Negotiating Diasporic Identity in

Arab-Canadian Students: Double

Consciousness, Belonging, and
Radicalization Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar
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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN
EDUCATIONAL FUTURES

Negotiating Diasporic Identity

in Arab-Canadian Students
Double Consciousness,
Belonging, and Radicalization

Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

Palgrave Studies in Educational Futures

Series Editor
jan jagodzinski
Department of Secondary Education
University of Alberta
Edmonton, AB, Canada
The series Educational Futures would be a call on all aspects of education,
not only specific subject specialist, but policy makers, religious education
leaders, curriculum theorists, and those involved in shaping the educational
imagination through its foundations and both psychoanalytical and
psychological investments with youth to address this extraordinary
precarity and anxiety that is continually rising as things do not get better
but worsen. A global de-territorialization is taking place, and new voices
and visions need to be seen and heard. The series would address the
following questions and concerns. The three key signifiers of the book
series title address this state of risk and emergency:
1. The Anthropocene: The ‘human world,’ the world-for-us is drifting
toward a global situation where human extinction is not out of the
question due to economic industrialization and overdevelopment, as
well as the exponential growth of global population. How to we address
this ecologically and educationally to still make a difference?
2. Ecology: What might be ways of re-thinking our relationships with
the non-­human forms of existence and in-human forms of artificial
intelligence that have emerged? Are there possibilities to rework the
ecological imagination educationally from its over-romanticized view
of Nature, as many have argued: Nature and culture are no longer ten-
able separate signifiers. Can teachers and professors address the ideas
that surround differentiated subjectivity where agency is no long
attributed to the ‘human’ alone?
3. Aesthetic Imaginaries: What are the creative responses that can fab-
ulate aesthetic imaginaries that are viable in specific contexts where
the emergent ideas, which are able to gather heterogeneous elements
together to present projects that address the two former descriptors:
the Anthropocene and the every changing modulating ecologies. Can
educators drawn on these aesthetic imaginaries to offer exploratory
hope for what is a changing globe that is in constant crisis?
The series Educational Futures: Anthropocene, Ecology, and Aesthetic
Imaginaries attempts to secure manuscripts that are aware of the precarity
that reverberates throughout all life, and attempts to explore and experi-
ment to develop an educational imagination which, at the very least, makes
conscious what is a dire situation.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15418
 Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

Negotiating Diasporic
Identity in Arab-
Canadian Students
Double Consciousness, Belonging,
and Radicalization
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar
University of Alberta
Edmonton, AB, Canada

Palgrave Studies in Educational Futures

ISBN 978-3-030-16282-5    ISBN 978-3-030-16283-2 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16283-2

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
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 For my loving and lovely wife Sue
And
For Nano and Zico:
May you too follow your dreams with all your heart.
 Preface

This book is partly based on my PhD dissertation, which I wrote at the

University of Alberta between 2011 and 2016. As the ultimate product of
a very rigorous doctoral program that involved nine courses and a candi-
dacy exam, it remains a densely research-oriented work. In an effort to
make the manuscript of this book both engaging and educational, I have
extensively revised chapters, addressed new issues, added more sections,
rearranged content, and elaborated on its interdisciplinary nature. I would
like to say here that Arab immigrants have received relatively less academic
attention than other minority groups in Canada. Most research on Arab
learners in Canada examines their language difficulties as English language
learners. This book therefore contributes to a better understanding of the
cross-­cultural and educational experiences of Arab youth in diaspora.
From a theoretical perspective, it draws substantially on Du Bois’s notion
of double consciousness, which addresses people who experience a sense
of “twoness” as they are trapped between two worlds. This study acknowl-
edges the wealth of Du Bois’s and Gilroy’s models and attempts to expand
those models to wider, more encompassing, and multi-ethnic articulations
of Black Atlantic geopolitics.
This book engages immigrant literature to explore Arab-Canadian
youth’s cross-cultural conceptualization of identity and therefore contrib-
utes to the scholarship of the curriculum-as-lived. It examines the
Duboisian notion of “double consciousness” as it manifests in students’
interpretations of diasporic literature. Using Anglophone Arab literature
and reader responses, this project seeks to understand how Arab-Canadians
mediate incongruent aspects of ethnic identity that can help and/or ­hinder

vii
viii PREFACE

the process of belonging to and/or alienation from Canadian multicul-

tural society. Given the context of growing alienation of Arab-Muslim
youth in the North American context, the book offers insights and
glimpses of how lived realities may breed antagonized identities and radi-
calization. The use of immigrant literature can generate different and
more nuanced conversations than those available in public discourses of
identity formation among diasporic youth in Western multicultural
societies.
The project applies frameworks of postcolonial and diasporic studies in
education for use in schools and curricular perspectives. Framed through
the construct of double consciousness, the book brings postcolonial con-
structs to sociopolitical and pedagogical studies of youth that have yet to
find serious traction in education. Significantly, this book contributes to a
growing interest among educational and curriculum scholars in engaging
the pedagogical role of literature in the theorization of an inclusive cur-
riculum. As adolescence marks a precarious time in a young person’s life,
many turn to literature for non-didactic and nuanced counsel and insight.
Therefore, this study not only recognizes the potential of immigrant lit-
erature in provoking critical conversation on changes young people
undergo in diaspora, but also explores how the curriculum is informed by
the diasporic condition itself as demonstrated by this negotiation of for-
eignness between the student and selected texts.
Chapter 1 introduces the concept of double consciousness in terms of
its significance, its relevance within the educational context, and its reso-
nance with the Arab diasporic condition. Chapter 2 examines the identity
of second-generation students with respect to in-school environment, per-
sonal experience, social inequalities, and literacy and negotiates ethnic
identity within the Canadian multicultural landscape. Chapter 3 provides
a review of Anglophone Arab literature that explores the diasporic condi-
tion of Arab and Muslim communities. Chapter 4 examines the concep-
tual and methodological framework of the study. It identifies the influences
of colonial discourses on the culture, history, identity, and literature of
colonized peoples, towards the diasporic condition in which non-Western
cultures infiltrated the colonial centre. It also addresses the study design in
terms of case study, the interview approach, and data collection design.
Chapter 5 offers an extensive understanding of the concept of diaspora as
a force of cultural dispersion. It examines double consciousness in the
context of terrorism. Chapter 6 negotiates the notion of double con-
sciousness through the participants’ discussion of short stories. It describes
 PREFACE ix

the participants’ uneasiness about using immigrant literature in the class-

room, exposing how unsettled cultural issues remain unchallenged by the
curriculum. Chapter 7 discusses how a common site of challenge for all
participants is the incompatible worlds of home and school. The chapter
argues that a search for possibilities for reconciliation negates being posi-
tioned within the paradigm of double consciousness as the participants
express a feeling of being Canadian but not quite.
The book takes a qualitative/interpretive approach to how Arab-­
Canadian second-generation high school students respond to Anglophone
Arab immigrant literature. It introduces and discusses the works of several
Anglophone Arab writers and demonstrates how the students’ responses
betray a sense of double consciousness, particularly of being, and yet not
quite being, Canadian. In doing so, this study explores how ethnicity and
culture inform responses to literary texts, help us envision future curricu-
lum possibilities, and illustrate understandings of diversity and social justice.

