 1

S. Mollan, Imperialism and Economic Development in Sub-Saharan Africa, Palgrave
Studies in Economic History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27636-2_1
2 S. Mollan

telegraphs and telephones, businesses, farms and plantations, universities

and schools, hospitals, armies, dams and canals, and so on, from a
notional list of functional structures and that could (re-)order space and
place, people and animals, water and other physical resources, technology
and knowledge, in such a way as to colonize, subjugate and control. The
combination and mobilization of these resources—their organization
and management—formed power relationships that allowed, ordered
and sustained imperialism—or at least had the potential to do so. These
same processes and institutions of imperialism also ‘developed’ territo-
ries, countries, societies and states, often in ways that destroyed and dis-
possessed individuals and communities, creating distorted institutions
and social relationships.2 These became ‘death worlds,’ to use Banerjee’s
captivating description of the relationship between corporate capitalism
and development in colonial contexts.3
British imperialism—the most impactful of the imperial systems of the
last 400 years—was part of the modernity created by industrial capital-
ism. Though, it can also be said that British imperialism helped create the
modernity of industrial capitalism by opening territories and markets,
providing labour and capital, consumers and consumption. As such, col-
onies became sites of activity to exploit (i.e., ‘develop’) resources.4 In
managing and organizing such spaces (such sites) imperial agencies
‘developed’ territories.5 In so doing, the colony was economically inte-
grated into the broader imperial economic system. One purpose of this
book is therefore to trace how Sudan was subjected to imperialism in this
way—how its resources were organized and managed to sustain the impe-
rial power relationships between Sudan and Britain, and how this endured
over time.
Generally, the colonial era in Sudan is applied to rigid dates associated
with the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899–1956).6 Yet Sudan was
gradually drawn into the imperial system for years before the invasion of
1898, as the tendrils of political and economic interest reached inwards
to the interior of Africa in the latter part of the nineteenth century. This
is more generally known, of course, as the ‘scramble for Africa.’ Though
the invasion in 1898 probably can be described in the quickening action
of a ‘scramble,’ the preceding years were a more gradual ‘slide,’ as British
interests—both political and economic—became more interested in
 1 Introduction 3

Sudan over time. In the nineteenth century Sudan was a province of

Egypt, itself a peripheral part of the Ottoman Empire. Increasing British
influence in Egypt from the century’s mid-point culminated in direct
intervention in 1882. At the same time a separatist movement sought to
wrench Sudan from Egypt and then to govern the country according to
Islamic principles. The effort to retain Sudan for Egypt led the British to
become militarily involved. This campaign ended in a rare and humiliat-
ing reverse for British military power when General Gordon was defeated
in Khartoum, in 1884.7 From 1884 Sudan was autonomous and inde-
pendent of both British and Egyptian controls, the Islamic state that was
created being referred to as the Mahdiya. The invasion of Sudan in 1898
reversed the defeat of Gordon and ended the Mahdist period of Sudan’s
history. Sudan was thus incorporated within the British imperial system
in the region, administered by the British until independence in 1956.
During the Condominium, economic development was focused on large-­
scale cotton-growing in the Gezira Scheme (the Gezira being the area of
land between the confluences of the Blue and White Niles, south of
Khartoum). This was the central imperial economic activity that bound
Sudan’s economy to the political-economy of the wider empire.
Decolonization occurred in the 1950s. Yet even through this process of
separation, the disengagement of the binding ties, networks and circuits
of power was not synchronous with juridical independence and mutual
recognition in the international states system that independence is meant
to achieve (the theoretical characterization of an independent state).8 At
an economic level these processes of power associated with imperial sub-
ordination were—as we shall see—as much marked by aspects of conti-
nuity as by change.
The chronological periodization used here reflects this sense of provid-
ing prior context and the longer-term aftermath. The book begins around
1880 and ends after the formal moment of decolonization, in the 1970s.
An alternative way of thinking about this periodological choice would be
to imagine the process of (British) imperialism intersecting with Sudan
for a time. Initially, this contact was slight, but gradually more pressing.
Eventually the processes became strong enough to form structures that
came to imprint, re-order and, at least to an extent, define Sudan, espe-
cially as state. Then, after some time, the force of the processes receded,
4 S. Mollan

