Professional Documents
Culture Documents
PDF Narratives of Hurricane Katrina in Context Literature Film and Television Arin Keeble Ebook Full Chapter
PDF Narratives of Hurricane Katrina in Context Literature Film and Television Arin Keeble Ebook Full Chapter
PDF Narratives of Hurricane Katrina in Context Literature Film and Television Arin Keeble Ebook Full Chapter
https://textbookfull.com/product/feminism-and-the-western-in-
film-and-television-mark-e-wildermuth/
https://textbookfull.com/product/the-palgrave-handbook-of-
childrens-film-and-television-casie-hermansson/
https://textbookfull.com/product/female-agencies-and-
subjectivities-in-film-and-television-1st-edition-digdem-sezen/
https://textbookfull.com/product/heroines-of-film-and-television-
portrayals-in-popular-culture-first-paperback-edition-bajac-
carter/
Heading North The North of England in Film and
Television 1st Edition Ewa Mazierska (Eds.)
https://textbookfull.com/product/heading-north-the-north-of-
england-in-film-and-television-1st-edition-ewa-mazierska-eds/
https://textbookfull.com/product/english-literature-in-
context-2nd-edition-paul-poplawski-editor/
https://textbookfull.com/product/narratology-and-ideology-
negotiating-context-form-and-theory-in-postcolonial-
narratives-1st-edition-divya-dwivedi/
https://textbookfull.com/product/children-s-media-and-modernity-
film-television-and-digital-games-ewan-kirkland/
https://textbookfull.com/product/dealmaking-in-the-film-
television-industry-from-negotiations-to-final-contracts-mark-
litwak/
Narratives of Hurricane
Katrina in Context
Literature, Film
and Television
Arin Keeble
Narratives of Hurricane Katrina in Context
Arin Keeble
Narratives
of Hurricane Katrina
in Context
Literature, Film and Television
Arin Keeble
Edinburgh Napier University
Edinburgh, UK
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG, part of Springer Nature 2019
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Pivot imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Keebles and Kerns of the American Gulf
Coast for their inspiration, input, support and love. Though I grew up
in Washington State and lived there until I was twenty-one, and though
I have lived in the UK since 1998, I have a lifelong affinity with the
American Gulf Coast, where my mother’s family come from. They have
weathered some storms over the years, and their values persist in the face
of an increasingly imperiled American democracy. My mother and father
remain a constant source of inspiration—despite the thousands of miles
that separate us. I would like to thank my wife, son and stepson, for
putting up with my time-consuming and distracting obsessions. It is no
exaggeration to say that all my small professional achievements have been
made possible, in some way, by my wife’s love and support.
I’m blessed to have and to have had some wonderful colleagues, and
it would be remiss not to mention them here. I’d like to thank each one
of my much-loved colleagues in the English department at Edinburgh
Napier University and my former colleagues in English at Nottingham
Trent University—two truly wonderful, hardworking and collegial
departments. I would also like to thank the Gateshead-based char-
ity, Changing Lives, which works with homeless and vulnerable peo-
ple, where I worked for several years from the final stages of my Ph.D.
until getting my first academic job. Working at Changing Lives was
rewarding, humbling and perspective-giving. I have been very lucky to
have worked at such inspiring places with such talented people. I’d like
to pay particular thanks to Rachel Sykes and Diletta De Cristofaro, my
v
vi Acknowledgements
Bibliography 127
Index 133
vii
CHAPTER 1
Introduction:
Narrating Katrina in Context
with 9/11 and the War on Terror in its cultural response? How do these
texts help us understand Katrina in a historical continuum that includes
the rupture of 9/11, an event that, despite the seismic—even epochal—
resonances of Katrina, is still more frequently seen as the definitive and
world-changing moment of the early twenty-first century?10 Given the
stark divisions and inequality of contemporary America, can we do this
productively without turning to what Michael Rothberg has called the
“zero sum struggle” of competitive memory?11 This book addresses
these questions directly.
exposed by Katrina, 9/11 and the War on Terror, more than it has been
“changed.”
