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Full Chapter Lessons From The Past Memory Narrativity and Subjectivity 1St Edition Bernhard Forchtner Auth PDF
Full Chapter Lessons From The Past Memory Narrativity and Subjectivity 1St Edition Bernhard Forchtner Auth PDF
Full Chapter Lessons From The Past Memory Narrativity and Subjectivity 1St Edition Bernhard Forchtner Auth PDF
: Memory,
Narrativity and Subjectivity 1st Edition
Bernhard Forchtner (Auth.)
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Palgrave Macmillan Memory Studies
Series Editor
Andrew Hoskins
University of Glasgow
Glasgow, United Kingdom
John Sutton
Department of Cognitive Science
Macquarie University
Macquarie, Australia
The nascent field of Memory Studies emerges from contemporary trends
that include a shift from concern with historical knowledge of events to
that of memory, from ‘what we know’ to ‘how we remember it’; changes
in generational memory; the rapid advance of technologies of memory;
panics over declining powers of memory, which mirror our fascination
with the possibilities of memory enhancement; and the development of
trauma narratives in reshaping the past. These factors have contributed to
an intensification of public discourses on our past over the last thirty years.
Technological, political, interpersonal, social and cultural shifts affect
what, how and why people and societies remember and forget. This
groundbreaking new series tackles questions such as: What is ‘memory’
under these conditions? What are its prospects, and also the prospects for
its interdisciplinary and systematic study? What are the conceptual, theo-
retical and methodological tools for its investigation and illumination?
This book has been a long time coming. Its seeds having been planted
while doing my PhD at Lancaster University between 2007 and 2011, it
has grown into something very different since then: from a focus on the
working of one particular argumentation scheme (in the debate over the
war against Iraq in 2003) into a concern for a much broader typology of
claims to know and to have learnt from the past. At the same time, this
descriptive interest has never been disconnected from more prescriptive
concerns over the meaning and possibility of moral, collective learning
processes. That these interests have finally come to some sort of result, I
owe a debt to, first and foremost, my supervisors Andrew Sayer and Ruth
Wodak. In particular, I want to thank them for their scholarly advice and,
more importantly, their broader support. Furthermore, my wholehearted
thanks for financial support during my PhD go to the Austrian Academy of
Sciences and the Economic and Social Research Council.
Following my time in Lancaster, I was lucky enough to work with
Klaus Eder as a post-doc at the Humboldt-University of Berlin. My
thanks go to him for discussing ideas about collective learning with me
and commenting on Chap. 7 of this book. Marcos Engelken-Jorge also
commented on this chapter and I hope I have not distorted his com-
ments too much—thanks a lot for them. Thanks go also to Lars Breuer,
Irit Dekel, Alexander Dworzak, Paul Sarazin, Christian Schneickert,
Bernhard Weicht and Manuel Winkelkotte for valuable comments and
their friendship. In particular, however, I want to thank two colleagues
and friends, Raimundo Frei and Christoffer Kølvraa, who have both
read and commented extensively on the following pages as well as
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
provided invaluable support along the way. This book would not be the
same without them.
Finally, I want to thank my parents for their support; clearly, I would
never have come so far without them. My biggest acknowledgement goes,
however, to my wife Simone and my children Max, Ruth and Casper—not
only because I have been reading, writing or away too often but much
more because all this would feel utterly pointless without them.