slackened and weakened; decolonization occurred. The imperial imprint

dissolved somewhat. Decolonization, then, is part of the imperial process
as well, and processes are not easily guillotined, at least at the scale of
empires. Here decolonization, as with imperialism, is seen, described and
analysed as an incomplete temporal process, just as imperialism is itself
an incomplete temporal process. It is these fundamental, secular and
deep processes that are the primary object of research in this book.
The centre of the analysis presented here is to assess the importance of
business to the processes of imperialism and its role in the history of the
Sudan economy. As such the book is primarily a work of business and
economic history, and is chiefly concerned with political-economy: it
examines the power and agency formed between business organizations,
state institutions and markets. In so doing, the book will address three
historiographical issues. First, in relation to the nature of the develop-
ment of a cash-crop economy in Sudan during the colonial period (in this
case large-scale cotton-growing)—how did Sudan compare with other
colonies in sub-Saharan Africa? Second, were the operation of business
and the nature of capital accumulation a case of ‘business imperialism’ as
discussed by D.C.M. Platt and Charles Jones, among others?9 And, third,
were the operation of business and the nature of capital accumulation in
Sudan a case of Gentlemanly Capitalist imperialism, as suggested by the
work of Cain and Hopkins?10
The argument presented is, in summary, as follows. Sudan was locked
into an economic path dominated by a cash-crop—cotton, and as such
shared relative similarity with comparable colonial states.11 This experi-
ence of imperialism helped create and institutionalize a modern state
where the various sources of military, economic and political powers were
increasingly gathered together and that this institution was the crucial
determinant of the political-economy of imperial Sudan.12 These institu-
tions and concentrations of power were to survive decolonization and
form the basis of the post-colonial state, and shape its position within the
international political-economy that emerged in the period after decolo-
nization during the Cold War.13
 1 Introduction 5

Historiography
In 1945, reflecting on the establishment of the Condominium in 1899,
The Economist expressed the assumed exceptionality and atypicality of
Sudan as a British colonial possession, something that has come to influ-
ence the subsequent historiography. ‘Egypt supplied the title deed,’ the
magazine wrote, ‘that gave the expedition according to those days, its
legal justification. Britain’s contribution was the organisation and leader-
ship of the whole venture.’14 In 1910 the British Cotton Growing
Association—an important industry pressure group, with interests in
Sudan—described the colony of Sudan as being ‘not entirely British.’15
Sudan’s status as a Condominium—with political control nominally
shared by Britain and Egypt—has reinforced this sense of difference.
Sudan, unlike most other sub-Saharan African colonies, was governed
from the Foreign Office rather than Colonial Office. And this did seem
to have facilitated governmental autonomy and during the
Condominium.16 As such, then, Sudan has been considered ‘an awkward
child, historiographically as well as historically.’17
Perhaps because of this, the existent literature specifically focusing on
Sudan tends to focus on administrative and domestic political history
without placing the colony in a comparative context. Notable among
these are the contributions of Daly.18 His coverage of Sudan’s economic
history is a useful introduction to factors relevant to the difficulty of eco-
nomic development, notably the cultural, social and political divisions
between the north and south of the country, the problems of governing
such a large and environmentally challenging territory with limited
resources, and the uneasy relationships between Sudan and the countries
on her borders, in particular, Egypt. Distance, communications and scar-
city are themes that recur.19 Sudan’s political and to a certain extent eco-
nomic and financial relationships with Egypt are tackled by Warburg,
Daly and Mekki.20 For these authors, the history of Sudan is the story of
developing statehood, something also developed by Sharkey.21 Externally,
developing statehood created tensions with countries for whom Sudan
held an actual or notional ‘border,’ legal or otherwise. An ongoing point
of friction for Sudan and Egypt, and a factor for development and
6 S. Mollan

economic growth, was access to and the use of the Nile waters.22 A fur-
ther important recent work is that of Serels.23 His argument is that the
Sudan grain market became the critical site for political-economic inter-
action, in particular in mediating the relationships between different
groups in Sudanese society. He observes that those ‘outside the unified
grain market developed different relationships with the modern Sudanese
state than those within,’ and that famine (or the threat of famine, and the
potential for its relief ) became an important controlling factor within the
Sudanese state.24 The historiographical argument with respect to the
grain market as made by Serels is outside the scope of this study, though
it is worth observing that here—in counter point to Serels—it is the
cotton-economy that is the central driver of the colonial political-
economy in Sudan. However, a common theme that emerges is that the
colonial state saw economic issues in political terms, and sought to con-
trol the economy and shape its structure in the interests of the colonial
state itself.
Building on that theme, and of critical importance in the more recent
historiography has been the work of Young, whose book takes up the
developmental and decolonization story of Sudan’s political-economy,
especially covering from 1945 to 1966. One of the most important obser-
vations made by Young (and echoing Serels) is that there is a difference
between the wider economy (including all of the economistic activities of
a people in a place) and the ‘national economy’ which was the object of
policy and so, politics.25 Young observes that the conceptions of the econ-
omy—particularly, the cash-crop economy based on cotton in Sudan—
had become epistemological, something that was known about, could be
measured, and so could be controlled. This, in turn, formed the ‘cogni-
tive infrastructure’ of the policy-makers in the later period of the
Condominium, so shaping and limiting what was possible in economic
policy. Young’s work is the definitive text on economic development pol-
icy in Sudan during the period of decolonization. Its focus is on policy-­
making elites and the impact of development policy. In this book, the
unit of analysis—the political-economy formed by the intersection of
business, state/government and markets—is somewhat different but
broadly complementary. The political-economic analysis developed here
 1 Introduction 7