Edmonton, AB, Canada Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

 Acknowledgements

I extend my warm appreciation to my PhD advisor, Prof. Ingrid Johnston,

for her time and patience. Her comments and suggestions were invalu-
able, and I could not have completed this project without you. Your pas-
sion for scholarship, valuable contributions, and unwavering support
continue to inspire me to do my best work. I am also grateful to Prof.
Margaret Iveson for providing me with constructive feedback. I owe my
understanding of reader response theory to your wonderful seminar from
Fall 2011. Dr. Claudia Eppert has been a precious resource throughout
my graduate years. I have learnt so much from you. Thanks also to my
copyeditor Dr. Cindy Chopoidalo for editing and proofreading the manu-
script of this book. I am deeply indebted to my father and mother for their
love and support and for excusing my absence over all these brave years
and my high-risk journey since the day I left home. To my uncle Nezar:
Now I know why your khaki uniform’s big pockets during the Iraq-Iran
war were filled with novels and not ammunition. And last but not least,
thanks are due to my loving wife Sue for the love, joy, and encouragement
you have brought into my life.

xi
 Contents

1 Introduction: But, Seriously, What’s This Book About?  1

Purpose: Double Consciousness and Curriculum Practices   2
Significance: The Cross-Cultural Educational Dimension   3
Who Are the Arabs?   5
The Arabs in Canada   6
References   7

2 The Educational Conceptual Perspective: Ethnic Identity,

Literacy, and Reader-­Response Pedagogy  9
Second-Generation Students and Ethnic Identity   9
Literacy, Culture, and Pedagogy  18
Reader Response Theory and Its Pedagogical Implications  23
References  29

3 Anglophone Arab Literature in Diaspora: Living on the

Fringes of Culture 33
The Rise of Anglophone Arab Writers in the United States and
Britain  33
Arab American Literature and Immigration Waves  36
Arab British Literature  41
Arab-Canadian Literature  44
References  46

xiii
xiv Contents

4 The Theoretical and Methodological Framework:

Postcolonial Theory, Double Consciousness, and Study
Design 47
Postcolonial Theory  47
The Duboisian Double Consciousness  53
Paul Gilroy’s Specificity of Cultural Formations  56
Study Design  62
My Position as a Researcher  68
Research Questions  69
Data Collection Design  69
References  71

5 The Arab Diasporic Condition and the Representational in

Selected Short Stories 75
What Is Diaspora?  75
Negotiating Arab Identity in Diaspora  77
Being Radicalized: Terror and the Canadian Context  84
The Selection of Short Stories from Diaspora  89
The Three Anthologies  90
The Chosen Stories and Double Consciousness  92
Why Use Short Stories?  95
References  96

6 Double Consciousness: The Poetics and Politics of Being

Canadian101
Introduction to the Interviews 101
The Participants: Brief Biographical Sketches 103
Soueif’s “Knowing” and Said’s “Choices” 105
Halaby’s “Fire and Sand” 116
References 124

7 Implications and Conclusions127

School Versus Home 127
On Being Canadian but Not Quite 132
The Religious and Sociopolitical Aspects 139
The Impact of Cultural Identity on Responding to Literature 146
Ethnic Identity, the Curriculum, and First Language Attrition 148
 Contents  xv

Double Consciousness and Postcolonialism 150

Conclusions 151
Limitations and Suggestions for Further Studies 154
References 155

Appendix I: Literary References159

Appendix II: Interview Questions163

Appendix III: Student Survey165

Index169
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: But, Seriously, What’s This

Book About?

I was a full-time high school teacher, teaching English, Philosophy, and

Social Sciences in an Islamic school in Toronto, when I observed how
Arab/Muslim students led a life of conformity at school, which was meant
to be an extension of their lifestyle at home, but did not necessarily define
who they really are. As most of these Islamic schools demand a code of
Islamic conformity, some of the students behaved differently outside
school and home as they sought social acceptance; therefore, they would
“develop a double personality; with one side tailored to the social/cultural
demands of home and family, the other to the demands of the outside
world” (Zine, 2008, p. 4). In the school in which I was teaching, some
students raised questions about the relevance of their culture or traditions
to literature. Some of them were clearly sceptical of what their parents and
teachers expected them to take for granted. They were equally unsure if
the literary texts they were studying could be interpreted based on their
ethical values and how they see themselves in the world. The gap between
the students’ cultural background and the school curriculum was immense.
I thus became interested in the possibilities of Muslim Canadian student
responses to literary texts that are relevant to their personal experiences
and ethnic identity. I wanted to explore how the Duboisian notion of
double consciousness informs their responses and helps to conceptualize
curriculum as cultural practice.

© The Author(s) 2019 1

W. Kh. Abdul-Jabbar, Negotiating Diasporic Identity
in Arab-­Canadian Students, Palgrave Studies in Educational
Futures, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16283-2_1
2 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

Purpose: Double Consciousness and Curriculum

Practices
Drawing on Du Bois’s notion of double consciousness, and on postcolo-
nial studies and reader response theory, this book explores how Arab-­
Canadian high school students negotiate living between two worlds when
they encounter Anglophone Arab literature that addresses controversial
issues. The study contributes to the scholarly literature that questions the
dominant use of the European literary canon in contemporary secondary
school curricula (Dimitriadis & McCarthy, 2001; Johnston, 2003). I use
the term double consciousness to examine the encounter between one eth-
nic identity with another culture as it “signifies the encounter, conflict,
and/or blending of two ethnic or cultural categories which, while by no
means pure and distinct in nature, tend to be understood and experienced
as meaningful identity labels by members of these categories” (Lo, 2002,
p. 199). This book, therefore, uses the term as a designation for the ability
to survive a life within non-complementary paradigms and to communi-
cate this seeming incompatibility within the curricular landscape:

A way to achieve this could be to focus on praxis – the ways in which we

engage in cultural ways of being that represent a new and hybrid way of act-
ing. A praxis that both breaks with the old and at the same time is a merger
of the old; a contextual space that is filled with creative ways of being and
acting that at the same time points forward and yet retains some of its old
parts. (Sandset, 2011)

Ultimately, this study advocates culturally responsive teaching by infusing

the notion of double consciousness into the curricular landscape and edu-
cational contexts, creating a “contextual space” or what Pratt (1991) calls
“contact zones,” examples of “social spaces where cultures meet, clash,
and grapple with each other” (p. 34). In effect, this book explores curricu-
lum possibilities as informed by this interaction between text and reader
through culturally relevant praxis.
Since this book explores how the Arab diasporic condition resonates
with the diasporic notion of African double consciousness, Gilroy’s The
Black Atlantic (1993) is an important source text as it uses the same
notion to explore encounters of one ethnic subject with another culture.
The culture of the Arab diaspora, like that of the Black Atlantic, is the
product of continuous historical and cultural processes, such as the
 INTRODUCTION: BUT, SERIOUSLY, WHAT’S THIS BOOK ABOUT? 3

c­ olonizing powers moving eastward and the volatile postcolonial era. This
project serves as an extension of the concept of double consciousness,
rather than a departure from Du Bois’s interpretation. Viewed as such,
this study offers insights into how Arab-Canadian consciousness resonates
with the matrix of double consciousness.