In very broad terms, these texts achieve this in two ways. First, many
of them either directly discuss the political fallout of 9/11 and the War
on Terror as a surface level part of the narrative or indirectly discuss it
through allegory or thematic allusion. The most explicit example is
Zeitoun, which deals with the true story of Abdulrahman Zeitoun who
was arrested as terror suspect after performing a series of heroic rescues
of stranded citizens, and eventually incarcerated at the Guantanamo-
esque, “Camp Greyhound.” Secondly, many of the Katrina texts also
respond to the early 9/11 texts, in part by challenging their lack of
explicit political engagement but also by critically echoing their trau-
matic impulses. In these undertakings, they participate in a wider scru-
tinizing of the inward turn of American culture after 9/11, which was
at least complicit with policy-level isolationism, nationalism and nostal-
gia. Most of the texts I discuss here, to some extent, operate on both of
these levels. However, before introducing my specific arguments about
them, I will first discuss some of the theoretical tools this book employs;
second, work through the ways in which Katrina, 9/11 and the War on
Terror have previously been analyzed comparatively; and finally, discuss
in detail what has been described as the “depoliticization” or “domesti-
cation” of 9/11.
struggle not only to define a situation but also to manage and control
it. That is, they struggle to push collective understanding in particular
directions.20
It is clear from the critical accounts that I have already discussed that this
is and continues to be the case with Katrina: Its meanings are divergent
and contested. This specific definition of cultural trauma also, of course,
allows us to reckon the memory and impact of 9/11 and the War on
Terror and a range of residual issues such as torture, detention, biopol-
itics, bare life—or what Henry Giroux has called “disposable life”—sur-
veillance, neoliberal securitization and xenophobia—as a fundamental
part of this process of “meaning making.”21 Also integral to Eyerman’s
definition of cultural trauma is the idea that these processes are pub-
lic, visible and narrative: “[c]ultural traumas are public articulations of
collective pain and suffering that require representation through word,
sound and image.”22 Eyerman is a cultural sociologist, and his book, Is
this America? Katrina as Cultural Trauma (2015), focusses on media
representation, but it is clearly the case that literary fiction and nonfic-
tion, cinema and quality, or what Jason Mittell calls “complex” televi-
sion, can play important roles in the processes and negotiations of
cultural trauma too.23
By distinguishing cultural trauma as key to understanding inter-
sections between the stories of Katrina, 9/11 and the War on Terror,
I do not wish to dismiss notions of Katrina (or 9/11) as psycholog-
ically traumatic—individually or collectively. There is no doubt that
this kind of trauma has and continues to be experienced by victims of
Katrina and equally; there are clearly overlaps between individual, col-
lective and cultural traumas. Nevertheless, this book sees Katrina as
an unresolved national cultural crisis, a perennially contested subject
with which these textual representations are engaging. In particular, it
seeks to explore the way they figure the residual impacts of 9/11 and
the long-running systemic issues that the two crises expose, into their
affective responses and political messages. Eyerman’s configuration of
cultural trauma aids this aim and moves away from the kinds of popular
usages of the term “trauma” which, as Hartnell has pointed out, in spe-
cific relation to 9/11, have emphasized American victimhood and func-
tioned as a “barrier” to a more “ethical” understanding of the attacks
and their aftermath.24 Notably, Hartnell extends this critique of trauma
10 A. KEEBLE
clearly valid, and, writing specifically about one of the contexts of this
book, Bond has convincingly shown how analogical memory has helped
exceptionalize 9/11, turning “complex historical events into empty sig-
nifiers” that can and have been ideologically mobilized in various ways.33
I argue here that by understanding Hurricane Katrina and 9/11 as
unresolved cultural traumas, events whose memories are still routinely
subject to various forms of mediation, the potential of Rothberg’s the-
ory of multidirectionality can be harnessed. It presents an opportu-
nity to challenge exceptionalist narratives of 9/11 that have, as Joseph
Darlington states, “ideologically severed 9/11 from history” and to
build connections and arguments that must acknowledge this ongoing
mediation.34 By focussing on cultural texts that resist unilateral narratives
and that emphasize the marginalized voices of disaster, a multidirectional
approach can resist competitive memory and avoid the risks of eroding
localized histories. Conversely, the particular texts under discussion here
enhance the potential of a multidirectional understanding of Katrina,
9/11 and the War on Terror, by providing what Vermeulen describes as
an “affective opening” that sees memory interact with “non-memories”
leaving the future “rigorously open.”35 In other words, the texts ana-
lyzed here are artefacts that facilitate this affective opening up of multidi-
rectional memories.