explores the long-run causes and impacts of the structural constraints

within which policy-makers operated.
Sudan has largely escaped the full attention of imperial historians. For
example, Gallagher and Robinson in their classic work Africa and the
Victorians deal with Sudan briefly, limited to the invasion of 1898/1899.
Darwin points to the strategic imperatives for the acquisition of the ter-
ritory, but goes no further. The historiographical interpretation that has
dominated economic explanations of British imperialism since the 1990s
has been the theory of Gentlemanly Capitalism. In British Imperialism
where Cain and Hopkins develop that thesis, Sudan is subsumed into
their analysis of Egypt.26 One contribution of this book is therefore to
interrogate more thoroughly whether the more general aspects of the
theory of Gentlemanly Capitalism might apply to Sudan, and—more
generally—to locate the history of Sudan with reference to the debates
about the economic character of British imperialism.
The Gentlemanly Capitalist interpretation of British imperialism links
the growth, governance, maintenance and exploitation of the British
Empire to a gentlemanly elite centred in the metropole (particularly in
the City of London) that through networks and contacts extended across
the entire globe. Cain and Hopkins argue that the gentlemen capitalists
used their financial might, social connection, and economic and political
influence to give themselves an advantageous position within the bur-
geoning British Empire and, moreover, that this expansion was driven by
the economic needs of this group.27 In order to apply this interpretation
to the whole British Empire, they developed variations of Gentlemanly
Capitalism to fit specific contexts. In one such variation, Cain and
Hopkins argue that in Africa, the North and the South of the continent
followed their orthodox interpretation, which resembles Hobson’s ‘eco-
nomic taproot of imperialism’; that is, where imperial expansion is closely
connected with the needs of finance capital. This contrasts with East and
West Africa where, Cain and Hopkins argue, the interests of British man-
ufacturing, not finance, led the imperialist process.28 They link this, first
(in the metropolitan context), to the perception of financial and indus-
trial division in the British economy (which while favoured by some eco-
nomic historians has been attacked by others29) and, second (in the
peripheral context), to the cash-crop economies of the countries in the
8 S. Mollan

tropical East-West band of Africa. However, Cain and Hopkins subsume

their analysis of Sudan into that of Egypt.30 This is a common feature of
imperial history where Sudan is regarded, by and large, as an ‘outwork for
the strategic defence of Egypt.’31 Egypt is placed firmly into the North-­
South category of possession by Cain and Hopkins, which leaves Sudan,
with a cash-crop economy, between the two interpretations.
The Gentlemanly Capitalist interpretation of British imperialism
raises issues connected to the social fabric and financial architecture of
the imperial world. Dumett considers that the Gentlemanly Capitalist
thesis rests on three axioms. The first is the existence of a ‘Gentlemanly
Order’ of interrelated hegemonic (or near hegemonic) interests, created
via a fusion of the landed gentry and the financial elites of the south-east
of England in the nineteenth century. The second is the dynamism of
the City of London and the power of capital markets to drive the process
of imperialism, and the third leg of the tripod is what Dumett describes
as ‘the periphery of the imperial and quasi-imperial structures—the
outer regions of political control and commercial penetration which
Cain and Hopkins dub “the wider world.”’32 Cain and Hopkins largely
reject eccentric causes of British imperialism in favour of metropolitan
impulses. This helps frame some of the questions relating to the interface
of business, finance and government in Sudan. Simply put: how and
from where did business in Sudan obtain capital, who obtained the capi-
tal, how were businessmen in Sudan socially integrated with the imperial
elites, both in Sudan and in the metropole, and how did this configure
the business-government relationship? Gentlemanly Capitalism implies
a large degree of co-operation and complicity; recent research drawing
on business history also suggests that friction, tension and compromise
play a significant role in shaping the bargains made between government
and business.33
Studies in informal imperialism highlight that the institutions of ter-
ritorial empire do not have to be present as a necessary or sufficient con-
dition to create an imperial relationship. From the perspective of informal
imperialism, businesses can be sovereignty-subjugating agencies and
imperialistic in their own right. The bargains struck between business
and the state are important regardless of whether that state was not—or
in this case was—a colonial state. It should not be assumed that business
 1 Introduction 9