CONTENTS
Index 227
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
ix
CHAPTER 1
Once upon a time, the idea of progress, the promise of utopian projects
and bright futures, guided (Western) actors. It might still do so—but this
tale or, to put it more sociologically, the classical narrative of modernity,
has arguably exhausted itself to an ever greater extent. Instead of ‘pro-
gressive narratives’ (Alexander, 2002), it has been ‘present pasts’
(Huyssen, 2000) which have increasingly been put on centre stage, a
development illustrated by the memory wave building up since the
1980s. Against this background, looking back has become more impor-
tant for the formation of collective and individual subjectivities. This is not
to say that it has ever been irrelevant; but is has become a less legitimate
option not to remember, especially concerning suffering and ‘trauma’. In
fact, such memory work oriented towards recognition of past wrong-
doings, for example concerning the Holocaust and Latin American dicta-
torships, has been increasingly future-oriented, aiming for preventing
evil.1
As this development has sparked calls for and processes of ‘coming to
terms with’ (Vergangenheitsbewältigung) and securing past wrongdoings
(Vergangenheitsbewahrung, see Assmann, 2010, p. 105), it is deeply inter-
woven with implicit and explicit claims to know the lessons and, some-
times even, claims to have successfully learnt from what happened. Such
claims, which offer orientation in a complex world by insisting on the
exemplary nature of past events, draw on the classic topos of historia
magistra vitae (in the following simply ‘history as a teacher’) which
Cicero (1959, II, pp. 9, 36) famously summarised by saying that history
‘sheds light upon reality, gives life to recollection and guidance to human
existence’. While Koselleck (2004) spoke of the decline of this under-
standing of time in historiography due to the rise of Neuzeit and the
emergence of progress, the memory boom of recent decades has offered a
backdrop against which claims to know the lessons become a promising
rhetorical option in public and private debates, be it in discourses on
military interventions or the banking crisis of the early twenty-first
century.
However, while numerous speeches, pamphlets and policy proposals
have claimed to know the lessons from past wrongdoing—texts which
have fed the field of memory studies—there still appears to be no
systematic framework for understanding these claims, no taxonomy of
claims for knowing. That is, while many studies have included analyses
of claims for knowing (see, for example, works published in this book
series), there is a lack of studies concerning abstract, conceptual ques-
tions (and how these questions are connected) along the following
lines: ‘From what past wrongdoing are we supposed to learn? (Is
wrongdoing attributed to the in-group or an out-group?)’ ‘To what
present-day wrongdoing are lessons from this past linked? (Is wrong-
doing attributed to the in-group or an out-group?)’ And, finally, ‘What
subject positions emerge through these narrative connections of past,
present and future?’ After all, as memories of the past are selective
products of contemporary meaning making, they are deeply interwo-
ven with projects of identity building and legitimation (Halbwachs,
1992). Memories and subjectivities are thus linked in complex ways
and pasts, presents and futures imagined and mobilised in narrating
lessons, in narratives about what to learn from the past, contribute to
fix subjects in certain positionalities of meaning. The ambition of this
book is, therefore, to provide an abstract model of types of claims for
knowing the past and its lessons, and the consequences these claims
have for identities—a model conceptualising what I call rhetorics of
learning.
Before elaborating on these rhetorics, let me indicate the relevance of
these questions by turning briefly to two quotes taken from the
European Parliament, sitting on 29 January 2003, which debated a
possible attack on Iraq (EP, 2003). In this (as well as the wider) debate
over an attack by the USA under President George W. Bush against the
Iraq of Saddam Hussein who allegedly harboured weapons of mass
1 LESSONS FROM THE PAST? INTRODUCING THE RHETORICS OF LEARNING 3
E1/2:
America should listen to old Europe, this wise old lady, covered in blood
and tears [ . . . ] Let America listen to her! This old lady would say: choose
security through international law, bow to the decisions of the UN, agree to
another UN meeting, which we must demand, for another resolution.
On the one hand, these two examples—the first quote is taken from a
speech by Bastiaan Belder, Member of the European Parliament (MEP)
and of the Eurosceptic Group for a Europe of Democracies and Diversities,
while the second comment was made by Bernard Poignant, a MEP from
the social democratic Group of the Party of European Socialists—illustrate
conflicting uses of the topos of history as a teacher, one favouring military
intervention, the other making the case against it. On the other hand,
however, I am not primarily interested in the particular content, the
political position put forward in specific claims but rather in diverging
structures underlying narrating lessons. Looking at these two examples,
the former appears to draw lessons from a wrong committed by others
(‘dictators’ driven by extremist ideologies) and directs them towards
others who do wrong in the present (those ‘government leaders’
