Maternal Migration. Childrens Perception of Being Left behindNECKLES-DISSERTATION-2017

Maternal migration: Children’s perception of being left behind
by
Debbie Ann E. Neckles, M.S.
A Dissertation
In
HUMAN DEVELOPMENT AND FAMILY STUDIES
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of Texas Tech University in
Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for
the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Approved
Yvonne Caldera, Ph. D.

Chair of the Committee
Malinda J. Colwell, Ph.D.

Committee Member
Michael McCarty, Ph.D.

Committee Member
Mark Sheridan
Dean of the Graduate School
December 2017
© 2017, Debbie Ann E. Neckles
Texas Tech University, Debbie Neckles, December 2017
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thank you sometimes seems so inadequate. However, I wish to say thank you to
my Lord and savior Jesus Christ. Without my faith in God I don’t think I would have
made it through. This journey was a hard one. Nothing went as planned. Many times, I
thought of giving up, but by the grace of God I found the strength to keep going. A
special thank you goes to my committee. Dr. Yvonne Caldera, Dr. Malinda Colwell, and
Dr. Michael McCarty. I will always be grateful for your support. Thank you for
believing in me when I didn’t believe in myself.
To my family, especially my parents, for always preaching the value of an
education and giving me the foundation to build on. To my village, that small circle of
friends who have always been there, thank you for your support. Knowing that you guys
were in my corner gave me the strength to continue. A special “big up” to Chandra and
Sigmund Courtney you are not only my friends but my life savers -literally. And to
Elizabeth “Beth” James, thank you for lifting me up so many times. Every conversation
with you started and ended with laughter. You made me laugh no matter what I was
going through. When the pain was unbearable, when the doubt took over, and when the
lights were dim, you will always make me laugh, remind me that everything was only for
a moment, and I will make it through the storm. Finally, I dedicate this to my nieces and
nephews. Hopefully, I have given them something to look up to, so that they too may
follow in my footsteps.
STM, thank you and I love you!
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................ ii
ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................v
LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... vi
I. INTRODUCTION............................................................................................1
Caribbean Migration ..........................................................................................2
Migration Trends ...............................................................................................3
Caribbean and the Children Left Behind ...........................................................4
Focus of the Current Study ................................................................................5
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...............................................................6

Prevalence of Migration in General ...................................................................6
Voluntary versus Involuntary Migration ..........................................................8
Reasons for Voluntary Migration .....................................................................9
Statistics on Parent that Typically Leaves .........................................................9
Theoretical Framework ...................................................................................11
Attachment Theory .........................................................................................11
Bio-ecological Systems Theory ......................................................................14
Role of Mothers in the Family ........................................................................16
Role of Fathers in the Family ..........................................................................18
Indirect Impact of Migration: Remittances .....................................................21
Remittances Impact on Education of Children Left Behind ...........................23
Social and Emotional Impact of Migration on the Children Left Behind .......24
Maternal Migration when the Child is a Preschooler/Middle Childhood .......30
Rationale for this Study ...................................................................................34
III. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................36

Participants and Sampling................................................................................36
Interview Procedures .......................................................................................39
IV. RESULTS .......................................................................................................41

Data Analysis ...................................................................................................41
Results ..............................................................................................................41
V. DISCUSSION .................................................................................................48
Conclusion .......................................................................................................54
Strengths of the Study ......................................................................................54
Limitations .......................................................................................................55
Future Directions .............................................................................................55
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................57
iii
APPENDIX A: Recruitment Letter to Parent/Guardian ............................................71

APPENDIX B: Parent/Guardian Consent Form .........................................................73
APPENDIX C: Child Assent Form ...............................................................................75
APPENDIX D: Interview Questions .............................................................................76
iv
ABSTRACT
For mothers in the Caribbean migration in search of better pay is a way of improving the
family financially and creating a better life for their children. Many migrate leaving their
children behind in the care of relatives or friends. This disruption can have grave
implications for the children left behind. Few studies however have examined the impact
of maternal migration from the perspective of the children. In this qualitative study
interviews were conducted with 9-11-year-old children (n=15) whose mothers have
migrated, in order to understand children’s conceptualizations of their mothers’ migration
and of being left behind. Participants for this study were recruited form three primary
schools on the island of Grenada in the West Indies. Data were analyzed using
interpretive phenomenology. Results indicated that children’s conceptualization of their
mothers’ migration was complex and viewed with sadness, fear, and some happiness.
Children felt sad at being separated from their mothers, feared being abandoned by their
mother, worried about their mothers’ well-being, while being happy that their mothers
were now able to better provide for their families.
v
LIST OF TABLES
1. Sample demographics…………………………………………………………37
vi
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The movement of people from one place to another in search of a better way of
life is not a new concept. For generations persons have left their homes, travelling far
distances in many cases, seeking employment to lift the standard of living for themselves
and their families. This trend has become a worldwide phenomenon as the world
becomes more developed. This increased trend results in the disruption of the family and
the impact to the children being left behind can be devastating. One such effect is on the
mother child relationship and what that means for the child left behind. Research shows
that the quality and nature of early experiences within the family are important to
children’s later social and emotional adjustment (Overbeek, Stattin, Vermulst, Ha, &
Engels, 2007). When a mother migrates, leaving her children behind, the mother-child
bond never develops or is broken. As Chamberlain (2002) stated, when a person’s life
course is interrupted, intergenerational transmission is thrown into crisis. As a result, the
children’s perception of belonging is interrupted, and identity becomes an issue
(Chamberlain, 2002).
One aspect of migration is the separation of children from their parents. As a
result there are a huge number of children living with at least one or both parents absent
from the home. Additionally, there are also a huge number of children living with an
absent mother because of migration. It will be interesting therefore to learn more about
how children perceived their mothers’ absence and the effects of maternal migration on
their wellbeing. The phenomenon that is Caribbean migration has been documented
through the years; however, there are a few studies that have examine the impact of
1
maternal migration the children left behind in the home country. Specifically, there are no
in-depth studies on the migration of Grenadian mothers. In fact, the phenomenon of
Grenadian maternal migration and its impact on the children left behind is little explored
in family studies.This study will understand how children on the island of Grenada
perceive their mothers’ migration and the meaning that they attach to their mothers’
absence.
Caribbean Migration
The migration of Caribbean people is historically rooted in colonial times when
slaves were forced to migrate intra-regionally and internationally to work on their
masters’ plantations on neighboring islands and in the southern United States (Dillon &
Walsh, 2012; James, 1998). As a result, the peoples of the Caribbean were in constant
movement. This led historians to refer to them as “uprooted” and “unanchored souls”
(Chaney, 1987; Mohammed, 1998; Bakker, Elings-Pels, & Reis, 2009). Clearly, the
migration phenomenon is not new to the Caribbean region but rather a way of life for
many of its people.