Rothberg’s book does include some analysis of contemporary
texts and contexts, and a more recent article, “From Gaza to Warsaw:
Mapping Multidirectional Memory” (2011), offers a sustained applica-
tion of his theory in a particularly fraught contemporary conflict. It is
interesting though, given Rothberg’s writings about 9/11 (2003, 2009)
that he does not discuss it in any depth in Multidirectional Memory:
Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (2009). This
may be to resist the pitfalls of exceptionalization that, as Bond has
identified, have perennially plagued pubic memories of 9/11. It is my
contention, though, that a critical application can not only resist these
pitfalls, but effectively counteract them by showing how representations
reveal or expose narrow, exceptionalist narratives. Such an application
relies on Rothberg’s insistence that public memory is “structurally multi-
directional” and that it is mediated and excavated by various kinds of
texts via what he calls “imaginative links.”36
In his follow-up article, Rothberg asserts that “public memory is…
always marked by transcultural borrowing, exchange, and adaptation.”37
It is about exchange and represents a way to work through cultural
1 INTRODUCTION: NARRATING KATRINA IN CONTEXT 13
trauma through acts of comparison, and this clearly benefits from textual
representation:
The logic of comparison explored here does not stand or fall on connec-
tions that can be empirically validated for historical accuracy; nor can we
ensure that all such connections will be politically palatable to all con-
cerned parties. Rather, a certain bracketing of empirical history and an
openness to the possibility of strange political bedfellows are necessary
in order for the imaginative links between different histories and social
groups to come into view; these imaginative links are the substance
of multidirectional memory…producing new objects and new lines of
sight…38
The texts I discuss in this book offer these “imaginative links” and,
I argue, open up “new lines of sight” in relation to the underlying con-
nections between the cultural traumas of Katrina, 9/11 and the War
on Terror. Finally, and of particular importance given the division that
characterizes contemporary American society, Rothberg sees comparison
as an essential process for moving beyond a model of cultural memory
that has relied on the logic of the “zero-sum struggle.”39 He argues that
only by “opening up the separate containers of memory and identity that
buttress competitive thinking,” can a productive multidirectionality be
achieved.40 This is critically important in relation to these two events,
given the potential for race-based and class-based competitive memory.