Significance: The Cross-Cultural

Educational Dimension
Arab immigrants have received relatively less academic attention than other
minority groups in Canada. According to Statistics Canada (2007), “The
number of people in Canada of Arab origin is growing considerably faster
than the overall population. Between 1996 and 2001, for example, the
number of people who reported Arab origin rose by 27%, while the overall
population grew by only 4%.” In terms of education, again according to
Statistics Canada, “Canadians of Arab origin are twice as likely as other
Canadians to have a university degree [and] are also more than twice as
likely as their counterparts in the overall population to have a post-­graduate
degree” (Statistics Canada, n.d.). Moreover, Canada’s 2011 Census “shows
that the Canadian Arab community has increased in number from 563,315 in
2006 to 750, 925 in 2011 … an increase of … 33.25% – and more than
doubled the 368,530 Canadian Arab population of 2001” (Dajani, 2014).
Most studies of Arab learners in Canada focus either on their language dif-
ficulties as English language learners or on their adjustment problems as
they struggle to become part of the mainstream school community. Very
few studies have been directed towards second-generation Arab students’1
responses to literature and the problems they encounter in making mean-
ing. For instance, in his dissertation Educational and Cultural Adjustment
of Ten Arab Muslim Students in Canadian University Classrooms,
Abukhattala (2004) agreed that “Arab Canadians are a heterogeneous and
frequently misunderstood group whose educational background and cul-
tural heritage have received little attention in the scholarly literature” (p. ii)
and thus examined “the cross cultural and educational experiences of ten
Arab undergraduate students in two English-language universities in
Montreal” (p. ii). Moreover, in Canadian Islamic Schools: Unravelling the
Politics of Faith, Knowledge, and Identity, Zine (2008) identified tensions

1
Students who either were born in Canada or arrived before their early teens when their
parents immigrated to Canada.
4 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

inherent in religiously based schools in Canada. Zine’s study contributed to

explorations of the sociological and ideological alternatives to public school-
ing by pointing out that Islamic schools protect students from unfavourable
social influences by providing them with an appropriate Islamic path that
represents a “reproduction of Islamic identity and lifestyle” (2008, p. 95).
This book contributes to a better understanding of these students’
cross-cultural identity and educational experiences and how that under-
standing helps us envision pedagogical practices and an inclusive curricu-
lum. It also helps to introduce a set of emerging Anglophone Arab writers
whose literary works are relevant to the English Language Arts curriculum
in an increasingly growing multicultural society, especially in Canada. I
interviewed Arab students, asking them questions about short stories writ-
ten by Anglophone Arab authors, which the students selected from a list
that I provided for them. This empirical aspect of the study is part of my
examination of how double consciousness resonates with the insights, pre-
dicaments, or misconceptions that determine the diasporic condition of
Arab-Muslims, which may ultimately generate radical views and antago-
nize their sense of belonging.
I asked the students questions about living between two worlds based
on how reading culturally centred literature resonates with their personal
experience. The interviewees were Arab-Muslim high school students in
grades 9–12. Five of the eight students interviewed were female and three
were male. I would like to note that I did not question the participants
about the theoretical notion of doubleness; rather, we talked about issues
of duality, radical views of or against Islam, and being caught between two
worlds, without any specific recourse to the Duboisian theoretical notion
of double consciousness.
The concept of double consciousness in the negotiation of identity is
crucial to the nature of this study, especially in its capacity to converse with
culture and language and inform reader-response pedagogy: “This multi-­
dimensional nature of identity, and its mutations across disciplinary
boundaries and theoretical paradigms, makes it difficult to account for its
meaning” (Suleiman, 2003, p. 5). I share Suleiman’s concern about exces-
sively engaging in the wide sea of identity rhetoric and politics: “It is
therefore not my intention to contrive a concept of identity which can be
applied uniformly throughout the present study. This is not possible; and,
at any rate, such a task is beyond my competence” (p. 5). I have thus been
consciously aware of how to use the data I have collected within the scope
of the notion of double consciousness.
 INTRODUCTION: BUT, SERIOUSLY, WHAT’S THIS BOOK ABOUT? 5

Who Are the Arabs?

Technically, Arabs are the inhabitants of the 22 states within the Arab
League. They should not be thought of as a homogeneous group, as they
have diverse religious affiliations and cultural practices. The majority, how-
ever, are Arabic-speaking Muslims who live in the Arab world and in dia-
sporic communities around the world. According to Rodinson (1981),
there are certain geographical, ethnic, and linguistic conditions that deter-
mine what an Arab or what an Arab country is:

The countries that fulfill all these conditions constitute a coherent group
extending across the whole of North Africa, the Arabian peninsula, and the
western part of Asia, frequently referred to as the Fertile Crescent. They
incorporate some 150 million citizens and cover an area of about 13 million
square kilometers. (pp. 4–5)

Arabs are often confused with nations from neighbouring countries, mainly
because these other nationalities are either Muslim or Middle Eastern:

Iranians, Afghans, Turks, and Pakistanis are not Arabs. Although these
groups are predominantly Muslim, a commonality they share with Arabs,
each of them is culturally and linguistically distinct, with its own artistic
traditions. Even within the geographical Arab world, there are non-Arab
ethnic communities: Berbers, Kurds, Armenians, Chaldeans, Assyrians,
Circassians. (Salaita, 2011, p. 9)

The Arabic language is a defining attribute and cultural manifestation of

Arabs in general. The modern standard Arabic has, to a large extent, suc-
cessfully maintained its classical form, largely thanks to the impact of the
Quranic message. The recitation and adoration of the Quran, and the
Arabic Islamic tradition in general, have preserved the Arabic language
despite its various dialects. In The Arabs: Journeys Beyond the Mirage,
Lamb (1987) has spoken of how hard it can be to pinpoint the defini-
tion of Arab:

Indeed, the most accepted definition of Arab today is one who speaks
Arabic. None other seems to work. The real Arab comes from one of the
thirteen tribes of the Arabian Peninsula, but what about the millions who
don’t? Most Arabs are Muslim, but what of the six million Egyptian Coptic
Christians? A European lives in Europe, an Asian in Asia, but does an Arab
live in Arabia? (p. 12)
6 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

From this perspective, language itself becomes a deciding factor in what

makes a person an Arab:

The Arabic language itself, by contrast, has a single word, ‘arabi, an attribu-
tive adjective derived from what must be one of the earliest words in the
history of language, ‘arab, a collective noun that was originally used to
describe the nomadic peoples of the central regions of what is now the
Arabian Peninsula. Quite how far back the existence of the ‘arab can be
traced is difficult to say, but a group called the ‘ar-ba-a’ are cited as compo-
nents of an army in cuneiform inscriptions dating from as early as 853 BC.
(Allen, 1998, p. 11)

In this context, language, or “Arabi,” becomes a defining force that

describes the geographical and ethnic origin of Arabs in general. The data
collected in this project confirms that speaking Arabic is key to under-
standing Islamic perspectives and the Arabic culture in general.