was supportive of the imperial project. This is a fundamental question of

the fabric of the imperial system—how do business and capital imperial-
ize a territory; how do they subvert sovereignty separate from—though
perhaps complementary to—the colonial state? Or, alternatively, do they
act as an agency of imperialism? Is business responsible for imperialism in
‘formal’ settings?
The innovation in the concept of informal imperialism identified as
business imperialism can be seen most clearly reflected in the work of
D.C.M. Platt.34 Platt’s ‘business imperialism,’ as a variant of informal
imperialism, did not involve ‘antagonism between native and foreigner.’
Indeed, ‘in most cases … business would have been controlled and con-
ducted irrespective of nationality.’ Platt concludes that ‘it might fairly be
said that although returns derived from a political relationship may be
grossly unequal, any economic relationship, unless enforced politically,
must offer at least some appearance of mutual benefit.’ This is backed up
by a considerable amount of evidence that British business in Latin
America did not rely on preferential consular intervention, which in any
case was not a common occurrence.35 Platt did not deny that the British
had influence in Latin America; instead, he proposed that the influence
manifested itself through the businesses that were active in that region.
This also suggested that the power relationship did not have to be one of
simple one-way domination or subordination as under the territorial
model of formal imperialism. Platt’s contribution was, therefore, to recast
of the nature of agency. A succinct expression of this is given, not by
Platt, but by one of his contributors, W.M. Mathew. Mathew argues that
there are three ways in which business/capital could influence the over-
seas state: first, directly through contact with officials; second, indirectly
by officials finding policies of mutual self-interest with business; and,
third, where control or influence ‘manifests itself in mercantile authority
and initiative in the fields of activity vital to the government’s well being,
the government itself lacking the power to restrain merchant and exercise
a jurisdiction of its own.’36 This could, for example, manifest itself
through the terms under which credit was offered between city financiers
and a foreign government, or that control over public utilities in Latin
America in some cases was in foreign hands. None of these forms of influ-
ence relied or needed to be closely associated with British state
10 S. Mollan

institutions, but the reality was effective British influence. These types of
relationships will be explored here.
The questions of colonial development policy relevant to this book
framed by the classic writers in this field: Brett, Kesner, and Havinden
and Meredith.37 Kesner’s work is particularly relevant in describing the
mechanics of colonial development policies, in particular, the facility to
raise Treasury-guaranteed debt to finance a variety of staple/cash-crop
schemes designed to pay for the cost of colonial administration.38 The
impact of colonial development on tropical colonies in that period is
taken up by Brett, and in a comparative context by Havinden and
Meredith. The history of colonial development in Sudan suffers in a simi-
lar way to its imperial history—as mentioned earlier, Sudan is by and
large omitted. Sudan does not fit within Kesner’s analytical framework,
for example, because it was a condominium and because it was adminis-
tered from the Foreign Office rather than the Colonial Office. Havinden
and Meredith make a similar distinction: they ‘decided that more than
enough material was available for [their] purposes from the large number
of colonies that were under the control of the Colonial Office.’39 The
broad outline traced by Havinden and Meredith, Brett and Kesner, and
to a certain extent by Kenwood and Lougheed also, is that states that
adopted the cash-crop development model suffered both long-term eco-
nomic difficulties and accompanying political problems related to the
lack of development and the difficulty of escaping the confines of a nar-
row economic base, a problem compounded by significant debt.40 I argue
that this was Sudan’s experience also.
Finally, then, the impact of decolonization on business and the econ-
omy of Sudan will be discussed in the final chapter of the book. After the
trauma of colonialism itself, there is little doubt that the process of decol-
onization has dramatically shaped the political-economic landscape of
the ex-colonies. The manner in which both economic and political pow-
ers were redistributed in the run up to and then during decolonization is
a central question. Fieldhouse argues that economic decolonization was
not simply a process that ended when the British left a territory, or when
a significant period of time had elapsed from the end of formal control,
but rather should be seen as a process which sculpted African economies
and polities, and defined the architecture of various governments,
 1 Introduction 11

agencies, institutions and frameworks within which African states and

politicians continue to operate.41 Tignor argues that foreign business
operating in Egypt, Nigeria and Kenya did not thrive during decoloniza-
tion.42 In Egypt, for example, the systematic sequestration of overseas
assets is attributed to the antagonism of Egyptian nationalists towards
foreign influence within the country. A feature of this study will be to
examine the key bargains struck between business and government in the
years immediately before decolonization. Decolonization will be exam-
ined as a process in terms of how it shaped the short- and medium-term
political-economy of Sudan, especially, of course, with regard to business;
and how the process of decolonization was shaped itself by the bargains
struck and the relationship between government, business and economy.

Structure of the Book

This book is divided into three substantive parts. Part I looks at the foun-
dations of imperialism in Sudan. Part II examines the role of business and
imperialism in Sudan. Part III explores the political-economy of imperi-
alism in Sudan. Part IV concludes. The chapters are as follows.

Part I: Foundations of Imperialism in Sudan

Chapter 2 (‘British Business and Sudan During the Mahdiya’) explores

the early commercial and economic interactions between Britain and
Sudan before the invasion of Sudan in 1898, and how these were bound
up in Victorian notions of moral economy and a ‘gothic’ sensibility of
empire. Ultimately, these interventions were failures, but they reveal how
an economic mythos arose relating to Sudan that was to influence policy-­
makers, entrepreneurs, and the business history of the country during the
colonial period.
Chapter 3 (‘The Beginnings of Imperial Development, 1899–1919’)
establishes the context of economic activity in Sudan during the
Condominium by examining the economic geography of the territory.
From there economic growth, the development of transport and services,
12 S. Mollan

and the expansion of international trade are discussed. The conclusion

drawn is that Sudan’s mainly agricultural economy enjoyed modest suc-
cess in this period. The transport infrastructure of the country was built
up and the extent of a monetized economy engaged in trade was expanded.