The literary, cinematic and televisual narratives under discussion here
have specific formal and aesthetic qualities that lend them to multidirec-
tional analysis. Treme’s stories of the jazz musician Delmond Lambreaux
(Rob Brown) and chef Jeanette Desautel (Kim Dickens), for example,
feature what we might call a textual paralleling that invites and lends
itself to multidirectional analysis. Benefiting from the serial television
format, and slow pacing of the program, the narrative follows these
two characters over thirty-six episodes, moving back and forth between
New York and New Orleans in the interest of their professional/creative
pursuits. Their journeys are explicitly analogous and build rich vec-
tors of comparison that extend to the narrative’s ongoing comparison
between the two cities. What emerges is a series of contrasts linked to
New Orleans and New York stereotypes: between tradition and innova-
tion, authenticity and commercialism, parochial insularity and cosmopol-
itanism, and integrity and ambition. Ultimately, I argue, this is one of
14 A. KEEBLE
has described (in her analysis of Treme) as “the old tourist tropes of racial
harmony, racial exceptionalism, and racial respectability,” but through a
comparative critique of US exceptionalism—there is no doubt that, par-
ticularly in the immediate aftermath, the discourse of competitive mem-
ory was prevalent.41
One of the more striking notions that emerged was that of Katrina
as the “black 9/11.” This is a problematic concept as just as it might
imply a challenge to hierarchies of American catastrophes that priv-
ilege whiteness or 9/11, it also risks flattening some of the important
and stark differences between the two events. Moreover, it lends itself
to competitive memory discourse. Salidin Muhammed argued, in an
essay called “Hurricane Katrina: the black nation’s 9/11! A strategic
perspective for self-determination,” that the 9/11 attacks had actually
stifled the momentum of the African-American Liberation Movement,
which had garnered new global support at the World Conference Against
Racism in South Africa in 2001.42 Muhammed saw 9/11 as disrupt-
ing the growth of this movement and identifies Katrina as the moment
to regain momentum. Similarly, Michael Ralph noted that Katrina re-
invigorated discussions about “what it meant to be African American,”
just as 9/11, he argues, had “forced Americans to rethink democ-
racy and citizenship.” Ralph went so far as to argue that the “flooding
of the Gulf Coast quickly became something like the black communi-
ty’s 9/11.”43 But the rhetoric of Katrina as “the black 9/11” mostly
sought to highlight the racial oppression and inequality which Katrina
exposed, rather than deploying the zero-sum tactics of competitive mem-
ory. That is to say that, instead of any attempt to diminish the sense
of 9/11 as a moment of national tragedy, it sought to ascribe equal
importance to Katrina or to use the disparity in how the two cultural
traumas have been approached to make a point. Michael Eric Dyson’s
Come Hell or High Water: Hurricane Katrina and the Color of Disaster
(2006) deployed this strategy at several points, and his arguments have
gained further exposure through his appearance in When the Levees Broke:
A Requiem in Four Acts. Dyson sought more to expose the extents of
racial inequality than to critique the importance attached to 9/11.
Nevertheless, the title of the book’s prologue, “Pompei and 8/29,” is
pointed. The prologue describes how the author’s memory of a recent
trip to Pompei, and knowledge of its history of disaster and slavery, was
evoked by the unfolding of the Katrina catastrophe. It also invites the
reader to consider Katrina in comparison with 9/11 in its title’s use of
16 A. KEEBLE
the date-name “8/29,” which implicitly argues that the same significance
or urgency that shaped the national response to “9/11” should have
been attached to Katrina.
Dyson’s most powerful comparative analysis focusses on the 9/11
Victim’s Fund. He points out that the US government has offered noth-
ing like this fund, which provided an average of two million dollars for
eligible claimants, to Katrina victims. Dyson states that 9/11 victims
were “people of means, people who had names, people whose bodies
were identified with a picture in the papers – more than can be said for
the largely nameless, faceless, victims of 8/29.”44 Here, Dyson again
uses “8/29” and also makes reference to the New York Times “Portraits
of Grief,” a series of elegiac snapshots of the lives of 9/11 victims which
ran from September to December 2001. Dyson builds on this through
analysis of Kanye West’s famous claim in the immediate days after the
flooding of New Orleans, that “George Bush doesn’t care about black
people,” and points out that it is difficult not to think of 9/11 when
considering Bush’s approach to the Katrina crisis. After all, his response
to 9/11 was, for all its faults, decisive and urgent. That he was so mem-
orably visible after 9/11 magnified his lack of action in the immediate
aftermath of “8/29.” However, a foreboding line of continuity was clear
in the militarized nature of the relief effort when it finally was launched.