The Arabs in Canada

The first waves of Arab immigrants arrived in Canada in the last two
decades of the nineteenth century, and Arab immigration has continued
almost uninterrupted ever since. The early newcomers were officially
called Syrians: “The label Syrian was practical and useful because most
Arabic-speaking people in Canada then came from the Greater Syria
region, today the countries of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Palestine”
(Abu-Laban, 1999, p. 202). Interestingly, this classification changed in
the 1960s to include both Syrians and Lebanese, and only in 1981 were
the categories of “single and multiple origins introduced and in 1991
separate entries were provided for a number of Arab-origin groups”
(p. 203). The 1960s witnessed a significant increase in the number of
Arab immigrants. Differences between the first and the second waves of
Arab immigration are quantitative and are both geographically and eco-
nomically oriented:

There are two distinctive periods of Arab Immigration to Canada which are
labelled as the ‘pioneer wave’ and the ‘new wave’ respectively. For example,
the new wave of Arab immigration to Canada is different from the pioneer
wave not only in terms of volume but also in terms of countries of origin of
the immigrants and the immigrants’ social, economic, political, and educa-
tional characteristics. Additionally, over the last ten to fifteen years new-wave
 INTRODUCTION: BUT, SERIOUSLY, WHAT’S THIS BOOK ABOUT? 7

Arab immigrants have included two types that did not figure prominently in
the pioneer wave: refugees and investors/entrepreneurs. (Abu-Laban,
1999, p. 203)

According to immigration statistics, a large wave of Arab immigrants

arrived between 1981 and 1992, “which accounts for over 51 percent of
the total” of immigrants in Quebec “followed by Ontario at 37 percent,
Alberta at 5 percent and British Columbia and Nova Scotia at 2 percent
each” (Abu-Laban, 1999, p. 206). Alberta ranks third in terms of the Arab
population in Canada. Arab immigrants came from various countries and
immigrated to Canada for various reasons. They brought with them a rich
cultural and intellectual heritage of values, oral traditions, and practices
that have added to the rich colours of the Canadian canvas. This study
contributes to the Arabic intellectual, literary, and Islamic heritage within
the context of diasporic, cultural, and educational studies.

References
Abu-Laban, B. (1999). Arabs. In P. R. Magocsi (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Canada’s
peoples (pp. 202–212). Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press.
Abukhattala, I. (2004). Educational and cultural adjustment of ten Arab Muslim
students in Canadian university classrooms. Retrieved from Proquest Digital
Dissertations.
Allen, R. (1998). The Arabic literary heritage: The development of its genres and
criticism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Dajani, G. (2014). 750,925 Canadians hail from Arab lands. Canadian Arab
Institute. Retrieved from http://www.canadianarabinstitute.org/publica-
tions/reports/750925-canadians-hail-arab-lands/
Dimitriadis, G., & McCarthy, C. (2001). Reading and teaching the postcolonial:
From Baldwin to Basquiat and beyond. New York: Teachers College Press.
Gilroy, P. (1993). The Black Atlantic: Modernity and double consciousness.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Johnston, I. (2003). Re-mapping literary worlds: Postcolonial pedagogy in practice.
New York: Peter Lang.
Lamb, D. (1987). The Arabs: Journey beyond the mirage. New York: First Vintage
Books Edition.
Lo, M. C. M. (2002). Doctors within borders: Profession, ethnicity, and modernity
in colonial Taiwan. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Pratt, M. L. (1991). Arts of the contact zone. Profession, 91, 33–40.
Rodinson, M. (1981). The Arabs. Chicago: Chicago University Press.
8 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

Salaita, S. (2011). Modern Arab American fiction: A reader’s guide. New York:
Syracuse University Press.
Sandset, T. (2011). Some thoughts on hybrid identity: Dictionaries, identities and
“Are we all hybrids”? New Narratives: Hybrid Identity (1). Retrieved from
https://newnarratives.wordpress.com/issue-1-hybrid-identity/some-
thoughts-on-hybrid-identity/
Statistics Canada. (2007). The Arab community in Canada. No. 9.
Suleiman, Y. (2003). The Arabic language and national identity: A study in ideol-
ogy. Edinburgh, Scotland: Edinburgh University Press.
Zine, J. (2008). Canadian Islamic schools: Unravelling the politics of faith, knowl-
edge, and identity. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press.
 CHAPTER 2

The Educational Conceptual Perspective:

Ethnic Identity, Literacy, and Reader-­
Response Pedagogy

Since previous studies have focused on Asian and Indian second-­generation

students (Bacon, 1999; Rudrappa, 2002), or attempted to include a
broader South Asian segment (Shariff, 2008), this chapter focuses on
“second-generation” immigrants whose parents were immigrants to
Canada, or on immigrants who came to Canada as children. This chapter
also discusses identity as a person’s conception of self-image. Identity
involves affiliations: the things that a person shares with a certain commu-
nity, culture, religion, or ethnic background. It entails identification, dis-
tinctive attributes, and self-image: “Identity consists of preferences, styles
of learning, and things we like and dislike. Identity includes ways of talk-
ing, believing, valuing, and even learning” (Conley, 2008, p. 33).
Connecting literacy learning to students’ concrete experiences can be
achieved by constantly engaging with how students formulate knowledge
based on their actual lives and their sets of values and beliefs that inform
their understanding of the world around them.

Second-Generation Students and Ethnic Identity

Literature on second-generation youth often focuses on the debate over
the “search for an ‘ethnic essence’ and an ‘authentic self’ that contrasts
with a more contemporary view of identity as necessarily ambivalent and
hybrid” (Johnston, 2003, p. 5). Additionally, Hebert, Wilkinson, Ali, and
Temitope (2008) argued that research on second-generation youth has

© The Author(s) 2019 9

W. Kh. Abdul-Jabbar, Negotiating Diasporic Identity
in Arab-­Canadian Students, Palgrave Studies in Educational
Futures, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16283-2_2
10 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

gained more scholarly attention in the past several years “with respect to
their integration, a process of considerable relevance to the ideals and lived
realities of Canadian multiculturalism” (p. 61). Studies of second-­
generation youth involve “several debates pertaining to the nature of the
group, research method, representation, and interpretation, all of which
are central to youth studies generally” (p. 61). These studies generally
demonstrate “new cultural flows and new modes of belonging in local and
global spaces [and] new modes of identity production” (p. 61). The des-
ignation “second-generation youth” refers to “the stage in life when major
transitions usually take place, such as graduating from school, entering
post-secondary institutions, entering the labour market, forming new
households, but also coming to terms with ethno-cultural identities”
(Tastsoglou, 2008, p. 1). Shariff (2008) suggested that what sets second-­
generation youth, who have spent most of their lives in the countries to
which their parents immigrated, apart from first-generation immigrants
are two main factors that have brought second-generation research to the
forefront of academic attention. First is the growing population of visible
minorities: “Based on the 2006 Statistics Canada census data, one-in-five
people in Canada is foreign-born, an increase of 13.9% from the previous
census, an immigration surge unprecedented in a quarter century. The
population of visible minorities is now more than five million (16.2% of
the population, a growth rate five times more than the rest of the popula-
tion)” (p. 69). In 2011, the foreign-born population in Canada

represented 20.6% of the total population, the highest proportion among

the G8 countries. Between 2006 and 2011, around 1,162,900 foreign-born
people immigrated to Canada. These recent immigrants made up 17.2% of
the foreign-born population … Asia (including the Middle East) was
Canada’s largest source of immigrants during the past five years. (Statistics
Canada, 2011)

The second factor is the foreign labour market that is attracting more
immigrants “who come to Canada to begin a new life. In addition, their
children will constitute a large group of second generation youth who will
have to negotiate issues pertaining to race, culture, school, and identity”
(Shariff, 2008, p. 69). Likewise, Reitz and Somerville (2004) explain how
the emotional and socioeconomic ties of the family shape the psychologi-
cal well-being of the second generation:
 THE EDUCATIONAL CONCEPTUAL PERSPECTIVE: ETHNIC IDENTITY… 11

“Educational attainment and labour-market experiences of immigrants

shape the socioeconomic context in which they raise their children and the
resources available to them … family variables also play a role in children’s
well-being … [they] affect the second generation’s psychological adjust-
ment and how acculturation patterns” are formulated. (p. 396)