Part II: Business and Imperialism in Sudan

Chapter 4 (‘The Sudan Plantations Syndicate, 1904–1919’) examines

how cotton-growing was developed by business in Sudan, and how this
was linked to metropolitan finance and wider corporate and commercial
networks. The Sudan Plantations Syndicate came to be central to the
plans to develop Sudan’s economy via a large-scale cotton-plantation in
the Gezira area.
Chapter 5 (‘The Sudan Plantations Syndicate, 1919–1939’) traces and
analyses the fortunes, internal organization, and business strategy of the
Sudan Plantations Syndicate as it reached maturity as a business along-
side the Gezira Scheme, and how it dealt with the challenges of the
Depression era.

Part III: The Political-economy of Imperialism in Sudan

Chapter 6 (‘The Economy of Sudan, 1919–1939’) examines how the

Gezira Scheme finally came into production in the mid-1920s, only to
then be adversely affected by the Great Depression, and the slump in
global commodities markets, including cotton. The negative impact that
this had on the Sudan government finances is also examined, as it fore-
grounds the move towards decolonization that followed in the 1940s.
Chapter 7 (‘The Relationship Between Business and Government to
1945’) charts the changing nature of the relationship between the Sudan
Plantations Syndicate and the Sudan government between c.1907 and
1945. Specifically, it examines changes to arrangement of the agreements
that governed the Gezira Scheme, and allocated both costs and profits.
This analysis shows how the bargain between the two parties, and which
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Another type of air filter which might be developed in connection
with the pneumatic handling of material consists of a very slowly
revolving drum or cylinder, which is fitted with a continuous
corrugated tape running spirally from the centre to the extreme edge
of the casing. The space between the corrugated sheets is very
small, and as a stream of water is continually running over and
around the divisions, the air passing through the very tortuous path
provided is bound to come into contact with these wet surfaces and
give up its dust or other contamination, which is washed off when it
arrives at the bottom of the cylinder. Naturally, this or any other wet
filter would not be used where the recovery of dust in dry form was
desired.
Another form of wet filter consists of a chamber of suitable
proportions (according to the amount of air to be cleansed), fitted
with racks in which are placed strips of glass at an angle of 45° to
the flow of air, and at 90° to one another. The glass strips have a
serrated or prismatic face, and the air carries the dust forward into
the angles of the glass. A very fine water spray keeps the glass
moist and eventually trickles down to the drain channels, washing
the glass in its course.
The development of apparatus for air-washing has received
considerable attention during recent years, owing to the necessity of
having pure, dust-free air for ventilating turbo-generators, etc., and
no difficulty should present itself in obtaining satisfactory results for
pneumatic conveying plants, except in cases when the collection and
retention of dust is required. In these cases the bag or fabric sheet
filter is the only type available.
 CHAPTER III
details of plant—(Contd.)

DISCHARGERS, PIPE LINES AND SUCTION NOZZLES

Dischargers. The advocates of “blowing” material, instead of

“sucking” it through the pipe, often lay great stress on the alleged
difficulties of extracting the material from the system without allowing
air leakage. This, however, has been overcome successfully by
several designers and is not the serious difficulty so frequently
suggested, providing that the material is suitable for this means of
treatment. The only exception to this is, when the high velocity at
which the material enters the discharger—say, 45 to 50 ft. per sec.—
causes it to pack or bind so that it will not fall by gravity into the
rotary valves and then out into the storage bins.
The function of the discharger is to cause the incoming material to
lose its velocity and to fall into a compartment which can eventually
be discharged after it has been moved from the low pressure to
which the chamber itself is subjected.
This is best accomplished by the use of a rotary valve, somewhat
similar to a paddle-wheel, which is revolved slowly but continuously.
This wheel can be placed either vertically or horizontally at the
bottom of the receiving chamber; the material enters the large
chamber above, loses its velocity, drops by gravity, is caught in the
box formed by the revolving paddle-wheel, and gradually is carried
forward out of the chamber, eventually passing over an aperture
through which it again gravitates to the bunker, silo, or other
container. Probably the horizontal type of rotary valve is preferable
because, owing to the increased surface exposed to the vacuum, the
“suction” effect assists in holding the valve up to its seat.
When dealing with such materials as malt and grain, it is an
advantage to be able to inspect the material entering the receiver,
and at least one maker secures this advantage by constructing the
chamber of a glass cylinder to which are bolted cast iron top and
bottom pieces carrying the necessary pipe connections and
discharge valves. Fig. 8 illustrates this construction and also shows
fairly clearly the method of driving or revolving the discharge valves.
The top flange of the valve has a worm wheel tooth cut around its
periphery and the actuating worm engages in this wheel, thereby
obtaining a large reduction in speed. In other words, the worm can
be driven by a light, high speed belt and pulley, and still revolve the
valve at a very low speed; such gearing is smooth, silent running,
and altogether admirable for such a purpose as the one under
consideration.
 Fig. 8.—Fixed Discharger with Glass Receiver.