Essentially, historians have divided Caribbean migration into five distinct
movements: the inter-regional migration following emancipation in 1834, the period of
migration in the 1850s to work on the Panama Canal and in the sugar cane fields of Cuba
and Costa Rica, the period of WWI when there was little movement, the beginning of
WWII to 1965 which saw high levels of migration to England, and the mid 1960’s
onwards (Chaney, 1992; Richardson, 1989). The largest migration numbers however, can
be traced to the years immediately following emancipation when slaves took advantage
of being free and able to determine their own destiny (Thomas-Hope, 1992). Although
2
there was a constant flow of migrants out of the Caribbean, 1920 to 1940 was a period of
steep decline because of the enactment of strict immigration laws in England, Canada,
and the United States (Ferguson, 2003; Duany, 1994). However, from 1950 to 1980 it is
estimated that over four million people migrated to international destinations from the
Caribbean. The United Nations Secretariat (2002), states that the highest levels of
migration worldwide stem from the Caribbean with the United States as the predominate
destination. The 2010 US Census puts the Caribbean born population in the United States
at 3.5 million or 9 percent of the total foreign-born population.
Migration Trends
The pull towards migration has been and continues to be better financial and
economic opportunities. For many it is believed that the standard of living and quality of
life for themselves and their families will be vastly improved (Кос & Onan, 2004;
Itzigsohn, 1995; Findley, 1994). As such, a large percentage of the earned income is
remitted to the family members who are left behind (Semyonov & Gorodzeisky, 2005).
Remittances make up a significant portion of the families’ income and are generally spent
on everyday expenses such as food, clothing, and health care (Koc & Onan, 2004). For
poor families, migration therefore can be seen as a means of survival for the family
(Suro, 2005). This is no different for Caribbean migrants. They too are of the belief that
remittances to the family in the country of origin will put them in a better financial
position. In addition to this, there is for the Caribbean migrant the added need to forge a
new identity by elevating their social standing in their home country (Pienkos, 2006).
Social standing is important in Caribbean societies and moving oneself up society’s
3
ladder is extremely important. For poor families, migration may be the only means by
which they are able to achieve this (Campbell & McLean, 2002; Pienkos, 2006).
Traditionally, migration was dominated by men, however in recent times there
has been a dramatic increase in the number of women migrating. As stated by the United
Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division (2013) women
account for 48.9% of persons migrating worldwide. The ‘feminization of migration’ has
led to many more mothers migrating leaving their children behind in the care of family,
relatives, or friends. The care of the children by family and relatives is an important
facilitator in the migration of mothers (Watkins-Owens 2001). This phenomenon is not
unique in the Caribbean because it is a common practice of mothers to leave their
children in the care of others in order to migrate. It is the belief among Caribbean people
that the family’s economic situation is much more enhanced when mothers rather than
fathers migrate. Many mothers migrate with the intent of reuniting with their children at a
later date; however, this is not always the case. Migration therefore may have serious
implications for the children left behind.
Migration and the Children Left Behind
In the Caribbean migration accounts for 20% of all children who do not reside
with at least one biological parent (Blank, 2007). Around the world children growing up
in households where at least one parent has migrated is 2–3% in Indonesia and Thailand,
18 -40% in Bangladesh, 80% in Mali, 36 -40% in Ecuador, and 50 -60% Tanzania
(Bryant, 2005). There is growing indication that there is a social and emotional cost to
the children left behind. These children tend to perform poorly in school and have social
difficulties. Research shows that in Albania and Swaziland, maternal migration has a
4
negative impact on school attendance and school readiness (Giannelli & Mangiavacchi,
2010; Zoller-Booth, 1995). Research shows that in Mexico maternal migration negatively
impacts children academic performance, andaccount for their behavioral and emotional
problems (Lahaie, Hayes, Piper, & Heymann, 2009). Also, there is some anecdotal
evidence to suggest that many children, left behind by their migrant parents, grow up
under serious emotional strain (Cortes, 2015).
Focus of the Current Study
Migrants’ remittances and how it impacts the family left behind is the focus of
much of the migration studies. Another area of focus is the impact of remittances on the
education of the children left behind (e.g. Parida, Mohanty, & Raman, 2015; Borraz,
2005). Included in the growing number of women migrants will be mothers who are
migrating leaving their children behind. Therefore, it will be important to study the social
and emotional impact of maternal migration on the children left behind.
Studies on maternal migration usually address the issues from the perspective of
the migrant mothers. When parent/maternal migration is addressedfrom the child’s
perspective it is done retrospectively. In other words, children are interviewed after
reunification with their parents or as adults speaking to their experiences of being left
behind as children (e. g. Jokhan, 2007). This study therefore will examine children’s
perception of their mothers’ migration.
5
CHAPTER II
Review of the Literature
This chapter serves as a review of the literature on parental migration and its
impact on the children left behind. It begins with a general overview of migration, and
discusses the direct and indirect effects of migration on the children left behind. The
review of the literature is guided by attachment theory and bio-ecological systems theory
which serve to highlight the important role of mothers in their children’s life and how
their absence impacts their children’s development.
Migration
Prevalence of Migration in General
Migration is a worldwide phenomenon and refers to the movement of persons
from one country or region to another. These persons or migrants are defined as persons
living in a country or region other than where they were born or hold citizenship (ILO,
2010). It is quite difficult to adequately determine the full scale of migration around the
world, because not every country monitors and reports their flows of labor migration.
Additionally, the information reported on migration relates specifically to legal migration
as there is no way to accurately account for illegal migrants. However, according to the
United Nations Populations Division (2016) as of 2015, the number of international
migrants worldwide was 244 million or 3.3 percent of the world’s population. As many
developing countries struggle with failure to create jobs, poor governance, and the
widening gap between the rich and the poor, more people are seeking security and
stability outside of their home countries (Population Council, 2005).
6
In the migration literature there are two contributing factors to the prevalence of
migration. First, there are push factors, which are reasons that force persons to leave their
country for another country (Kainth, 2009). For example, persons may choose to migrate
when they are unable to find jobs or find jobs that will allow them to adequately support
their families. Secondly, there are pull factors, which are reasons that draw persons to a
particular country (Kainth, 2009). For example, countries that have the jobs but do not
have enough working age persons to fill the available jobs pull people from countries that
do not have enough jobs (ILO, 2006). And so, people migrate from one country to
another in search of a better life and an improved standard of living (Todaro, 1969).
Migratory patterns are divided into three movements -the flow of migration from
southern hemisphere poor developing countries (e. g. Mexico), to northern hemisphere
rich, developed countries (e. g. United States); migration between southern developed
countries (e. g. Nicaragua to Costa Rica); and migration between northern developed
countries (e.g. Canada to the United States). Migration, however, flows primarily from
poor countries to rich countries (Martin, 2013). Additionally, migrants are distinguished
based on their reason for migrating (e.g. age, skills, and occupation). They may also be
distinguished by the nature of their migration –humanitarian, economic, political, and
environmental (World Health Organization, 2003). However, migrants usually fall into
two main categories based on the duration of their stay in the country they have migrated
to. They can be permanent migrants, meaning that they have been admitted into the new
country for an indefinite period and are not subject to any time limit for remaining in the
country. Then there are temporary/circular migrants, referring to those, such as seasonal
workers, who migrate for a specific period of time (International Labor Migration, 2010).