Second-generation youth, therefore, often find themselves on the fringe

of a culture whose centre grows increasingly blurred. Reitz and Somerville
(2004) stressed that the extent of social integration among second-­
generation youth sometimes reflects the parents’ economic and educa-
tional trajectories:

Even where the immigrants themselves experience difficulty having their

educational qualifications recognized by Canadian employers, it may be
expected that they will impress on their children the value of getting an
education and will ensure that any available family resources are channeled
toward this end. Thus the high aspirations characteristic of immigrants
might be fulfilled through their children. (p. 399)

The demographic and socioeconomic aspects of the contemporary

Canadian scene invite more research peculiar to second-generation youth.
How second-generation youth are “conceptualised and studied … as a
generation or cohort, as a free-choice agent or subject to structural
change” (Hebert et al., 2008, p. 62) is key to growth in society.
Studies of second-generation youth within the Canadian context are
generally centred on “the nature of ethno-cultural identification … its dif-
ference from that of the immigrant parents, as well as its relationship to
being Canadian, and how this relationship plays out in particular localities,
cities, and regions of Canada or within particular ethno-cultural groups”
(Tastsoglou, 2008, p. 1). Hassan, Rousseau, Measham, and Lashley
(2008) examined a different second-generation youth experience: the
clash of generations in one family as a consequence of migrating to Canada.
Focusing on the encroachment of the centre on what seem to be unde-
fined ethnic fringes, their article explored the areas of parental authority,
physical punishment, and conflicting cultural values in relation to migra-
tory situations that are peculiar to Filipino and Caribbean parents and
adolescents. Hassan et al. explained that immigrant parents often confront
“a double challenge” in raising their children:
12 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

They must ensure the continuity and transmission of their own cultural val-
ues and heritage, while simultaneously promoting their children’s integra-
tion into the host society … this complex task becomes, at times, particularly
difficult and sometimes results in significant family and parent-child conflict.
(2008, pp. 171–72)

Generally speaking, second-generation youth studies have questioned

the extent to which second-generation youth have blended into
Canadian society.
Recent scholarship on non-European children of immigrants in Canada
has demonstrated that a significant number of second-generation youth
do not feel completely integrated into mainstream society (Ali, 2008;
Johnston, 2003; Lund, 2006; Reitz & Banerjee, 2007; Reitz & Somerville,
2004). In the Canadian multicultural landscape, a sense of denial seems to
loom large:

The contemporary collective amnesia that pretends an absence of racism in

Canada is refuted by a long history of discriminatory government and cor-
porate policies and practices. As several research participants have attested,
this denial of racism and reluctance to name specific instances of racism
often creates barriers to addressing problems as they arise in schools and
communities. (Lund, 2006, p. 37).

Denial or resistance seems to be a common response to any shared evi-

dence of social inequalities in society. In their description of negative and
positive perspectives, Hebert et al. (2008) pointed out that “the negative
portrayal of a large-scale study discussed earlier” can be contrasted with
other studies that show how “young people successfully negotiate and
perform their ‘Canadianness,’ as well as their ethno-cultural identifica-
tions” (p. 63). In “Second-Generation Youth’s Belief in the Myth of
Canadian Multiculturalism,” Ali (2008) argued that second-generation
youth in Toronto do not experience racial discrimination within low-­
income, ethnicized communities. His claim is that their sheltered world
gives them a misleading understanding of what they perceive as a multicul-
tural Canadian map. Ali argued that they “are likely to get deeply disap-
pointed as they uncover the myths of Canada’s multiculturalism in the
world beyond their ethnically concentrated schools and neighbourhoods”
(p. 89). For Ali, these ethnically or religiously gated communities and
 THE EDUCATIONAL CONCEPTUAL PERSPECTIVE: ETHNIC IDENTITY… 13

schools provide an ostentatious semblance of social justice that second-­

generation youth would displace once they are out of their sheltered worlds.
Multiculturalism has been used to promote certain agendas: to justify
the deployment of ethnic communities in certain geographic spaces, to
endorse diversity as a governing principle, to validate government-­
instituted programmes for ethnic minorities, and to inscribe the rights and
duties of minority groups within the confines of a nation-state. Opposition
to multiculturalism is predicated on the assumption that it inflicts a sense
of divided citizenship, draws attention to differences, and disrupts social
cohesion (Ali, 2008; Bannerji, 2000; Fleras & Elliot, 2002). Most of those
critics have also argued that multiculturalism is a method of romanticizing
the nation and keeping ethnic minority youth sheltered, even if temporar-
ily, from reality:

They hear their parents’ narratives of gratitude to Canada for providing

them greater security, equity, or access to free health care and school educa-
tion, and consider themselves fortunate to have been born here. Within the
confines of their micro-environment they do not experience racism because
most people with whom they interact on a regular basis are also racialized
immigrants or their children. The youth see their racially and ethnically
diverse schools and neighbourhoods as examples of Canada’s inclusive mul-
ticulturalism. (Ali, 2008, p. 91)

Such a semblance of multiculturalism can be both deceiving and disap-

pointing when this grand delusion gives rise to, for instance, the sordid
reality of the unkind job market infected with extreme politics and favou-
ritism. Moreover, Jedwab (2008) has pointed out that assimilation has
become the dominant rhetoric, which “has gone too far in suppressing the
ethnic identities of immigrants and their children” (p. 33). He noted that
in January 2007, “two University of Toronto sociologists contended that
Canada was experiencing a serious problem in ‘social integrations’ arising
from a purported ‘racial’ gap in the strength of Canadian identification
amongst second generation visible minorities” (p. 30). Jedwab also drew
attention to a national headline in The Globe and Mail (2007), “How
Canadian Are You?” which “maintained that visible minority immigrants
are slower to integrate into Canadian society than their White, European
counterparts, and feel less Canadian” (p. 31). Jedwab argued that any eth-
nic identification as initially non-Canadian does not necessarily negatively
affect one’s level of attachment to Canada. He drew attention to a
14 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

­ segment of Canadians who instinctively believe that the strength of

“
attachment to Canada amongst immigrants is inadequate and that the
preservation of minority ethnic ties is in part responsible for this pre-
sumed condition” (p. 32). Defining one’s identity as chiefly ethnic and
partially national has been seen as problematic, due to the myth that the
act of primarily belonging to a cultural assemblage and only secondarily
to a nation-state would ultimately impede one’s social integration and
reflect negatively on one’s commitment to citizenship. This misconcep-
tion is one of the most challenging hurdles in the path of Canadian
multiculturalism.
The relationship between ethnic identity and national allegiance has
always been contested: “Canadian-born children of immigrants are consis-
tently asked where they are from, and if they identify Canadian roots their
claims are contested by further questions about where they really come
from” (Ali, 2008, p. 92). The interrogative mode, marked by ethnic cor-
relations that reinforce suspicion, thus often disfigures any patriotic claim.
Proclaiming any ethnic affiliation or promoting a sense of ethnic belong-
ing is often seen to “undermine the sense of belonging to Canada”
(Jedwab, 2008, p. 33). There is a general perception, then, that maintain-
ing cultural ties runs counter to being American or Canadian. For instance,
Hebert et al. (2008) examined “second generation youth’s patterns in
glocal spaces where transcultural modes of belonging are created and
lived” in Calgary, Winnipeg, and Toronto, based on collected graphic and
narrative data (p. 61). They described their second-generation participants
as existing in a congenial space between ethnic and national identity:

They share a sense of pride in their origins and emphasise their need to
maintain a close-knit community and traditions, especially when experienc-
ing racism. They take up the discourse of multiculturalism for its potentiali-
ties, and their ethnicity is not necessarily their most defining characteristic.
Moreover, they have a strong sense of national allegiance, belonging, and
civic identity as Canadians and a strong understanding of civic and political
issues. (p. 63)

Likewise, Lafromboise, Coleman and Greton dismiss the accommodation

of two conflicting cultures as “psychologically undesirable because man-
aging the complexity of dual reference points generates ambiguity, iden-
tity confusion, and normlessness” (1993, p. 395). Lafromboise, Coleman
 THE EDUCATIONAL CONCEPTUAL PERSPECTIVE: ETHNIC IDENTITY… 15

and Greton asserted that the multicultural model can build bridges
between ethnic membership and national affiliation:

The multicultural model generates the hypothesis that an individual can

maintain a positive identity as a member of his or her culture of origin while
simultaneously developing a positive identity by engaging in complex insti-
tutional sharing with the larger political entity comprised of other cultural
groups. (1993, p. 401)

Within this frame of understanding, second-generation youth seem to be

racked between two worlds, parental and cultural on one hand, and main-
stream and institutionalized, on the other. The uncertainty that follows
can be seen as not conducive to a congenial sense of belonging.
Other studies have explored certain key components in the identifica-
tion of second-generation youth with ethnic culture, such as language,
ethnic community involvement, visiting country of origin, and family ties.
Piggott and Kalbach (2005) argued that speaking a second language
determines the impact of ethnic identity:

Research reveals that ethnic connectedness declines as the use of the ethnic
language decreases. For example, a person who speaks an ethnic language is
thought to be more ethnically connected than one who is more assimilated
… Thus, as use of their ethnic language declines, individuals may tend to be
less ethnically connected. (p. 5)

Language, therefore, serves as the bridge that connects identity to culture.

Phinney, Romero, Nava, and Huang (2001) noted that maintaining eth-
nic language positively reinforces ethnic identity, as “it provides a link to
the culture in which their parents were raised” (p. 149). Phinney inferred
that engaging in ethnic community activities is key to “enhanc[ing] feel-
ings of ethnic belonging and positive ethnic attitudes” (2002, p. 76).
Indeed, as their first language erodes over time, second-generation youth
subconsciously lose contact with their parents’ culture as they no longer
have that genuine access to the political, historical, and social conditions
and religious values that accentuate that particular culture and give it its
human voice.
Reitz and Somerville (2004) explored how second-generation youth in
Canada manage to integrate into the Canadian socioeconomic fabric:
“What have been their experiences as they have grown up, moved through
16 W. KH. ABDUL-JABBAR

the educational system, and entered the labour market? And what do these
experiences tell us about the overall integration of racial-minority groups
in Canadian society?” (p. 386). They pointed to the rise of second-­
generation ethnic minority youth in the second half of the twenti-
eth century:

Persons of non-European origin have been prominent among immigrants to

Canada since the policy reforms of the 1960s, creating a new diversity in
what had been – apart from Aboriginal peoples – an almost entirely
European-based population. Now the children of these immigrants are
growing in number. By 2001 those born in Canada constituted a substantial
part 30%-of the country’s so-called visible-minority 2 population of 4 mil-
lion (which in turn comprises about 13.5% of the total population of about
30 million). (Reitz & Somerville, 2004, p. 386)

I have chosen to study the experiences of second-generation ethnic

­minority youth because they “may provide a clearer indication of the long-­
term prospects for integration of racial minorities into society than have
the experiences of the immigrants themselves” (Reitz & Somerville, 2004,
p. 386). Although non-European first-generation immigrants may
encounter other challenges such as acquiring English language proficiency
or having their foreign credentials and work experience recognized, both
first and second-generation immigrants confront difficulties experienced
by racial minority immigrants, such as discrimination and racial profiling,
which may be a truer reflection of longer-term problems in terms of inte-
gration, disadvantages, and inequalities. However, second-generation
youth reflect a more comprehensive experience of racial prejudice and
favouritism in Canadian education:

Educators and researchers have pointed to racial biases among teachers and
in the curriculum in the primary and secondary school system, the streaming
of minorities into non-academic programs, the devaluation of the role of
minority parents in their children’s schooling, and the lack of minority rep-
resentation on school boards. Some research suggests that racist sentiment
in schools causes visible minority youth to perceive that they are discrimi-
nated against. (Reitz & Somerville, 2004, p. 399)

An important concern in the literature on second-generation youth has

been “the implications for the longer-term integration of racial minorities
into society. How positive are the implications of psychological a­ djustment
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 "Tehän lähdette nyt, eikö niin, Brannon?" sanoi hän hymyillen.
"Sanokaa
Bettylle — —"

Samassa hän kiljahti, kun Brannon liikahti. Hän tunsi Brannonin

käden olkapäätään vasten ja hän horjahti siitä voimakkaasta
sysäyksestä, jonka Brannon hänelle antoi, syöksyi sivuttain ja kaatui
maahan selälleen noin kahdentoista jalan päähän Brannonista.

Kaatuessaan ei hän hetkeksikään ollut kadottanut Brannonia

näkyvistään. Jännittynein lihaksin oli hän koettanut lievittää
kaatumistaan ja oli tullut maahan hitaasti, joten Brannonin jokainen
liike jäi ainaiseksi hänen sieluunsa kuin valokuva.

Työntäessään Josephinen syrjään, hypähti Brannon muutaman

askeleen taaksepäin ja hänen oikea kätensä oli laskeutunut
vyötäisten kohdalle. Käsi kirposi siitä jälleen taaksepäin, nousi
ylöspäin ja syöksi tulta ja savua. Kuusipiippuisen kumahteluun
sekoittui rihlan kimakka, ilkeä-ääninen paukahtelu Denverin pyssystä
kiven takaa, savun puskiessa suorana viivana harjanteelta. Brannon
lähetti yhden kuulan sinnekin, käsitellen pistooliaan aivan kuin hän
olisi heittänyt jotakin harjanteelle päin. Ase laski taas ja asettui
vaakasuoraan ja sen suusta syöksyi yhtämittainen tuli Lattimeria
kohti, joka oli saanut aseensa esille ja koetti tähdätä Brannoniin.

Lattimerin ase laukesi, mutta hänen voimattomaksi ammuttu

kätensä ei enää jaksanut ohjata sitä ja se kirposi hänen
hervottomista sormistaan ja putosi kolahtamatta pehmeään santaan.

Brannonin liikkeet olivat olleet niin nopeat, että Josephine oli

varma siitä, että Denver ja Lattimer olivat kaatuneet yhtaikaa. Niin
hänen jännittynyt ja kauhistunut sielunsa ainakin tulkitsi asian.

Lattimerin horjahdellessa eteenpäin outo ihmetyksen ilme

lasimaisissa silmissään ja hitaasti lyyhistyen polvilleen, vieri Denver
hervottomana rinnettä alas. Hän liukui hiljaa aivan pehmeään
santaan asti ja jäi siihen makaamaan oudossa rykelmässä. Lattimer
taas näytti ikäänkuin valinneen itselleen määrätyn kuolinpaikan,
vaipui siihen hitaasti ja oikaisihe aivan kuin makuulle ainakin.