Dyson’s book is a key engagement or “negotiation” with the ongo-
ing “cultural trauma” of Katrina, rather than an act of competitive
memory. He is rightly angry at America’s failure to protect the citizens
of the Gulf Coast after Katrina, the broken covenant which Eyerman
sees as the center of the cultural trauma of Katrina: “the failure of those
charged with collective responsibility.”45 But while Dyson’s discus-
sions of 9/11 do not operate in the “zero sum struggle” that Rothberg
mentions, and while they could easily do, he only occasionally ges-
tures toward what is to be learned through comparison. I say this not
to point to a weakness in Dyson’s analysis—which has a range of other
important critical functions—but to the latent potential of multidirec-
tional analysis. Diane Negra’s edited collection of essays, Old and New
Media After Katrina (2010), builds fruitfully on some of Dyson’s key
lines of inquiry and at several points invites further multidirectional anal-
ysis. One of its more persuasive arguments highlights the divergence
in post-event media representation of citizens of the two cities. Negra
shows an acute contrast in depictions of the heroic survivors of 9/11 to
the depictions of New Orleanians as somehow complicit in the Katrina
1 INTRODUCTION: NARRATING KATRINA IN CONTEXT 17
crisis. Such characterizations drew crassly from the fact that the victims
of 9/11 were mostly workers in the elite center of American financial
power while victims of Katrina were predominantly poor people who
were perceived to have chosen to stay at home (though of course most
victims didn’t have means to travel and many were in fact disabled or
infirm). Negra cites the pervasive logic underpinning such depictions:
“[n]ational disapproval of New Orleans post-Katrina has consistently
caricatured its ‘do-nothing’ citizens, relying upon neoliberal discourses
of self-sufficiency and studious avoidance of structural features that pro-
duce social vulnerability.”46 This kind of disparity put enormous pressure
on the American melting pot myth which was harnessed, after 9/11,
to evoke unity. Indeed, after 9/11 concerted efforts such as the previ-
ously mentioned “Portraits of Grief” feature in the New York Times
eulogized victims in a way that was, according to editor Janny Scott,
“utterly democratic” in their inclusion of window washers and cafeteria
cashiers alongside the financial elites.47 However, Scott is also quick to
attach distinctly neoliberal rhetoric to her description of the “men”: “[s]
o many were men, traders and brokers, in their thirties and early for-
ties, people who had ridden the bull market out of the lower middle class
and into comfortable homes in suburban New Jersey.”48 A provisional
multidirectional analysis of this shows that both assessments of the vic-
tims are limited and that both point powerfully toward wider systemic
prejudice. While Negra is right to point to this media disparity, it is the
case that the mainstream media responses to both events were designed
to advance specific—but linked—agendas characterized by racialized
neoliberal rhetoric of meritocracy.
The “Portraits in Grief” were only small parts of a larger and
widely propagated post-9/11 narrative of America as a bastion of free-
dom and democracy—ideals which were said to be under attack after
9/11. However, these ideals inevitably leaned on the melting pot
myth of plurality and inclusion, and the unpalatable post-9/11 surges
in xenophobia, Islamophobia and nationalism were written out of
such narratives. This discrepancy between representation and reality,
between post-crisis unity and rising racism, was exposed by Katrina, as
positive representations of the American melting pot were replaced by
images of the extreme poverty of mostly black Americans. Negra shows
how Katrina “punctured” the prevalent 9/11 myths, and this notion
is taken up by Hartnell.49 Hartnell argues that where 9/11 “consol-
idated a sense of national unity and led to a powerful resurgence of
18 A. KEEBLE
New Orleans, there are clear connections to the way the media advanced
inverted, ideologically driven depictions of 9/11 victims as hardworking,
self-made “men.” In both cases, the priority has been to convey national
strength. Just as depictions of Katrina victims characterized them as
“other” or outside the strong homeland mainstream, depictions of 9/11
victims embodied it and powerfully reinforced the larger “official narra-
tive of 9/11,” as a simple, “them” against “us” conflict or even a “clash
of civilizations” between Islam and the West, couched in the rhetoric of
heroism and national unity.