7
Migrants are also classified as regular/documented and irregular/undocumented
migrants. Then there are those migrants that enter a country legally on a visitor’s visa but
stay in that country beyond the allotted time and remain indefinitely. An example of this
are Caribbean migrants who travel to the United States or Canada and are permitted to
remain in the host country legally, as a visitor, for a period of six months. However, when
those six months expire they remain in the country rather than returning to their country
of origin. This is especially true if they were able to gain employment during the initial
six months period.Like the rest of the world, migration is extremely prevalent in the
Caribbean. There are migrants from the Caribbean in each classification type. Caribbean
is amongst the highest in the world with an estimate of over 5 million migrants living
outside of the Caribbean (United Nations, 2002).
Voluntary versus Involuntary Migration
The migration of people may take the form of voluntary or involuntary migration.
Involuntary migration may occur as a result of religious persecution, civil wars, famine,
and other disasters (Jokhan, 2007). This group may include, for example, refugees who
are forced to leave their home countries because they are in fear of being persecuted as a
result of their race, religion, or political opinion. On the other hand, voluntary migration
may stem from the desire to start a new life and permanently settle in another country. It
may be a temporary resettlement economically motivated with the goal of returning to the
home country once the family has achieved some financial security (Jokhan, 2007).
Thus, a driving force behind voluntary migration is better job opportunities. The major
difference between a voluntary and involuntary migrant is the reason for migrating. In
voluntary migration the migrant has the choice of migrating, when to migrate and where
8
to migrate to. The involuntary migrant does not have a choice in the migration process.
Generally, the involuntary migrant is forced by government or authority to move from
their homeland.
Although migrants are neatly placed in these two categories involuntary migration
usually entails some form of voluntary action regardless of what originally motivated the
person to migrate. For example, a person who is living under the threat of religious
persecution still has a choice as to whether to migrate or remain in his/her home country.
Voluntary migrants may feel obligated to migrate because their desirebetter economic
and social conditions than that of their home country (ILO, 2010; Cassidy, 2004).
Reason for Voluntary Migration
History has shown that economic reasons have the most influence on migration
within and between countries (Todaro, 1969). Researchers have noted that a fundamental
benefit of migration is the remittances of cash or kind that many children receive from
their migrant parents (Mohammed, 1998; Harper & Zubida, 2016). Remittances then,
may account for the improved economic circumstances of the household, improved
nutrition, access to health care, and schooling (Graham & Jordan, 2011). The push for
Caribbean migrants is the same as for migrants in other parts of the world. They too are
of the belief that remittances to the family in their home country will place the family in a
better financial position (Pienkos, 2006).
Statistics on Parent that Typically Migrates
In traditional cultures with strict gender roles, the role of women is as wives and
mothers while the men’s role is that of father, the breadwinner. As a result, in traditional
cultures, it is easier for men than for women to migrate because the absence of the mother
9
is perceived as a greater disruption in a child’s life than is the father’s absence (Cortes,
2015). That is, children’s care will not be disrupted when the father migrates because the
mother will continue caring for the children. However, when the mother migrates the care
of the children will fall to the father, (Cortes, 2015) who more often than not, will seek
the assistance of grandmothers and other extended family members to fill the void left by
the absence of the mother (Cortes, 2015; Parennas, 2010). As a result, it was typically the
fathers who migrated leaving mothers and children behind. However, in recent years
women are migrating in larger numbers. In fact, globally half of the migrants are women.
As of 2015, women made up 52 percent of the world’s migrants up from 51 percent in
1990 (United Nations, 2016).
The number of mothers included in the migrant numbers is not readily available.
However, given that 52 percent of the world’s 244 million migrants are women it can be
readily assumed that a large number them are mothers. As such, maternal migration has
important implications for the family left behind. For example, maternal migration is a
phenomenon that redefines the economic role of mothers within their families (Tobin,
2008). The financial impact on the family is greater when mothers migrate because they
tend to remit a larger percentage of their earnings to their families. Among Caribbean
people, for example, research shows that the family’s economic situation is much more
enhanced when mothers rather than fathers migrate (Duany, 1994). In addition, Abrego,
(2009) found that families are more likely to thrive economically when mothers migrate
because mothers make great sacrifices to remit funds back to their families.
However, there is a social cost to the children left behind, particularly, when the
mother migrates. When mothers migrate their children are most often left in the care of
10
close relatives and friends, who as Watkins-Owens (2001) pointed out are an important
facilitator for maternal migration. However, this care arrangement can lead to emotional
and psychological problems for the children if these persons are not always nurturing
caregivers. Additionally, maternal migration results in a physical and emotional distance
between mother and child and this brings with it social and emotional problems for the
child. In her study on transnational families (i.e. families with at least one member who
has migrated) Parrenas (2005) through in-depth interviews over a period of 12 months
found that children whose mothers have migrated express feelings of abandonment and a
lack of affection and intimacy from their mothers. In spite of this, there is little research
on maternal migration as compared to father migration.
Similarly, research on parental migration has given limited attention to the impact
on the children left behind (Battistella&Conaco, 1998; Dillon & Walsh, 2012). More
specifically, the impact of maternal migration on the children left behind from a
Caribbean perspective has received limited attention. With so much immigration from the
Caribbean (approximately 9 million) to the United states and other countries, it is
important to advance the understanding of the experiences of maternal migration on the
overall development of the children left behind (de la Garza, 2010; Malinauskas, 2006).
Furthermore, in addition to understanding, it is also important to enhance our knowledge
of the impact of Caribbean mothers’ migration on the children left behind so as to inform
services and programs for families and children.
Theoretical Framework
Attachment Theory
Attachment theory grew out of the work of British psychiatrist John Bowlby.
11
Bowlby’s (1958) work with emotionally disturbed children led him to propose that
in order for a child to grow up mentally healthy he/she needs to experience a warm,
intimate, and continuous relationship with his/her mother or caregiver; one in which
they both find satisfaction and enjoyment. Bowlby believe that the mother-child
relationship plays a significant role in the child’s emotional and psychological health
(Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991).
Attachment theory distinguishes between the attachment system and attachment
behavior. The attachment system is the child’s desire to be in close proximity to the
mother. Attachment behaviors, on the other hand, are specific behaviors that the child
exhibited in order to gain proximity to the mother especially when afraid or distressed.
Guided by ethological theory, Bowlby posited that attachment behaviors, like crying and
searching, and smiling were adaptive responses to separation from the mother. It is
through these behaviors that the child signals his/or her desire for closeness to the mother
(Bowlby, 2005).
When the attachment system is activated the child engages in behaviors that will
help him/her gain closeness to the mother. In so doing he/she anticipates that the mother
will provide him/her with protection and emotional support that will soothe his/her
distress and reduce fears of any perceived danger or threat such as being separated from
the mother (Bowlby, 1982). Bowlby believed that the child’s desire for proximity to the
mother is an innate behavior and being separated from the mother is a cue for danger to
the child. Thus, when the child is separated from the mother he/she will protest and make
every attempt to seek proximity to the mother (Bowlby, 1982).
