A number of measures may be applied to establish new structures or to
reform existing ones. As noted previously, it will usually be necessary to bring about not only formal structural changes but also changes in attitude and support for reforms on the part of the individuals who make up those institutions, and in many cases, those who do business with them as well. Formal structural changes may require legislative changes to statutes or delegated legislation, and will virtually always require administrative reforms. In some areas, such as the independence of judicial offices, even reforms to constitutions or fundamental laws may be required. Legislation may be used to create, staff and fund new institutions. Existing institutions established by statute will generally require amendments to implement fairly fundamental reforms or to abolish them. The administrative rules and procedures under which an institution operates on a daily basis may be based on delegated legislation, in which the ultimate legislative power delegates the authority to make and amend operational rules, within established constraints, to an individual or body established for that purpose. As the legislature itself need not participate, this allows a greater degree of expertise and specialization in rule making, and provides flexibility for making amendments. Both statutes and delegated legislation are relatively amenable to anticorruption reforms. It is important for legislatures and political party structures to be supportive of anti-corruption initiatives in general and educated with respect to the specific amendments proposed. Given the long-term nature of such initiatives, multi-partisan support is also important. Delegated legislative authorities can be appointed to operate under the oversight of the legislature where more detailed technical knowledge of corruption is needed. Essentially, the legislature is called upon to decide to combat corruption, to set general principles, and to enact key provisions, such as statutes creating anti-corruption authorities or establishing criminal offences and punishments. Delegated authorities are then called upon, in the context of each institution, to consider how best to implement reforms in each institution, to create the necessary rules and, periodically, to review and amend them. In many cases, the problem will be to obtain the necessary degree of understanding, support and commitment for the reforms on the part of those who work in the institutions and the outsiders with whom they deal. Legislative anti-corruption reforms must be accompanied by campaigns to train and educate workers about the nature of corruption, the harm it causes and need for reform, as well as the mechanics of the reforms being proposed. Since those who profit from corruption lack positive incentives to change their behaviour, elements of surveillance and deterrence will also usually be needed. It will also be important to ensure that any restructuring is kept as simple and straightforward as possible. Overly complex structures tend to create further opportunities for corruption. Complexity also makes new procedures more difficult to learn and may provoke resistance from officials who see them as an obstacle to the performance of their duties. Reforming institutional cultures also requires time as those accustomed to the old values come to understand and adopt new ones. 95 Reform programmes must seek to accomplish change as quickly as possible, and incorporate as many incentives for change as possible. Nevertheless, objectives and expectations must be reasonable. The pace of change should not be forced to the point where it triggers a backlash. Where anti-corruption reforms are developed in reaction to high-profile corruption, scandals or other major public events that generate political pressure to act quickly, a moderate pace of reform may conflict with political agendas.
INSTITUTION BUILDING IN LOCAL AND REGIONAL GOVERNMENTS
In most countries, to be effective against corruption, reforms at different levels
of government must be developed and integrated. Virtually all countries have separate structures for the administration of central government and local communities, and those with federal constitutional structures also have regional, provincial or state governments. Such governments have varying degrees of autonomy or even sovereignty with respect to the central government and, in many cases, are based on distinct formal or informal political structures. They can pose challenges for the development and implementation of anti-corruption strategies. "Top-down" reforms developed for central government institutions take longest to reach local governments. In many cases, however, it is the reform of local government institutions, delivering basic services, that will make the greatest difference for average people. Locally, political agendas may be quite different from those at central government level and may also vary from one community to the next. Such factors must be taken into account to secure local participation and cooperation. Adapting and promoting anti-corruption measures will often need to be done village by village, preferably with the participation of local people and taking local values into account. The corruption of judicial institutions frustrates all those mechanisms, allowing judicial decisions to be based on improper influences and untested assertions. It also denies litigants basic fairness and the right to equality before the law. The ultimate result is inconsistent, ad hoc decision-making, a lack of public credibility and, in systems based on judge-made law, poor legal precedents. Judicial corruption also greatly reduces the usefulness of judicial institutions in combating corruption itself. The courts are essential not only to the prosecution and punishment of corruption offenders, but also to other accountability structures, such as the civil litigation process (for unsuccessful contract or job applicants), as well as the judicial review of anti-corruption measures and agencies themselves. All such elements are rendered ineffective, or even counter-productive, if the judges themselves or their supporting institutions are corrupt. The reform of judicial institutions is rendered more difficult and complex by many of the very structures that are intended to ensure the independence of judges from corrupt or other undue influences. Judicial independence and security of judicial tenure generally make the discharge or discipline of corrupt judges very difficult, if not impossible. Many countries also extend some degree of legal immunity to judges to prevent domination or intimidation on the part of law enforcement officials or prosecutors, and such privileges may also shield corrupt judges. If a judge is criminally prosecuted, it may be very difficult to ensure that he or she is tried fairly. Any strategy for the reform of judicial institutions should be carefully considered in light of the state of judicial independence in a country and the specific constitutional, legal and conventional measures used to protect it. Before anti-corruption reforms are instituted, it may be necessary to ensure 97 that basic judicial independence is in place and operating effectively.58 In many cases, the prime considerations will be the selection, training and appointment of judges. Judicial candidates should be carefully investigated and screened to identify any incidents of past corruption; judicial training before elevation to the bench and for serving judges, should emphasize anticorruption aspects. Ongoing freedom from any sign of corruption should also be an essential criterion for promotion to senior judicial positions. Only thus will it be possible to ensure the integrity of the appeal process and that senior appellate courts are in a position to pass judgment on corruption cases involving more junior judges. The extensive autonomy enjoyed by judges also makes efforts to change their mind-set or culture a critical element of judicial institution building. Truly independent judges are virtually immune from most of the anti-corruption safeguards that the State can develop, leaving only the internalization of anticorruption attitudes and values as an effective control. Conversely, a well trained, competent and corruption-free judiciary, once established, makes possible a high degree of judicial independence. That can be critical to the promotion of other rule-of-law reforms and to the use of the law as an instrument for implementing not only anti-corruption measures but reforms in all areas of public administration. Finally, the high status of judges within public administration makes them a vital example for other officials. Judges who cannot be corrupted inspire and compel corruption-free conduct in society as a whole.