who have not yet realised their ‘responsibility’). In contrast, the latter
narrates an in-group (‘old Europe’; at one point in his speech, Poignant
explicitly speaks of ‘our Europe’) which has failed and is polluted by past
wrongdoings while calling on a present-day other to learn from it
(‘America should listen to old Europe’).2 Whatever readers make of
these particular performances, they indicate a structural difference in
how knowing the lessons from the past can be claimed. It is exactly this
kind of difference which will occupy me for the rest of this book. Instead
4 LESSONS FROM THE PAST?
Present-day wrongdoing
as their wrongdoing
Present-day wrongdoing
as our wrongdoing
The four countries I draw on are characterised by, at least until fairly
recently, rather different paths and dominant ways of constructing this
past. In Germany past wrongdoing concerning the Holocaust has been,
more or less successfully, internalised, leading to a relatively self-critical
culture of remembrance with regular ‘rituals of confessions of guilt’
(Giesen, 2004, p. 130; see also Assmann, 2015). In turn, Austria has
acknowledged ‘co-responsibility’ only since the late 1980s and early
1990s, having previously externalised guilt by viewing itself as ‘Hitler’s
first victim’ (Uhl, 2006; Albrich, 1997).6 In contrast to these two succes-
sor states of the so-called ‘Third Reich’, narratives in Denmark (Bryld &
Warring, 1999; Poulsen, 1995) and the USA (Levy & Sznaider, 2006;
Novick, 2000) evolved in a different ecology. Denmark long followed the
traditional path of previously occupied European states in constructing
itself as a victim, though one which heroically resisted and, more particu-
larly, rescued its Jewish population. In turn, the USA have both remem-
bered the war as the ‘Great Crusade’ and have been a key actor in shaping
the Holocaust as a global symbol of evil. While both countries have also
experienced self-critical debates over their deeds before and during the
Second World War, they are diverging cases of non-successor states which
have shaped and reacted to the contemporary, global image of the
Holocaust. In other words, storied memories, even if as transnational as
those to do with the Holocaust, are always also situated ones, and thus
draw on locally available symbols, narratives etc. The examples I have
selected do, however, not require specialist knowledge, and are largely
not analysed with regard to their particular effect within a particular
context. Instead, they are supposed to illustrate actants. Nevertheless,
concise outlines of the Danish context and the context of the Stockholm
International Forum in 2000, as well as the Austrian and German context,
are provided prior to E3/9, E4/9, E5/9 and E6/9 in Chaps. 3–6.
While the examples I will work with thus emerge from particular
contexts, the model I am presenting should in no way be mistaken as
applying only to official discourses, the Holocaust and the Second World
War, as well as crises such as Iraq. Instead, I am convinced that these
rhetorics can be found equally, for example, among ‘ordinary’ members of
the public and in contexts such as the banking crisis.
Let me close with a few words about the structure of the book.
Following this introduction, Chap. 2 will offer an account of narrativity
and its relevance for analysing claims to know the lessons from the past.
The argument proposed is that the narrative form prevents any intuitive,
1 LESSONS FROM THE PAST? INTRODUCING THE RHETORICS OF LEARNING 11
more or less positivist, understanding of learning from the past. That is,
there are no objective lessons as the past is only present through selec-
tively arranged events. This discussion is followed by an introduction to
the modes of interpretation and analysis utilised in this study, including,
first, Greimas’ actantial model and a brief introduction to categories
from the discourse-historical approach that will help in grasping actual
articulations of these structures. Second, I discuss the concept of
emplotment, focusing in particular on four modes of emplotment (melo-
drama, tragedy, comedy and post-heroic irony) and their consequences
for subject positions emerging out of the four rhetorics.
Chapters 3–6 describe the rhetorics of judging, failing, penitence
and judge-penitence. Each of these chapters follows the same pattern
and is comprehensible on its own, even though I do relate the four
rhetorics to each other in the course of conceptualising them. First, I
reconstruct the actantial structure of the respective rhetoric, through
brief discussions of stand-alone examples which do not consider their
political impact before summarising the interplay of these actants, via a
more contextualised discussion of one of this structure’s performance.
Second, each rhetoric is linked to one, dominant mode of emplotment.
Each of these modes invites different expectations concerning the
course of events and thus different emotional relationships, different
feelings of the lessons: the rhetoric of judging is predominantly con-
nected to melodrama, the rhetoric of failing to tragedy, the rhetoric of
penitence to what I call post-heroic irony and the rhetoric of judge-
penitence to comedy.