12
According to Bowlby (1958) a child’s attachment relationship with his/her mother
is extremely important because it creates for the child internal working models of self, the
world, and others. Internal working models are the mental responses that a child
formulates based on his/her experiences with the mother. The internal working models a
child formulates enable him/her to navigate the world without having to work through
experiences each time a familiar situation is encountered. As such, if the child’s
experience is of a mother who provides support when needed, then close monitoring of
her is not as necessary as when such support cannot be counted on. A child’s internal
working models, therefore, reflect his/her attachment relationship history (Ainsworth &
Bowlby, 1991; Ainsworth, 1985) and the quality of the attachment relationship with the
mother which in turn has implications for the child’s later socio-emotional development.
Attachment theory provides a way for understanding the mother-child bond and
its implications for the child’s later development. The quality of the mother-child
relationship is important to children’s social development and forms the ground work for
affectionate bonds that endure over time. There was at one point the belief that
separation from the mother was of no consequence once the needs of the child were met.
Bowlby through his observations of hospitalized children found separation from the
mother was extremely traumatic for the child. Major disruptions in that relationship, such
as prolonged separation from the mother, can be precursors for later psychopathology
(Cassidy, 2016). The separation of child and mother is akin to loss through death and
separation through divorce (Potter, 2010; Beegle, Filmer, Stokes, &Tiererova, 2008) and
these have been shown to have a devastating effect on the child. A mother who is
separated from her child, because of migration, will be unable to carry out her function as
13
the child’s primary caregiver. Many times, the separation from the mother takes place
when the child is relatively young. It is believed that children will respond with fear to
this sudden change in their lives. Further, research (Sroufe, Carlson, Levy, & Egeland,
1999) has shown that separation from the mother, no matter the duration, may cause
children to exhibit anxiety, withdrawal, and anger. Separation anxiety can arouse anger in
the child for what he/she perceives as the mother’s abandonment.
Bio-ecological Systems Theory
Bronfenbrenner, in his bio-ecological theory posits that development takes place
“through processes of progressively more complex interaction between an active child
and the persons, objects, and symbols in its immediate environment” (Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 1998, p. 996). There are four major components to this theory (Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006). The first component is processes, the ongoing interactions the child
experiences. There are two types of processes, proximal and distal. Proximal or near
processes are the different types of interactions that occur between the developing child
and the people in the most immediate environment. For example, in the home the child is
likely to engage in conversations, play, or other routines with parents, siblings, and other
family members. Another example would be the quality of these exchanges the child
experiences at home. Proximal processes directly impact the child. Distal processes refer
to the interactions and experiences that the people in the child’s immediate environment
have when they are away. An example would be the experiences that the mother has
while she is at her place of employment. The quality of these experiences will impact the
mother, who in turn will impact the child upon reunion. These processes indirectly
influence the child. In relation to the current study, this would be the impact of the
14
mother’s employment or unemployment in the host country on the child left behind. The
second component person refers to the manner in which the personal characteristics of
the individual influence his/her interactions with others. An example is the child’s
temperament. A child who is difficult to handle will be at greater risk of having negative
interactions than a child who is easy going. As such, a difficult child whose mother has
left him/her might be at risk for neglect by the caregiver.
The third component is context and according to Bronfenbrenner (1998), context
constitutes five distinct concentric systems, each directly or indirectly influencing the
child’s development. These are the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and
macrosystem. The microsystem is the one closest to the child that he/she is in direct
contact with. For example, the child’s relationship with his/her family members, peers at
school, and others in the neighborhood. The mesosystem is the connections between two
or more micro systems, such as the home and the child’s school or the home and the
community. In other words, what takes place in child’s home can influence what takes
place at the child’s school. For example, if there isn’t a good relationship between home
and school then it may be less likely that the child will be encouraged in their school
work by their parent and unlikely to do well at school.
The exosystem is a system that contains microsystems and mesosystems. The
child has no direct interaction with this system but what happens in this system will
influence his/her development. For example, a parent’s work schedule influences how
often he/she interacts with the child.Themacrosystem is the societal blueprint or
structures that influence what occurs within each of the systems. The child’s development
is influenced by the society’s culture and subculture, political unrest and economic
15
upturns or downturns. For example, the economic conditions and the ability to find
gainful employment impact the mother’s decision to migrate.
The fourth component is time and it is encompassed within the fifth system which
is the chronosystem. The chronosystem includes time in relation to the child’s
development and environment. It accounts for aspects such as, chronological age, the
duration of an experience, the developmental stage of a child when certain experiences
occur, or significant historical events that might impact the child’s development. It may
also involve internal and external changes like physiological changes or events such as
prolonged separation form a parent. The impact of an experience can be more profound
for a young child compared to an older one. In relation to the current study the
chronosystem can be the age of the child at the time of the mother’s migration. The age
of the child may influence how that child copes with being separated from the mother and
the impact on the child may vary depending on the duration of the separation.
It can be expected that maternal migration will result in changes within children’s
environment that will directly and indirectly impact them. Children whose mothers
migrate go through transitions (change of caregiver, new living arrangement) that are
disruptive to their normal routine. From a bioecological perspective it is possible to
understand how a change in primary caregiver, change in living arrangement, being
separated from the mother, and the mother’s life in another country all affect the child’s
social and emotional wellbeing.
Role of Mothers in the Family
Universally, mothers are regarded as the primary caregivers in the family. In
many societies gender ideology and cultural beliefs place mothers in the role of
16
caretakers and nurturers who are responsible for raising children and ensuring the
family’s smooth functioning and emotional stability (Greenstein, 1996). As a matter of
fact, in the field of child development, the mother-child interaction is believed to be the
primary interpersonal relationship that children experience (DeWolff & van Ijzedoorn,
1997; Mark & Pike, 2017; National Institute of child Health and Human Development
[NICHD] Early Child Care Research Network, 1999a; Park & Waters, 1989). Many
times mothers are the children’s primary source of physical comfort and safety (e.g.,
Baumrind, 1980; Blankenhorn, 1995; Dempsey, 2000; Lamb, 1997; Pleck, 1997).The
quality of these interactions is important for children’s social development and forms the
ground work for affectionate bonds that endure over time (Lewis, 2005).
Mothers’ roles in the family are growing more complex and extend beyond that of
caregiver and nurturer. In addition to her care-giving role, a mother may also have to take
on the role of breadwinner for the family because of increasing divorce rates and more
children being born into non-marital unions. Approximately 80% of the 12 million single
parent households in the United States are headed by a mother (US Census Bureau,
2016). Also, approximately 1 in 4 children under the age of 18 are being raised by a
single mother. Single parent households are also common in other parts of the world.
Fourteen percent of the world’s children (320 million) live in single parent households
that are mostly headed by women (Global Issues.org). The Caribbean of course is no
exception. For example, in Grenada, where this study is being conducted, the number of
estimated female headed households is 41.1% with 50% of the population living in these
households (Population Census, 2011).