INSTITUTION BUILDING IN LOCAL AND REGIONAL GOVERNMENTS
In most countries, to be effective against corruption, reforms at different levels of Government must be developed and integrated. Virtually all countries have separate structures for the administration of central government and local communities, and those with federal constitutional structures also have regional, provincial or state governments. Such governments have varying degrees of autonomy or even sovereignty with respect to the central government and, in many cases, are based on distinct formal or informal political structures. They can pose challenges for the development and implementation of anti-corruption strategies. "Top-down" reforms developed for central government institutions take longest to reach local governments. In many cases, however, it is the reform of local government institutions, delivering basic services, that will make the greatest difference for average people. Locally, political agendas may be quite different from those at central government level and may also vary from one community to the next. Such 98 factors must be taken into account to secure local participation and cooperation. Adapting and promoting anti-corruption measures will often need to be done village by village, preferably with the participation of local people and taking local values into account. Failure to deal with corruption at all levels in a coordinated manner will, at best, result in reforms that are only partly effective and, at worst, in the displacement of corrupt activity away from levels where effective controls and countermeasures are in place. For example, a corrupt company, unable to bribe legislative officials to produce the legislation it desires, may resort to bribing local officials to ensure the legislation it opposes is not enforced. Local government in developing countries is increasingly run by elected officials. Greater decentralization has also opened up opportunities for citizen participation in decision-making at the local level. As a result, this "first generation" of democratic leadership is being required to carry out key government functions, such as construction and maintenance of basic infrastructure, delivery of basic services and provision of social services. Thus, access to additional resources for local governments, compatible with an increased level of responsibility, do require institutional safeguards to assure integrity. As that occurs, good governance practices should be deepened and strengthened through transparent decision-making mechanisms that are open to citizen participation.
JUDICIAL INSTITUTIONS
The reform or rebuilding of judicial institutions is often identified as a major
priority in anti-corruption strategies. Judicial independence is ia necessary condition for the effective rule of law and is commonly understood to require independence from undue influence by non-judicial elements of Government or the State. In practice, however, true judicial independence requires the insulation of judicial affairs from all external influences. The process of interpreting law and resolving disputes before the courts involves a carefully structured process in which evidence is screened for reliability and probative value, presented in a forum in which it can be tested through such means as the cross-examination of witnesses and used in support of transparent legal arguments from all interested parties. Such a process ensures basic diligence, quality and consistency in judicial decisionmaking, and inspires public confidence in the outcomes. intimidation on the part of law enforcement officials or prosecutors, and such privileges may also shield corrupt judges. If a judge is criminally prosecuted, it may be very difficult to ensure that he/she is tried fairly. Any strategy for the reform of judicial institutions should be carefully considered in light of the state of judicial independence in a country and the specific constitutional, legal and conventional measures used to protect it. Before anti-corruption reforms are instituted, it may be necessary to ensure that basic judicial independence is in place and operating effectively. In many cases, the prime considerations will be the selection, training and appointment of judges. Judicial candidates should be carefully investigated and screened to identify any incidents of past corruption; judicial training before elevation to the bench and for serving judges, should emphasize anti-corruption aspects. Ongoing freedom from any sign of corruption should also be an essential criterion for promotion to senior judicial positions. Only thus will it be possible to ensure the integrity of the appeal process and that senior appellate courts are in a position to pass judgment on corruption cases involving more junior judges. The extensive autonomy enjoyed by judges also makes efforts to change their mind-set or culture a critical element of judicial institution building. Truly independent judges are virtually immune from most of the anti-corruption safeguards that the State can develop, leaving only the internalization of anticorruption attitudes and values as an effective control. Conversely, a well trained, competent and corruption-free judiciary, once established, makes possible a high degree of judicial independence. That can be critical to the promotion of other rule-of-law reforms and to the use of the law as an instrument for implementing not only anti-corruption measures but reforms in all areas of public administration. Finally, the high status of judges within 96 public administration makes them a vital example for other officials.