My project in this book is to carry forward such analyses on the key
texts of the Katrina cycle. These kinds of texts offer more than politi-
cal positions and arguments as they are about the human experience of
crisis and survival. Even the documentary or nonfiction texts which I
analyze are built around human experience rather than political polemic
and are particularly invested in conveying the experience of the voice-
less. The approach I adopt in this book opens up exciting interpretive
possibilities and can also build substantively on existing scholarship. An
example might be the focus of my final chapter, which examines three
key cinematic engagements with Katrina, Beasts of the Southern Wild,
Bad Lieutenant: Port of Call New Orleans and When the Levees Broke:
A Requiem in Four Acts, in relation to what Henry A. Giroux has
described as a “new and dangerous” Bush-era politics of disposability.52
This analysis will build on discussions of what Christopher Lloyd has
identified as a contemporary “Southern biopolitics” as well as the specific
biopolitical practices and policies of the War on Terror.53 Lloyd’s analy-
sis, and that of Holly Cade Brown, has demonstrated the need for this
kind of approach in relation to Katrina and the Katrina texts.54 My dis-
cussion of these films builds on these ideas and outlines subtle but com-
pelling links to the biopolitics of the War on Terror, using the work of
Giorgio Agamben and Alex Adams, particularly his recent intervention in
the post-9/11 torture debate, Political Torture in Popular Culture: The
Role of Representations in the Post-9/11 Torture Debate (2016).55
fiction generally failed to identify and describe the ‘wounds’ left after the
attacks.”60
As stated, the depoliticization of 9/11 by its literary representation
is a concept that is contested. John Duvall and Robert P. Marzec, in
their introduction to a special issue of Modern Fiction Studies, take issue
with this position: “Gray and Rothberg are both unwilling to look very
closely at what 9/11 fiction sets out to do because they are both sure
that they know what 9/11 fiction ought to be doing.”61 The key tenet
of their argument, which Duvall further develops in his contribution to
The Cambridge Companion to American Literature After 1945 (2011),
is that political traumas have historically been dealt with through private
and personal struggles and through domestic settings:
Catherine Morley has also raised concerns about the critical analysis of
Gray, Rothberg and Mishra, specifically. Morley points to recent exam-
ples of US fiction that deals with political themes through domestic set-
tings and, most urgently, challenges the idea that fictional texts should be
obliged to a kind of didactic politics:
Fig. 81.—S. setosum. Young Sponge, with one whorl of radial tubes. o, Osculum;
p, pore; sp1, monaxon; sp4, quadriradiate spicule. (After Maas.)
With a canal system precisely similar to that of Sycon, Ute (Fig. 83)
shows an advance in structure in the thickening of the dermal layers
over the distal ends of the chambers. The dermal thickenings above
neighbouring chambers extend laterally and meet; and there results
a sheet of dermal tissue perforated by dermal ostia, which open into
the inhalant canals, and strengthened by stout spicules running
longitudinally. This layer is termed a cortex; it covers the whole
sponge, compacting the radial tubes so that they form, together with
the cortex, a secondary wall to the sponge, which is once more a
simple sac, but with a complex wall. The cortex may be enormously
developed, so as to form more than half the thickness of the wall
(Fig. 84). The chambers taken together are spoken of as the
chamber layer.
Fig. 82.—Sycon raphanus. A, Longitudinal section of young decalcified Sponge
at a stage somewhat later than that shown in Fig. 81. B, Transverse section
of the same through a whorl of tubes. d, Dermal membrane; g, gastral
membrane; H, paragaster; sp4, tetraradiate spicule; T, radial tube. (After
Maas.)
Fig. 83.—Transverse section of the body-wall of Ute, passing longitudinally
through two chambers. a.p, Apopyle; d.o, dermal ostium; fl.ch, flagellated
chamber or radial tube; i.c, inhalant canal; p, prosopyle. (After Dendy.)
Fig. 87.—A spicule from the skeleton framework of Plectroninia, showing the
terminally expanded rays. (After Hinde.)