17
A feature of the Caribbean family is the dominant position that women occupy
(Brunod, & Cook-Darzens, 2002). In fact, in the Caribbean the family system is labeled
as matrifocal as opposed to matriarchal. Whereas a matriarchal family refers to one that is
female headed, Smith (1996) explains a matrifocal family as female centered as opposed
to female headed.A female headed household is one in which the female is the sole/main
breadwinner and makes all the decisions for the family. A female centered household is
one in which the composition of the family is referred to asmatrilateral which means that
relationships in the family run along the maternal line. In that home it is the mother, her
daughter and her daughter’s children living together as one family. Within this household
the family revolves around the woman and her role is central to the family’s functioning.
A family can be considered matrifocal regardless of the presence of a regular male in the
role of father or husband in the home. Thus, a family may be patriarchal (male headed)
and matrifocal at the same time (Ho, 1999). The matrifocal family system of the
Caribbean is a demonstration of the value placed on the mother-child bond in that culture.
It is expected for the bond between mother and child to be a lifelong and enduring
relationship.
Because the mother plays such an important role in the family, her absence may
well have a significantly negative impact on her children. When children are separated
from their mothers, for an extended period, they may not establish these much needed
bonds to ensure their social competence unless there is a compensating relationship.
Role of Fathers in the Family
The evolution of the father’s role within the family has been influenced by social
and historical events. Therefore, the role of fathers in the family should be viewed within
18
that context. In America, for example during the colonial times a father was perceived as
a powerful patriarch, a strong disciplinarian with a commanding presence over his family
(Cabrera, Tamis-LeMonda, Bradley, Hofferth, & Lamb, 2000). During this period the
father was tasked with teaching his children appropriate morals and values. Then, during
the industrial revolution, the father’s role changed from being a disciplinarian and
providing moral leadership to being the breadwinner and providing the economic support
for the family (Amato, 1994; Lamb, 2010). The onset of the Great Depression brought
about another change in the role that the father played in the family. During the Great
Depression it became difficult for fathers to provide for their children and so their role
shifted from that of breadwinner to that of sex-role models for the children, particularly
the boys. In this role the father was expected to “model masculine behavior for their
sons” (Lamb, 2010, p. 3). The role of the father was further re-conceptualized, in the late
1970s, to that of the “new nurturant father” (Lamb, 2010, p. 3) who is fully involved and
actively participates in his child’s life. However, fathers were still not viewed in the role
of nurturers as it pertained to providing emotional support for their children. Pleck (2004)
makes the point that nurturing by fathers was often defined by the father’s ability to
support the family financially.
Today, fathers are seen as playing a multidimensional and diverse role in the
family. The father’s role includes that of care provider, protector, teacher, and playmate.
With more women moving into the workforce, high divorce rates, and other changes in
the family, fathers are expected to take on a greater share of the parenting responsibilities
and to be more involved in their child’s life (Lamb, 2010). Fathers’ involvement can be
conceptualized in terms of accessibility, engagement, and responsibility (Lamb, Pleck,
19
Charnov, & Levine, 1985; 1987 as cited by Cabrera, et al., 2000). An accessible father is
one that is present and available regardless of his level of interaction with the child. An
engaging/interactive father has shared/direct interactions with his child and engages in
care-giving duties for his child. The responsible father takes on such tasks as making
doctor’s appointments, selecting babysitters, arranging for the care of sick children,
talking with teachers, and monitoring children’s whereabouts and activities.
According to Sanderson and Thompson (2002) as a result of fathers expanding
role in the family they are now perceived as intimately involved in the day-to-day rearing
of children. In fact, fathers themselves view their roles as being present and available to
their children“helping” with care-giving, playing with and taking their children on
outings, teaching, guiding and disciplining children, providing love and affection, and
acting as a source of protection (Summers et al., 1999 as cited in Bronte-Tinkew,
Carrano, & Guzman, 2006).
From a Caribbean perspective, the role of the father is also heavily influenced by
socio-historical factors. However, as Roopnarine (2013) stated fathering in the Caribbean
is born out of a history of conquest, slavery, and indentured service. Within the
Caribbean, the structure of the family is a complex one. For example, there is a
prevalence of non-marital cohabiting or common-law relationships which most often
ends at the birth of a child (Samuel & Wilson, 2009). In addition, there is the visiting
relationship. In this relationship the mother and the father live in separate homes but
maintain an intimate relationship. The father will visit the home of his children from time
to time but never permanently resides there (Anderson, 2007). As such, men may have
multiple relationships with multiple children which results in many children growing up
20
in homes without a father. Even when fathers are physically present they may remain
emotionally distant from their children (Roopnarine, 2016).
Many homes are headed by mothers and so the care of the children falls to them
while the fathers are generally concerned with providing economic support for their
children. Even with this pervading attitude the role of Caribbean fathers in the family is
also evolving. Caribbean fathers are more involved in caring for and looking after their
children. Their role goes beyond that of economic support for the family to their
engagement in warm and sensitive interactions with their children (Roopnarine, 2013).
Generally, as the father’s role continues to evolve there is a much more egalitarian
relationship between the roles of mothers and fathers within the family. Even so mothers
still continue to be the primary caregivers to the children (Furstenberg, 1988 as cited in
Crockett, Eggebeen, & Hawkins, 1993).
Indirect Impact of Migration: Remittances
A driving force behind the exodus of much of the world’s voluntary migrants is
the desire to improve the standard of living of the family through remittances. Migrants’
remittances are the “cash and noncash resources sent by migrants residing overseas to
domestic households” (Yang, 2013, p.132). Remittances have grown dramatically over
the years and have become a source of financing for developing countries. Remitted
funds in some cases exceeded the amount of the GDP for some of these countries. In fact,
remittances were reported to be greater than the amount of foreign aid received by some
developing countries such as India, Philippines, and Sri Lanka (Khan & Khan, 2016;
Yang, 2008). Remittances receipts give families the ability to purchase homes and
21
vehicles, maintain their families, and improve their economic standing (Grindle, 1988;
Jones, 1995 as cited in Kandel & Kao, 2001).
However, migrants’ ability to send funds back home is linked to their
circumstances within the host country. For example, the consistency of employment and
the wages earned will determine the migrant’s ability to send funds back home to the
family. If they are successful in remaining employed and are making above living wages,
they will be able to send money home. Even if they are able to send remittances to the
family at home, there are other factors that may impact their decision to remit funds to
the family. One factor is Altruism, which is the concern for the welfare of the family and
is the most prevalent factor (Sana & Masey, 2005). Altruism varies across families and is
strongest in cohesive, traditional families with stable bonds (Mansour, Chaaban, &
Litchfield, 2011). Self-interest is another factor that impacts migrant remittances. Self-
interest speaks to the migrant being motivated to remit because of the belief that he/she
will be rewarded by the family at a later time. Self-interest can be motivated by different
factors. For example, the migrant may inherit wealth from the parents or family if they
provide remittances to the family (Alleyne, et al., 2008.). Self-interest is also motivated
by the migrant’s desire to acquire and maintain assets in their home countries. Another
self-interest motivating factor is when the migrant is making preparations to return home.