A very common form of separator, which is used almost invariably

on plants dealing with wood shavings, sawdust and similar materials,
is known as the cyclone or centrifugal separator. This is usually
constructed with a sheet steel body with the inlet for the dust-laden
air at the top, and so arranged that the air enters tangentially. Inside
there is a smaller cylinder of sheet steel forming an air outlet, and
the laden air sweeps round the annular space between the body and
the inner cylinder. This results in a whirling action and the material
entrained in the air is projected by centrifugal force against the side
of the separator body. In some instances an internal ledge, or plate
of “corkscrew” form, leads the material downwards towards the outlet
at the bottom of the separator.
In the case of some of the denser materials which can be
conveyed by air, it is sufficient to connect the discharge pipe to an
open bin or chamber, the material in such cases being heavy enough
to separate itself by the action of gravity.
Mr. Gordon S. Layton, describing dischargers in his paper, before
the Engineering Group of the Society of Chemical Industry
(Birmingham, April, 1920), stated—
“There are two types of dischargers in use: The first
consists of a large steel box divided into two
compartments. This box is arranged to oscillate about a
horizontal axis, so that each compartment alternately is
brought under the lower opening of the receiver vessel.
“The other type of discharger consists of a bucket wheel
rotating continuously inside a closely fitting casing. The
material which is being conveyed falls into the pockets of
the bucket wheel when these are on the top of their
revolution, and is passed out through an opening in the
lower side of the casing.
 “It will be obvious that the working of both types is liable
to be interrupted by the jamming of a foreign body (such
as a piece of wood or a bolt) in the working parts; in each
case, special mechanism for driving the discharger has
been devised, to avoid the interruption resulting from such
blocking, and to enable the discharger to keep on working
continuously.”
The rotary type of discharger is preferable to the tipping box type,
for the following reasons: because the rotary discharger is more
easily kept air-tight, works without vibration, and gives a practically
continuous stream, whereas the discharge from the tipping box
occurs as large isolated masses of material.
It is impossible to give specific details concerning the discharger
because, in all cases, the conditions under which the plant has to
work affect the whole design. For instance, where the working is only
intermittent, e.g. the removal of ashes from a boiler-house, the
discharger can be eliminated, provided that the ash bunker is large
enough to hold the quantity of ashes to be dealt with at each
operation. In such a case, the ash container would be capable of
being exhausted, and the material entering as before would simply
drop by gravity into the container and remain there until the pump
was shut down; it would then be allowed to gravitate into the truck or
other conveyance for disposing of the ashes.
Hand-holes for cleaning, and easy access to the interior are
essential in the design of a discharger, especially if the material to be
handled is liable to “pack” when entering at a high velocity.
Pipe Lines. One of the most important points in the designing of a
pneumatic conveying system is the correct lay-out of the pipe line.
 Fig. 9.—Sturtevant Patent Junction.

A fatal mistake often made in low pressure and exhausting

systems is that the numerous branch pipes are added to or altered
after the makers have left the original installation. Almost invariably,
branches thus added are made to approach the main trunk at too
great an angle, with the result that eddies and whirlpools are created
within the pipe, seriously reducing the output of the main trunk. So
essential is it that this junction should be correct and that the two
streams should run as nearly parallel as possible, that the Sturtevant
Engineering Co. has patented a special junction (Fig. 9) to bring
together the two streams of air in the main and the branch pipe
practically parallel, as shown.
Bends. In connection with high pressure systems, the following
points are of great importance. All vertical and horizontal straight
lengths may be of a light section constructed in steel. Bends should
be avoided whenever possible, and those which are inevitable
should be made in hard cast iron, with every possible provision for
easy replacement of wearing parts.
The wear takes place at the point of actual contact which, in
elbows, is practically confined to one place only. The material rushes
to the end, strikes the bend, and—suddenly changing its direction of
travel—whirls off down the next straight length. The impact and the
resulting wear on the pipe, as well as the breaking of the material
conveyed, are naturally much greater in elbows than in easy bends,
but if the breaking of the material is not detrimental, elbows should
be employed, as they are less costly and can be replaced more
quickly and easily.
 Certain raw materials—such as salt, soda, lime and various
chemicals—which have to be ground before use, may be prepared
to a considerable extent for this operation by the use of elbows. On
the other hand, easy bends should be employed for material which it
is desired to convey without damage, e.g. malt, coal, and granular
substances, which are finally required in granular form and not as
powder.
The wear in bends is only on the external radius of the bend, and
then is inclined to be localized at certain points rather than
distributed over the full sweep of the bend (see Fig. 10); this being
so, it is often desirable so to construct the bends that the back is in
segments which can be renewed easily (see Fig. 11). Alternatively,
the bend may be constructed on the “lobster” principle (Fig. 12), only
the worn sections being replaced when overhauling. It is not
necessary always to take a bend at an angle of 90°, and if the small
short angle sections are interchangeable, then almost any angle can
be constructed by building up with the necessary number of
sections.