Syntyi aavemainen, syvä hiljaisuus. Brannon seisoi synkkänä

katsellen vuoroon kumpaakin kaatunutta vihollistaan.
Kumpainenkaan ei liikahtanut ja Josephine käsitti, että kaikki oli ohi.

Brannon ei sanonut sanaakaan eikä edes katsahtanutkaan

Josephineen.
Josephine nousi päästäkseen tappopaikalta pois ja meni
ruohokentän
toiseen päähän. Siinä lysähti hän maahan ja itki näkemiään kauhuja.
Mutta hän tunsi sisässään, että oikeus oli tapahtunut.

Hänen oli täytynyt pyörtyä, sillä kun hän epämääräisen ajan

perästä aukaisi silmänsä, näki hän Brannonin seisovan lähellään
olevalla harjanteella.

Oli tullut hämärä. Maa näytti harmaalta ja kuolleelta ja taivas oli

kalpean sininen ja siellä täällä tuikahti tähti. Josephine nousi.

Brannon kuuli hänen liikkeensä ja tuli hänen luokseen, katsoen

häntä suoraan silmiin.

"Tuolla tulee joku" sanoi hän. "Pohjoisesta. Jotenkin varmasti se

on Cole Meeder ja joku hänen miehistään. Mitä aiotte sanoa heille?
Aiotteko kertoa heille saman valheen kuin minullekin, että menitte
omasta ehdostanne Lattimerin kanssa?"

"Tiesittekö sen"? sanoi hän hämmästyneenä. "Tiesittekö, että

valehtelin?"

Brannon nauroi hiljaa.

"Denver ja Lattimer unohtivat yhden asian", sanoi hän. "Se oli se,
että minulla on silmät. Sieltä, missä olin vähän aikaisemmin kuin te
juoksitte vastaani, saatoin nähdä vuorenharjanteen. Näin Denverin
kiipeevän sinne ja pidin silmällä mihin hän kätkeytyi. Sitäpaitsi,
vaikka en olisi nähnytkään häntä, niin —" Hän pysähtyi, pani
molemmat kätensä Josephinen olkapäille ja loi häneen katseen,
jossa oli moitetta ja samalla ihailua.

"Te ette valehtele vakuuttavasti, Jo", sanoi hän, "te ette ole kylliksi
harjaantunut siihen. Mutta te teitte suurenmoisen työn —
suurenmoisen työn!"

Josephine itki hiljaa.

Vähän myöhemmin talutti Brannon hänet vuoren harjanteelle,

jossa he varjojen tummetessa vartoivat kun Cole Meeder ja Starin
miehet ratsastivat heidän luokseen.

Neljäsneljättä luku.

Kun Josephine myöhemmin eräänä päivänä istui Triangle L:n

kuistilla mukavassa kiikkutuolissa, katseli hän miettiväisenä avaralle
alangolle.

Rauhan palattua saattoi hän antaa ajatustensa viipyä menneissä

eräänlaisella tyytyväisyydellä. Sillä elleivät hänen kokemuksensa
ehkä olleet antaneet hänelle muuta, niin olivat ne kuitenkin
opettaneet hänelle sen seikan, ettei hän yhdellä iskulla pystynyt
muuttamaan luontoaan siinä määrässä, että se vastaansanomatta
sopeutuisi mihin uuteen ympäristöön tahansa.

Hän sulki silmänsä ja muistutteli mielessään tapahtumain kulkua

alusta alkaen, kun hän ensi kerran katsoi Brannonia silmiin rautatien
varrella, aina siihen hetkeen saakka kun hän kolme päivää sitten
taasen katsoi niihin heidän seisoessaan vuoren harjanteella
odotellen Starin miehiä. Hän näki, etteivät elämän ohjesäännöt,
sellaisina kuin hän oli ne oppinut tuntemaan, olleet niin joustavat,
että niitä olisi voinut ulottaa poikki mantereen tähän erämaahan. Hän
tunsi, että Brannon edusti Länttä samoinkuin hän itse oli Idän
edustaja. Hän oli kuullut ihmisten sanovan, että ihmisluonto on
kaikkialla samanlainen ja vaikkei hän pystynytkään väittämään sitä
vääräksi, oli hän vakuutettu siitä, ettei sitä ollut tarpeeksi perusteltu.
Siihen olisi hänen mielestään pitänyt lisätä jotakin, joka koski sitä
ympäristöä jossa kukin eli.

Brannon esimerkiksi, oli elänyt koko ikänsä Lännessä. Josephine

muisteli Bettyn sanoneen, että hän polveutui Booneista, joka taas
viittasi siihen, että missä aavat erämaat levisivät, siellä oli myös
Brannon kotonaan. Olisiko hän sama Brannon jos hänet aivan äkkiä
sijoitettaisiin keskelle sivistynyttä yhteiskuntaa?

Josephine arveli, ettei hän olisi sama. Mahdollisesti olisi hän yhtä
taipumaton ja jyrkkä, mutta Josephinen kotiseudun ankarien lakien
alaisena murtuisi hänen terästahtonsa ja hänen täytyisi hillitä
väkivaltaisia taipumuksiaan. Laki ei siellä olisi hänen kädessään,
vaan koko kansan käsissä, joka sitä vain valitsemainsa edustajain
kautta toteutti. Sen vuoksi hän ei olisi sama Brannon siellä.

Ja joka tapauksessa, olipa hän Lännen tai Idän mies, pelkäisi

Josephine häntä. Alussa taisteli hän Brannonia vastaan luullen
vihaavansa häntä. Nyt hän älysi, että hän oli taistellut ainoastaan sitä
runollista lumousta vastaan, joka häntä ympäröi. Sen jälkeen kun
hän oli nähnyt hänen tappavan Lattimerin ja Denverin, oli tämä
lumous hävinnyt. Josephine ei rakastanut häntä, hän ei edes pitänyt
hänestä, mutta hän ihaili hänen alkuperäistä sielullista voimaansa ja
hänen rautaista itsehillintäänsä. "Teräs" Brannon! Josephine
muistaisi hänet aina, se oli varma!

Hän näki nyt Brannonin tulevan ratsastaen häntä kohti

pohjoisesta, aavan tasangon poikki. Hän katseli häntä kun hän
rauhallisen kepeästi ratsasti mustallaan. Hän tunsi taas tuon
lumouksen. Mutta hän pudisti hymyillen päätään muistellessaan
erästä erikoista Idän miestä, joka olisi sangen karsaasti katsonut
nahkahousuja ja kannuksia.

Brannon tuli perille, pysäytti hevosensa kuistin nurkalla ja kääntyi

istumaan poikkipuolin satulassa. Hänen hymynsä oli leveä,
ystävällinen — ei mitään muuta.

"Tehän olette aikeissa jättää meidät", sanoi hän. "Kuulin sen juuri
eräältä miehistä. Tulin sanomaan hyvästiä teille."

"Kaksikymmentä mailia!" sanoi Josephine, viitaten matkaan, jonka

Brannon sitä varten oli ratsastanut. Hän oli kuullut Bettyn kertovan
siitä.
 "Niin", sanoi Brannon, katsoen häntä vakavasti, "ettehän tahtone
kieltää minulta sitä iloa?"

Josephine nauroi ystävällisesti moitteelle hänen äänessään.

"Pelkään, että tulette hyvinkin iloiseksi kun lähden", sanoi hän

tarkaten Brannonin ilmettä.

"Enhän toki" sanoi hän, silmät leimuten, "te olette ollut erittäin
mielenkiintoinen."