Chapter 7 builds on these conceptualisations but moves beyond
description towards an explicit discussion of their evaluation and norma-
tive aspects. The question no longer simply concerns how claims to know
the lessons link pasts and presents; instead, this chapter discusses the
possibility of learning from the past which, after all, I considered should
be rejected in Chap. 2. What would an ‘acceptable’ notion of learning and
learning processes look like? How would or could such a notion be linked
to the four rhetorics? And what are the theoretical foundations on which
such a notion could be developed and justified? The chapter suggests
drawing on the Habermasian notion of intersubjectivity and the concept
of collective learning processes, i.e. processes through which intersubjec-
tive relations become more open and egalitarian, before offering a revision
of this concept. My proposal will be to link existing theories of collective
learning to narrative theory, in particular the aforementioned modes of
12 LESSONS FROM THE PAST?
NOTES
1. I am thinking here especially of movements for historical justice and the
related rise in public or official apologies in the latter half of the twentieth
century. See writings on ‘reparation politics’ (Torpey, 2006), ‘the politics of
regret’ (Olick, 2007) and an ‘age of apology’ (Gibney et al., 2008), as well
as, among many, Cuypers et al. (2013), Lind (2008), Barkan and Karn
(2006) and Brooks (1999). See also Chap. 5. For shifting regimes of
temporality more generally, see Hartog (2015) and Assmann (2013).
2. Speaking of ‘old Europe’ is an intertextual reference to a comment made by
then US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. It was widely perceived as
derogative and aiming for delegitimising France and Germany which
opposed an attack—though for many, it became a badge of honor (for
more on this remark, see Sect. 6.2).
3. Following contemporary conventions, I use ‘story’ and ‘narrative’ inter-
changeably (see Riessman, 2008, p.7).
4. This includes Der Standard, Salzburger Nachrichten, Kurier and Die Presse
in Austria; Dagbladet Information, Politiken, Berlingske Tidende and
Jyllands-Posten in Denmark; Frankfurter Rundschau, Süddeutsche Zeitung,
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Die Welt in Germany; as well as the
New York Times and the Washington Post in the USA.
5. The International Holocaust Remembrance Day takes place on 27 January
in most countries but has also been appropriated on other dates. For
example, Austria’s main commemoration takes place on 5 May, the day
the concentration camp Mauthausen was liberated (National Day Against
Violence and Racism in Memoriam of the Victims of National Socialism). In
Denmark, I have considered speeches given in the context of both January
27 (Auschwitz Day) as well as Liberation Day (5 May). Besides 27 January
(Day of Remembrance of the Victims of National Socialism), Germany has
1 LESSONS FROM THE PAST? INTRODUCING THE RHETORICS OF LEARNING 13
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CHAPTER 2
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The basic assumption underpinning this study is that narratives matter as
they connect and, simultaneously, create pasts, presents and futures. With
this in mind and drawing on Koselleck (2004b), the decline of the classic,
progressive narrative of modernity has affected the ‘horizon of expecta-
tion’, which has become increasingly undefined, even threatening and
lacking the previous promise of advancement and salvation. In turn, the
‘space of experience’ is ever more populated by stories of (our) past
wrongdoings instead of (our) triumphs. It is against this background
that claims to know the lessons from the past are meaningful in contem-
porary discursive struggles. And it is this configuration of experiences and
expectations which facilitates the delineating of new symbolic boundaries,
of us as already being or being in the process of becoming a reformed
collective or individual subject. This is exactly what all four types of
rhetorics of learning are about—though in very different ways.
In order to render transparent the variety of ways of doing so, I start by
turning to the crux of ‘knowing the lessons from the past’. While historians
seem to have largely lost their belief in ‘learning from the past’, public
debates still feature such claims and draw on an intuitive, more or less
positivist, notion of it. Such an understanding consists of a belief that the
past exists as an objective series of events which can, in principle, be
reconstructed. From such a perspective, the past, if properly read, is able
to provide concrete lessons for the present and the future; the past, in other
This is not only supposed to help understanding of the workings of the four
types of rhetoric; much more, these modes will ultimately be understood as
social mechanisms in the un/blocking of collective learning processes (to
which I turn in Chap. 7).
However, before thinking about such processes, let me start by discuss-
ing claims to know the lessons from the past within the context of
narrative theory.
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