The sub-family contains only one living genus and a few recently
described fossil forms. Petrostroma schulzei[224] lives in shallow
water near Japan; Plectroninia halli[225] and Bactronella were found
in Eocene beds of Victoria; Porosphaera[226] long known from the
Chalk of England and of the Continent, has recently been shown by
Hinde[226] to be nearly allied to Plectroninia; finally, Plectinia[227] is a
genus erected by Počta for a sponge from Cenomanian beds of
Bohemia. Doederlein, in 1896, expressed his opinion that fossil
representatives of Lithoninae would most surely be discovered. The
fused spicules are equiangular quadriradiates; they are united in
Petrostroma by lateral fusion of the rays, in Plectroninia (Fig. 87) and
Porosphaera by fusion of apposed terminal flat expansions of the
rays, and in some, possibly all, genera a continuous deposit of
calcium carbonate ensheaths the spicular reticulum. Thus they recall
the formation of the skeleton on the one hand of the Lithistida and on
the other of the Dictyonine Hexactinellida (see pp. 202, 211).
"Tuning-forks" may occur in the dermal membrane.
CLASS I. MYXOSPONGIAE
The class Myxospongiae is a purely artificial one, containing widely
divergent forms, which possess a common negative character,
namely, the absence of a skeleton. As a result of this absence they
are all encrusting in habit.
We have said that the Hexactinellids are deep-sea forms; they are
either directly fixed to the bottom or more often moored in the ooze
by long tufts of rooting spicules. In the "glass-rope sponge," the
rooting tuft of long spicules, looking like a bundle of spun glass, is
valued by the Japanese, who export it to us. In Monorhaphis the
rooting tuft is replaced by a single giant spicule,[232] three metres in
length, and described as "of the thickness of a little finger"! Probably
it is as a result of their fixed life in the calm waters of the deep
sea[233] that Hexactinellids contrast with most other sponges by their
symmetry. It should not, however, be forgotten that many of the
Calcarea which inhabit shallow water exhibit almost as perfect a
symmetry.
The skeleton which supports the soft parts is, like them, simple and
constant in its main features. It is secreted by scleroblasts, which lie
in the trabeculae, and is made up of only one kind of spicule and its
modifications. This is the hexactine, a spicule which possesses six
rays disposed along three rectangular axes. Each ray contains an
axial thread, which meets its fellow at the centre of the spicule,
where they together form the axial cross. Modifications of the
hexactine arise either by reduction or branching, by spinulation or
expansion of one or more of the rays. The forms of spicule arising by
reduction are termed pentactines, tetractines, and so on, according
to the number of the remaining rays. Those rays which are
suppressed leave the proximal portion of their axial thread as a
remnant marking their former position (Fig. 94). Octactine spicules
seem to form an exception to the above statements, but Schulze has
shown that they too are but modifications of the hexactine arising by
(1) branching of the rays of a hexactine, followed by (2)
recombination of the secondary rays (Fig. 92).
Fig. 92.—A, discohexaster, in which the four cladi a, a', b, b', c of each ray start
directly from a central nodule. B, disco-octaster, resulting from the
redistribution of the twenty-four cladi of A into eight groups of three. (After
Schulze, from Delage.)
The real or natural cleft in the class lies between those genera
possessing amphidiscs (Figs. 94, 97) among their microscleres, and
all the remainder of the Hexactinellida which bear hexasters (Fig.
96). The former set of genera constitute the sub-class
Amphidiscophora, the latter the Hexasterophora.
Ijima, who has dredged Euplectellids from the waters near Tokyo,
finds that in young specimens oscula are confined to the sieve plate;
parietal gaps are secondary formations. The groundwork of the
skeleton is a lattice similar to that shown in Fig. 100. The chamber-
layer is much folded. Various foreign species of Euplectella afford
interesting examples of association with a Decapod Crustacean,
Spongicola venusta, of which a pair lives in the paragaster of each
specimen. The Crustacean is light pink, the female distinguished by
a green ovary, which can be seen through the transparent tissues. It
is not altogether clear what the prisoner gains, nor what fee, if any,
the host exacts.