"Brannon", sanoi Josephine — sillä kun hän nyt oli lähdössä pois,
tahtoi hän olla varma siitä, ettei Brannonille jäänyt pahaa mieltä, sillä
hän muisti sen illan kun Brannon oli pannut kätensä hänen päänsä
päälle miltei hyväillen, "oletteko varma, että minä olen mielestänne
ollut ainoastaan mielenkiintoinen?"

"Luulen, että siinä on kaikki, Miss Hamilton", vastasi Brannon

katsoen häntä vakavasti silmiin. "Ymmärrättehän, että kun te
vihaatte —"

"Vihasin", oikaisi Josephine.

"Kun te vihasitte minua", korjasi Brannon hymyillen, "niin ei minulla

ollut rohkeutta —"

"Brannon", keskeytti Josephine, "eikö se ole Betty?"

Brannonin silmät säihkyivät. Hän punastui, mutta hänen äänensä

oli luja.

"Niin luulen", sanoi hän. Ja silloin näki Josephine ensikerran

Brannonin luonteen ystävällisen, inhimillisen puolen. Puna levisi
koko hänen kasvoilleen, hänen silmänsä elivät ja niissä oli
poikamaisen hämmästynyt ilme.

"Jos hän huolii minusta", lisäsi hän sitten. Josephinen silmät

kertoivat suloista tietoa ja hän hymyili tyytyväisenä.

"Miksi ette kysy häneltä, Brannon?" sanoi Josephine ystävällisesti.

"Aion tehdä sen", sanoi Brannon vakavasti. "Olen ajatellut sitä jo

kaksi vuotta, mutta näettehän, ettei Betty juuri kehoita siihen."

"Betty ei juokse miesten perässä, Brannon."

"Se on totta!" sanoi Brannon, ihaillen Bettyn aitoutta naisena.

"Betty on tyttöjen tyttö, eikö niin, Miss Hamilton?"

"Jos minä olisin mies, niin pitäisin häntä suuressa määrässä

tavoiteltavan arvoisena, Brannon", sanoi Josephine hymyillen. "Ja",
jatkoi hän kuivasti, "minä olisin hyvin levoton siitä, että joku toinen
mies ennättäisi pyytää häntä ennen minua. Teillä on toivoa,
Brannon."

Brannon oli kiitollinen ja poikamaisen iloinen. Hän loi Josephineen

sellaisen silmäyksen, että se sai hänen sydämen lyömään
kiivaammin ja antoi hänen aavistaa, että hän olisi ehkä ollut hyvinkin
surullinen täytyessään jättää Brannonille hyvästit, jos kohtalo olisi
toisin määrännyt.

Mutta mielenliikutus meni pian ohi. Seuraavassa tuokiossa pudisti

hän
Brannonin kättä, sillä hän oli astunut satulasta sanomaan
jäähyväiset.
 "Te kai lähdette viiden aikaan?" sanoi Brannon.

"Lin Murray valjastaa paraikaa hevosia", vastasi Josephine

"Lähden kymmenen minuutin kuluessa."

"Betty saattaa teitä Willetiin saakka?"

"Niin."

"Hyvä", sanoi Brannon vakavasti. "Sitten sanon jäähyväiset vasta

kaupungissa. Lin Murrayhin ei aina ole luottamista."

Hän jätti Josephinen kuistille ja meni karja-aitaukselle, missä

Murray valjasti hevosia.

Kymmenen minuutin kuluttua vierivät ajoneuvot kuistin eteen.

Brannon istui yksin ajajan paikalla. Hänen kasvonsa olivat
ilmeettömät.

Josephine oli mennyt sisään ottamaan tavaroitaan ja kun Betty tuli

ulos, oli Josephine aivan hänen kintereillään.

Betty oli jo puolivälissä rappuja, ennenkuin hän huomasi

Brannonin, joka istui ajajan istuimella välinpitämättömän näköisenä.

Betty pysähtyi ja punastui.

"Brannon", sanoi hän, "Missä Murray on? Käskin häntä tulemaan

mukaan
Willetiin!"

"Murray on sairas", vastasi Brannon rauhallisesti, katsomatta

Bettyyn. "Eikö ollutkin onni, että satuin tulemaan kotiin äsken?" lisäsi
hän katsoen Bettyyn, jonka posket tulivat yhä punaisemmiksi. "Sinun
olisi täytynyt ajaa kotiin yksin."

Betty olisi yhtä hyvin voinut olla yksinkin paluumatkansa

alkutaipaleen, sillä niin vähän tiesi hän Brannonin läsnäolosta.
Brannonin keskustelu rajoittui nimittäin vain yksitavuisiin
maanitteluihin, hänen ohjatessaan ravakasti juoksevia hevosiaan
pimeän hämyssä.

Mutta Betty ei puhunut enempää itsekään. Heillä oli kummallakin

omat huolensa, jotka painoivat heidän sydämiään. He olivat
pahoillaan siitä, että nuori Idän nainen, jolla oli ollut aatteita, oli tullut
Suureen länteen, ja nähnyt siellä aatteittensa murskautuvan
kokonaan, tullessaan kosketuksiin sen ihmisluokan kanssa, jonka
tapaa kaikissa yhteiskunnissa, nimittäin lainrikkojien.

"Hänen ei olisi pitänyt sekaantua asioihin sillä tapaa", sanoi

Brannon äkkiä, pukien ajatuksiaan sanoiksi.

"Niin", sanoi Betty, ikäänkuin olisi jatkanut keskenjäänyttä

keskustelua. "Siinä hän teki erehdyksen."

"Toisen erehdyksen teki hän vihatessaan minua", sanoi Brannon.

"Minä koetin —"

"Ei hän sitä tehnyt, Brannon."

"Mitä ei tehnyt?"

"Ei hän vihannut sinua. Eikä koskaan tule sitä tekemäänkään. Kun
sinä puhuit hänen kanssaan kuistilla juuri ennen lähtöä, niin hän
sanoi —"
 "Kuuntelitko sinä?" syytti Brannon. Hän taivutti itseään Bettyn
puoleen nähdäkseen hänen kasvojaan hämärässä ja huomasi, että
ne olivat tulipunaiset.

"Minä — minä en voinut sille mitään, Brannon. Minä olin näet juuri
tulossa ulos ja kun minun piti — piti —"

Hän pysähtyi, uteliaana tietämään miksi Brannon huokaisi niin

syvään.

"Miksi sinä noin teit, Brannon?" kysyi hän.

"Helpotuksesta", vastasi Brannon. "Olen kaksi vuotta koettanut

sanoa sinulle sen, minkä kerroin hänelle. Luulen, ettei minulla
koskaan olisi ollut rohkeutta siihen.

"Mutta sinun täytyy, Brannon", kuiskasi Betty. "Minä en koskaan

tyytyisi siihen tietoon, että sinä olet sanonut sen jollekin toiselle
naiselle, vaikka minä olisin sen itse kuullutkin —"

Ohjaajan varman käden puutteessa pysähtyivät hevoset vihdoin

tien vieressä kasvavan tuoreen heinän ääreen. Sillä aikaa kertoi
mies, jonka rohkeus oli hankkinut hänelle nimen "Teräs" tulevalle
elämänkumppanilleen tuon ikivanhan, tarinan, joka on aina yhtä
uusi, aina sama, tänään ja huomenna ja joka ei tiedä mitään
pohjoisesta eikä etelästä, ei idästä eikä lännestä.
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