The remitted funds can be a way for him/her to enhance their social standing, and
improve relationships with family and friends upon their return home (Carling, 2008).
Families may use remittances in different ways (Mansour, Chaaban, & Litchfield,
2011; Adams & Cuecueha, 2010). For example, remittances, as an additional source of
income, canease the family’s financial constraints in the maintenance of the household.
22
Also, remittances can be used by the family for savings and investments. Studies have
demonstrated how remittances significantly impact the family. For example, studies
conducted in the Philippines (Yang, 2005) and in El Salvador (Edwards & Ureta, 2003)
found that remittances accounted for an increase in household investments. In Guatemala,
the additional income that remittances provided increased spending on consumption
goods (Adams & Cuecueha, 2013). And, remittances were found to have a significantly
positive effect on children’s health and education in Sri Lanka (De & Ratha, 2012) and
on the rates of children remaining in school (Edwards &Ureta, 2003). Thus, remittances
can help to significantly alleviate the financial burdens of the family and as a result,
improve the living conditions of the children (Arguillas & Williams, 2010; Lu &Treiman,
2011).
Impact of Remittances on the Education of Children Left Behind
Remittances sent home by the migrant parent also impact the education of
children left behind. Through remittances families are able to increase their investments
in their children’s’ education. For example, parents can better equip their children for
school by providing them with the school supplies that they need (Lu & Treiman, 2007).
Also, remittances enable children, who may have needed to leave school to work, to
remain in school and continue their education (Calero, Bedi, & Sparrow, 2009).
Additionally, in societies where higher school tuition and fees mean better schools,
remittances enable families to pay tuition and fees and as a result enroll their children in
better schools (Cortes, 2015). In turn, when children attend better quality schools, their
school attendance is increased (Hanson & Woodruff, 2003) and they are less likely to
23
drop out of school (Cox-Edward & Ureta, 2003). Thus, remittances can positively impact
the educational attainment of the children of migrant parents.
Though remittances have been shown to impact education of the children left
behind there is one factor that very few studies have taken into consideration. That is, the
relationship between children and the person in whose care they were left. Fujii (2011)
looked at the impact of remittances on schooling in the Philippines when the relationship
of children to the head of household was accounted for. The researcher found that
remittances increased both schooling and educational expenditure. However, an
interesting finding from this study was that remittances affected the education of the
children who were related to the head of the household differently from those who were
not related to the head of the household. When the child was related to the head of the
household a larger share of the remittances went towards schooling and educational
expenditure than when the head of household was not a relative. This is an importance
finding because many migrants rely on extended family and friends to care for their
children when they migrate. And they do so with the expectation that their children will
be well cared for with the funds that they remit back home. Additionally, as was
previously noted being able to rely on extended family and friends to care for their
children is what enables many parents to migrate.
Social and Emotional Impact of Migration on the Children Left Behind
Studies on the social and emotional impact of migration on the children left
behind are scant. Most of the research on parental migration focuses on the impact of
remittances on children’s education and health as well as implications for the family (e.g.
Kandel & Kao, 2001; Mazzucato, & Schan, 2008). In addition, typically the term
24
‘parental’ migration is used rather than differentiating which parent has migrated.
Nonetheless, much if the research has found that children of migrant parents
(father/mother) experience anxiety and depression, and have a negative self-perception,
(Pottinger, 2005; Jia & Tian, 2010; Hu, Lu, & Huang, 2014). Hu, Lu, and Huang (2014)
for example, surveyed caregivers (either mother or father, or guardians) of children
(N=3473) whose parents had migrated using the parent-reported version of Strength and
Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) which includes 25 items, every five of which measure
one dimension of child difficulties or strengths (Goodman, 1997; Youth-in-Mind, 2012).
The survey included five dimensions of child psychological and behavioral outcomes –
emotional symptoms, conduct problems, hyperactivity or inattention problems, peer
relationship, and pro-social behavior.
Child difficulties were measured by itemssuch as “often complains of headaches,
stomachaches and sickness”, “many worries or often seems worried”, “often unhappy,
depressed or tearful”, “nervous or clingy in new situations”, and “many fears, easily
scared” (Hu, Lu, & Huang, 2014, p. 3). Conduct problem was measured by items
including “often loses temper”, “generally well-behaved, usually does what adults
request”, “often fights with other children or bullies them”, “often lies or cheats” and
“steals from home, school, or elsewhere” (Hu, Lu, & Huang, 2014, p. 3).
Hyperactivity/inattention problem was measured by items of “restless, overactive,
cannot stay still for long”, “constantly fidgeting or squirming”, “easily distracted,
concentration wanders”, “thinks things out before acting” and “good attention span, sees
tasks through to the end” (Hu, Lu, & Huang, 2014, p. 3). Peer relationship problem was
measured by Items that tap into how the child relates with other children, as “child is
25
rather solitary, prefers to play alone”, “has at least one good friend”, “generally liked by
other children”, “picked on or bullied by other children”, and “gets along better with
adults than with other children” (p. 3).
The findings by Hu, Lu, and Huang, (2014) indicate that children left behind have
poor psychological and behavioral outcomes. They experience loneliness, frustration,
depression, and may exhibit behavioral problems. Additionally, children for whom only
one parent has migrated and are living with one or neither parent tend to experience more
challenges and have worse psychological outcomes than children who did not have a
migrant parent. Though this study did not delineate the findings along parental gender
lines, we know that the separation from the primary caregiver, most often the mother, has
a significant impact on a children’s psychological and emotional well-being.
In another study, Graham and Jordan (2011) also looked at the psychological
wellbeing of children left behind. However, they focused on children from three different
countries namely, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. In their study the
authors investigated the psychological wellbeing of 3,876 children left behind by their
migrant parents who were under the age of 12 (3-5 years and 9-11 years old). The sample
for this study was derived from a cross-sectional baseline study of child health and
migrant parents in Southeast Asia. Data for the study was gathered using adult and
primary caregiver interviews and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ).
Children’s poor psychological well-being was assessed using the 25- item SDQ
which was completed by the children’s primary caregivers. The analysis used a
dichotomous measure to distinguish normal/borderline cases from abnormal cases. The
authors in their analysis made the decision to treat only abnormal cases as cases of
26
possible mental disorder. The analysis focused on two 5-item subscales of SDQ that
measured emotional symptoms and conduct problems, an internalizing and externalizing
behaviors. Scores ranged between 0 and 10, with scores >4 for emotional Symptoms and
>3 for Conduct problems predicting cases of mental disorder.
It was hypothesized that children living in transnational households would have
poorer psychological well-being (as measured by presence of abnormal emotional
symptoms and conduct problems) compared to children living with both parents. It was
also hypothesized that children of migrant mothers would have poorer psychological
well-being than children of migrant fathers, when compared to children living with both
parents. These hypotheses were tested using two sets of multivariate logistic regression.