Fig. 11. Fig. 12.

Fig. 10.

Fig. 10.—Course taken by Material Round Bend.

Fig. 11.—Segment-Back Bend.
Fig. 12.—Lobster Bend.
 With regard to the straight lengths of pipe, it is necessary to
ensure a smooth internal bore, especially at the joints. It is therefore
desirable that the joints should be self-aligning as, if this is not the
case, eddies will be formed which will cause the material to deviate
from the centre of the pipe, striking the side at one or more definite
points where holes will eventually be worn through the pipe.
In vertical pipes the evidence of wear is negligible, in fact the
conveyed material presumably does not touch the pipe at all, but
travels up the centre of it as a core.
Capacity of Pipes. The velocity of the air passing up the pipe
should be from 40 to 50 ft. per sec., equivalent to about 35 miles per
hour.
The conveying capacity of an efficient pipe line is approximately
15 per cent. of the total capacity: in other words, if the total cross-
sectional area of the pipe be taken as 100, the effective cross-
sectional area as regards conveying is 15.
Flexible Connections. The flexible connections attached to the
permanent pipes may be ordinary tubing, as made by the Flexible
Metallic Co. Phosphor bronze and other metals have been tried, but
the extra cost is not justified. A loose screw collar connection makes
possible easy fixing, and permits the flexible connection to be
removed easily to prevent damage when not in use. Rubber tubing,
reinforced with steel wires, would be best where it is important that
the material conveyed should not be damaged, but the wear on such
tubing is so rapid that the extra cost is not recovered by the saving in
damage to ordinary materials. The length of the flexible pipe should
be such that the movement over the greatest area to be covered
does not put too great a strain on the bending properties of the
tubing. On the other hand, unnecessary increase in the length of the
flexible pipe merely increases the cost of one of the shortest lived
portions of the plant, the “scrap value” of which is almost negligible.
 Showing Three Positions of the Valve.
Fig. 13.—King Full-way Junction Valve.

Valves, etc. For use where branches are inserted in the main pipe
line for convenience in either lifting over, or discharging over, a large
area, special appliances have been designed and these should be
used, as they do not create eddies or increase the pipe friction
appreciably, or reduce the carrying capacity of the pipe line. The
King patent full-way junction valve is an excellent example, and is
shown in Fig. 13, from which it will be seen that a full bore circuit can
be completed in any of three directions. This valve has no corners
where the material can collect, hence the pipes are sucked perfectly
clean the moment the feed is shut off.
Another convenient fitting of this description is the Boby patent
pipe switch. This device is similar to a switch as used on a railway
track, and by its use three separate side positions may be connected
with one part on the main transport line. When the switch is thrown
over so as to connect to any one particular branch, all other
branches are disconnected.
Telescopic Pipes. When the unloading of ships is carried out by
“suction” it is necessary to make provision for lengthening or
shortening the vertical suction pipe, or pipes (see Frontispiece),
because the ship will rise as relieved of its cargo, and the suction
nozzle will simultaneously move towards the bottom of the hold as
the cargo is discharged.
A still greater difficulty is encountered in tidal rivers, where the rise
and fall may be many feet and must be allowed for continuously.
This is best done by the introduction of telescopic pipes in the
vertical downright pipes. These must be so constructed that while it
is fairly easy to increase or decrease their length, the pipes must
remain air-tight at the joints and connections.
Where the rise and fall is small the difference in level may be
compensated by a ball and socket joint, and a counter balance on
the jib arm, but this method has its limitations.
Pipes for High Pressure Systems. Coming now to the “small
pipe,” high pressure systems as used for vacuum cleaning plants,
the pipe lines must be designed and installed carefully and on a
liberal basis. It is mistaken policy to attempt to economize by using a
smaller main on branch pipes. Small diameter pipes cause
excessive losses by friction, and naturally are less efficient as
regards power consumption.
The frictional losses in a system of this description vary directly as
the length of the pipe, and inversely as the fifth power of the
diameter. Large pipes are therefore very desirable, not only because
of their greater carrying capacity—which is very desirable—but also
because such things as matches, hairpins, etc., are picked up every
day by an installation as fitted in hotels, restaurants and theatres.
Such material quickly clogs small pipes and causes endless trouble
and delay.
The flexible hose should be as short as is consistent with ease of
working, because the frictional losses in this class of tubing are very
great. It would be preferable to increase the number of wall plugs,
rather than have to use very long lengths of flexible hose.

Fig. 14.—Suction Nozzles for High Pressure Systems.

Suction Nozzles. Probably more patents have been taken out on

new suction nozzles than on any other portion of a pneumatic
suction plant. The chief desiderata for a nozzle on a high pressure
system for wheat, coal, ashes, etc., are that it be of light construction
to allow of easy manipulation by the operator, and that it have some
means of allowing a “free air” inlet, making it impossible to choke the
nozzle by burying the end. It is an advantage to be able to regulate
the free air inlet according to the conditions existing with different
materials. The same nozzle that will act best while dealing with a
large bulk of material, may be quite unsuitable when it becomes
necessary to “clean up” in the corners of the hold or waggon. Fig. 14
shows different types of nozzles for high pressure plants, but as the
efficiency and capacity of the plant can be affected seriously by the
design of this portion of the apparatus, it is highly advisable to allow
the designer to have a free hand and to make use of the experience
already gained.
Fig. 15.—Sturtevant Equipment Removing Wood Refuse from
Double Tenoning Machine.

Nozzles designed for low pressure systems, dealing with dust,

shavings, etc., have to be built to suit the machine to which they are
attached, and they therefore vary indefinitely in details of design and
construction. The same remarks apply to the nozzles for use on
suction cleaning plants. Figs. 15 and 16 show how the suction
nozzles are adapted to the machines.
 Fig. 16.—Sturtevant Equipment Removing Dust from Sand-
papering Machines.

It must be remembered that in low pressure systems handling

shavings, dust, etc., the problem is quite different from that in high
pressure systems handling wheat, etc. In the case of removing dust
or shavings from a machine, the material is already in motion, and
only requires drawing forward and into the pipe system, but in the
case of conveyors for wheat, coal, etc., and in the case of suction
cleaners, the material to be moved is heavy and stationary and has
to be lifted and started in motion before it can be carried away. This
necessitates a much higher air velocity through the collecting
nozzles.
Idle Nozzles should be Closed. It is perhaps advisable to draw
attention at this point to the disadvantages of using more than one
suction nozzle on one receiver at one and the same time. The reader
is asked to recall the fact that the material is not lifted by vacuum,
but that the production of a partial vacuum causes a stream of air to
pass up the pipe at high velocity. The material to be conveyed is
entrained with the air, and due to the frictional contact between the
particles of air and the particles of material, the latter is lifted and
carried forward.
If the conveying plant is to be efficient and of reasonable capacity,
the pipes must be relatively large, and in order that the desired
partial vacuum may be maintained in them (establishing a vigorous
air current) without the use of an unduly large pump, it is important
that air be admitted only through those nozzles which are actually in
use. Also, when more than one nozzle is in use at the same time, it
is necessary to keep each nozzle covered with material to such an
extent that the same amount of air passes into each pipe. Unless
this is done a large quantity of air will pass up one pipe, and a small
quantity up the other, and the amount of material taken in at each
nozzle will vary as the quantity of air varies. To consider an extreme
case, suppose that the man operating at one of the pipes allows his
nozzle to become exposed. Air will rush in at this nozzle to the full
capacity of the pump, with the result that little or no air will pass up
the second pipe, and consequently no material either. Thus, if one
man is sufficiently neglectful to leave his nozzle idle and open, he
renders practically useless the other nozzle or nozzles on the same
main.
Even with care this is bound to occur to a certain extent, as is
shown by the figures given by makers for the estimated power
consumption, viz., about 1 h.p. per ton on single-nozzle plants, and
1½ h.p. on double-nozzle plants.
Under these conditions it should be considered whether it is more
advisable to install one large plant with two nozzles, or two small
plants, each with only one nozzle. The decision depends upon the
extra cost of power for the double-nozzle plant compared with the
higher capital charges on the two single-nozzle plants.
 CHAPTER IV
TYPICAL INSTALLATIONS FOR GRAIN

The pneumatic principle has been applied to the handling of grain in

bulk to a much greater extent than to any other material. As
previously stated, the original successful plant invented and
designed by Mr. Frederic Duckham was for the handling of wheat for
the Millwall Docks Co., and the success of this plant was such that it
was imitated by engineers in this country and abroad with equally
satisfactory results.
Grain lends itself admirably to pneumatic transport because it is
easy of flow, regular in size, and practically self-feeding. Also, the
removal of dust, which is incidental to pneumatic conveying, is a
special advantage where grain is concerned. Figs. 17 and 18 show
clearly the advantages of pneumatic conveying in point of simplicity
and labour saving.
Typical Quayside Plant. Fig. 19 shows a typical lay-out for a
comparatively small plant handling 50 tons per hour. The diagram is
almost self explanatory.
A represents the special suction nozzle through which the grain
enters the system, together with the “free air” which acts as the
conveying medium.
Fig. 17.—Ancient.