For the hypothesis, comparing children in transitional households to children living with
both parents, the findings indicated differences across countries. For example, among all
four countries children in transnational household in Indonesia were more likely to suffer
emotional distress while in Thailand children were worst off in relation to conduct
problems when compared to children living with both parents. These findings did not
apply to the Philippines and Vietnam. The authors argued that in countries with high
levels of migration transnational families are seen as normal and this serves as a
protective factorfor the psychological wellbeing of children with migrant parents, even
when the mother is absent.
Much of the migration research focuses on migrants’ adjustment to their host
country and, as previously mentioned, the benefits of their remittances to their family in
their country of origin (Blank, 2007; Cortes, 2015; Dobson, 2009). A few however, have
focused on the emotional and social impact of parental migration on the children left
27
behind. For example, Battistella and Conaco (1998) examined the impact of parental
migration on the physical, cognitive, social/emotional, and spiritual behavior of 709
children. The children’s age averaged 11.5 years. A survey was conducted asking for
children’s perspective of their feelings and behavior. There were three groups of children
surveyed. The first group consisted of children whose fathers only were abroad, the
second consisted of those whose mothers only were abroad, and the third included those
with both parents abroad. A fourth group, consisting of children with both parents living
at home was used a control group.
Battistella and Conaco (1998) found that children perceived the migration of their
parents with a sense of sadness and loneliness. They tended to be angrier, more
confused, more apathetic, more afraid, and felt more different from other children than
children whose parents had not migrated. Additional findings showed that among the
groups being studied (both parents present, both parents absent, fathers absent, and
mother absent) children whose mothers were absent (migrated) had lower school
performance, than the other children. The findings of this study suggest that a mother’s
presence is essential to a child’s socio-emotional development.
Although there is evidence to show that migration has a negative impact on
children there is also evidence to the contrary. For example, Gogate (1986) in a
comparative study of migrant families in India, Sri Lanka, Philippines, and Thailand
found that migration was not disruptive for some families. Parents reported no difficulties
with the children left behind. This the author attributed to the involvement of the
extended family system that already exists in these countries. As previously stated the
existence of extended family system influences the parent decision to migrate. In keeping
28
with both attachment and bio-ecological theories this constant disruption in a child’s life
can lead to negative developmental outcomes as the child.
Also, there is some evidence suggesting that children’s well-being is enhanced by
migration. For example, Kahn, Collinson, Tollman, Wolff, Garenne, and Clark, (2003)
specifically examined the relationship between parental migration and health in South
Africa. However, in examining the positive health consequences of migration, one of the
two positive outcomes highlighted was the health status of the children of migrant
mothers. They found that temporary (6 months) female migration did not increase their
children’s mortality risk and attributed this to the adequate support network the migrant
mothers had in place for their children.
Other studies (Antman, 2011c; Heymann, Flores-Macias, Hayes, Kennedy,
Lahaie, & Earle, 2009; Hilderbrandt & McKenzie, 2005; Iqbal, Iqbal, & Mozmi, 2014;
Kandle & Kao, 2001; Kandel & Massey; 2002; Schmeer, 2009) have found increased
health problems for the children, as well as lower educational aspirations, and a higher
probability of behavioral problems were associated with fathers’ migration. For example,
Schemer (2009) looked at whether a father’s absence as a result of migration had overall
positive, negative or no association with child illness in rural Mexico. Using data from a
longitudinal study on father absence due to migration and child illnessSchmeer found that
father’s absence was associated with an increased risk of child illness.
There is very limited research on the impact of maternal migration on left behind
children. However, with more females migrating, this will inherently involve mothers
migrating and being absent from the home. Of course, the absence of the mother from the
family may negatively impact the children that are left behind. Still, the studies that
29
examine the impact of maternal migration tend to focus on the role of remittances on
children’s education and health (e.g. Acosta, 2011; Guzman, Morrison, & Sjoblom,
2007). Using data from Ghana Living Standards Survey round four (GLSS 4), collected
between April 1998 and March 1999, Guzman, Morrison and Sjoblom (2007) found that
when mothers migrate the remittances were spent on the children’s health and education.
In another study, Yue, Sylvia, Bai, Shi, Luo, and Rozelle (2016) looked at the
effects of maternal migration on early childhood development. Data were collected over a
two year period at 6 months intervals on 1,834 children and their caregivers. The authors
looked specifically at the effects of maternal migration on the child’s development,
health, and nutritional outcomes. They found that maternal migration during early
childhood significantly reduced cognitive development and negatively affected the
child’s nutrition. They also found that maternal migration before the child was 15
months old had a large and persistent negative effect on his/her cognitive development.
Maternal Migration when the Child is a Preschooler/in Middle Childhood
Much of the research on parent-child relationships focuses on the mother-child
relationship rather than on the father-child relationship because in many instances the
child’s primary caregiver is the mother. The results of this research show that the mother-
child relationship is an important factor in a child’s social and emotional development
(Sroufe, 1997; Bohlin, Hagekull & Rydell, 2000). This relationship is especially salient in
the children’s early years and has great implications for later developmental outcomes
(Bowlby, 1969). As a result, it is believed that a child’s separation from the mother will
have a greater impact on the child’s development than child’s separation from the father.
30
In this section the educational and socio-emotional impact of maternal migration on
children left behind will be discussed.
Studies that examine the impact of maternal migration on the social and emotional
well-being of children are scant. However, it is known that children separated from their
mothers may be at risk for social and emotional problems (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2002).
There is supporting evidence from other disciplines that speaks to the effect of long term
separation of mother and child. Looking to the literature on military families, maternal
deployment can have a profound impact on the developing child. Similar to migration
military mothers are deployed for extended periods leaving their children in the care of
others.
Kelly, Hock, Smith, Jarvis, Bonney, and Gaffney (2001) examined whether
children of deployed Navy mothers exhibited higher levels of internalizing and
externalizing behaviors when compared to children ofcivilian mothers. They also
examined whether children's internalizing and externalizing behaviors were influencedby
maternal deployment. The sample consisted of 52 deployed mothers and 75 non-deployed
mothers. Children of military mothers ranged in age from 8 months to 8 years old and
there were 63 boys and 64 girls. Thirty-two non-military children (21/2 years) were used
as a comparison group. Children’s behavior was assessed using the CBCL (Achenbach,
1992). TheCBCL 2/3 is a 99-item questionnaire; the CBCL 4-18 a 113-item
questionnaire. Each item is scored on a 3-point scale from "not at all true of child" to
"very true of child." Both the CBCL 2/3 and the CBCL 4-18provide indices of children's
internalizing (i.e., fearful, sad, over-controlled) and externalizing (i.e., aggressive,
noncompliant, under-controlled) behavior (p.466). Kelly et al. found that children with
31
deployed mothers exhibited significantly higher levels of internalizing behavior than
children with non-deployed mothers and non-military children. Across all three groups,
children with deployed mothers exhibited clinical levels of anxiety, withdrawal, anger,
and noncompliance. Given the similarities as it relates to mother child separation the
results from Kelly, et al. (2001) may hold true for mothers who migrate leaving their
children behind.
When mothers, as compared to fathers, migrate, there is a heighten risk for
children’s academic performance as well as school interruptions (Bakker, Elings-Pels, &
Reis, 2009). Cortes (2015) found that maternal absence was associated with poorer
educational outcomes in young children. Whilst, Battistella and Conaco (1998) and Asis
(2006b) found that children whose mothers have migrated are more likely to lag behind
academically than those whose mothers have not migrated. This may be as a result of the
difficulties that children experience when their mothers migrate (Carandang, Lourdes, &
Carandang, 2008). For example, girls tend to take on the role of parenting the younger
siblings and running the household (Pottinger, 2005). When the mother migrates, girls
tend to take on most of the household work and running the home and as a result they
have less time for attending school (Cortes, 2015).
Also, the long-term absence of migrant mothers has been shown to have an
adverse effect on children’s school enrollment. In some cases, fathers may not take on the
responsibilities of the absent mother, including ensuring that the children attend school
(Jampaklay, 2006). In traditional societies where gender roles are rigid child care
typically falls to the mother. It is the mother who ensures that children attend school.
Jampaklay (2006) looked at the impact of parental absence, through migration, on
32
children’s school enrollment Thailand. The sample was taken from a longitudinal (2000-
2002) study and consisted of 2,576 children. Participants ranged in age from 13 to 18
years. The dependent variables were: (1) children who were enrolled in school and not
moved (stayed in the place of origin) (2) children who were enrolled in school and moved
(moved from place of origin); (3) children who were not enrolled in school and not
moved (stayed in the place of origin); and (4) children who were not enrolled in school
and moved (moved away from place of origin). The independent variables were: father’s
and mother’s living status during 2000-2002. Five statuses wereidentified: (1) Mother or
father had remained in the household for all of 2000 to 2002; (2) mother or father had
been absent for one year or less; (3) mother or father had been absent for more than one
year but less than two years; (4) mother or father had been absent for at least two years;
and (5) mother or father was dead.
Using multivariate analysis to explore whether parental absence affected
children’s school enrolment, Jampaklay found that the impact on children’s enrollment in
school differed along parental gender lines. Compared to fathers, when mothers were
absent for two years or more children’s chances of being enrolled in school decreased.
The author suggested that because the mother’s role was not easily filled by other family
members her long-term absence negatively affected the children. Though this study
examined an adolescent sample it highlights the importance of the mother in children’s
lives.
In summary, parental migration may have a both a positive and a negative effect
on the developing children in relation to his/her wellbeing. However, the mother-child
33
separation that may result could have a detrimental impact on the child’s educational and
social and emotional well-being.
Rationale for this Study
While there have been many studies previously conducted to examine the effects
of migration on the family left behind, the topic is far from being exhausted as an area of
research.A search of the migration literature reveals a focus mainly on remittances and
the resulting financial benefits provided to the family. Very few studies have focused on
the social and emotional wellbeing of the children left behind. Specifically, fewer still
have focused on the effects of maternal migration on the children left behind.
The studies that do look at the impact of migration on the children left behind are
rarely conducted from the perspective of the children. The studies are also conducted
either when the children are reunited with the mother or with adults who were once left
behind as children by a migrant parent. This study aims to address this gap in the
literature by conducting an empirical research that will explore Grenadian children’s
perception of their mothers’ migration and their experiences of being left behind; looking
specifically at their socio -emotional responses to their mothers’ absence. The results of
this study will be useful in improving social programs and services for children separated
from their mothers because of migration.
The overall research goal is to understand children’s perception of maternal
migration. Thus, the following research questions will be addressed: How do they
conceptualize maternal migration? How do they feel about their mothers being separated
from them? How do they cope with the separation from their mothers? For this study an
34
interpretive phenomenological approach will be use given that the objective is to
understand children’s conceptualization of their mothers’ migration.
35
CHAPTER III
Methodology
Participants and Sampling
The sampling procedure used for this study was purposeful sample because the
study was conducted to examine children’s perceptions of and experiences with their
mothers living abroad. Participants ranged in age from 9 -11 (6 nine-year olds, 5 ten-year
olds, and 4 eleven-year olds). At 9-11 years old the relationship with the mother is still an
important influence on children. The children are still looking for direction from their
mothers. With older age groups peer relationships are more important than the maternal
relationship and peers will have more influence on children than the mother. As a result,
separation from the mother may not have the same impact as with younger children.
Additionally, compared to a younger age group these children will provide richer data
because they are more verbal and can better articulate their thoughts and feelings.
The sample comprised 9 boys and 6 girls. On average participants’ mothers have
been abroad for 2 to 3 years. The least amount of time was 9 months with the most being
6 years. Ten of the participants lived with their grandmothers, two with both grandparents
in an extended family household, two with their fathers, and one with an aunt. All
participants were recruited from three primary schools on the island of Grenada.
Approval for the study was granted by the internal review board of Texas Tech
University and the Ministry of Education Grenada.
36
Table 1
Sample Demographics.
Participant Age Gender Number Caregiver Country

of years
Mother
Absence
1 11 Girl 1 Grandmother USA
2 10 Boy 1 Grandmother USA
3 11 Boy 5 Grandmother Carriacou
6 10 Boy 2 Grandmother Trinidad
7 10 Boy 1 Grandparents USA
8 9 Boy 3 Father England
10 9 Girl 4 Father USA
11 9 Girl 9 Months Grandmother Trinidad
12 10 Boy 6 Grandparents USA
13 11 Girl 1 Grandmother England
14 9 Girl 4 Aunt USA
15 10 Girl 3 Grandmother England
37
Following the guidelines of Poland (1995) interviews were transcribed verbatim
ensuring that words, pauses and tones were accurately transcribed. To protect the identity
of the children no names were used during the interview. Instead children were referred
to as participant 1, 2, 3 etcetera. The goal of this study was to understand how children
experience maternal migration and the meaning that they assign to this experience.As
such, interpretive phenomenology guided the analysis of the data.
According to Creswell (2007) a phenomenological approach explores how
individuals make sense of the world around them, in particular the meanings assigned to
various concepts or experiences in their lives. Interpretive phenomenology focuses on
how participants make sense of their world and the meaning that particular events and
experiences hold for them (Smith & Osborn, 2008). Additionally, this approach enables
the researcher to gain insight into the constructed understanding and meaning individuals
ascribe to events in their lives. The researcher gains this insight by being actively
engaged with the data through reflexive journaling, writing, and thematic analysis
(Richards & Morse, 2007). Thus, in keeping with qualitative methods an interpretive
phenomenological is approach is best suited for this study.
Qualitative research literature suggests that incidents, events, and experiences are
the typical objective of purposeful sampling. As such, in addition to the number of
persons, sample size in qualitative studies may refer to the number of interviews,
observation conducted or events sampled (Sandolowski, 1995). However, sample size
should be large enough to produce casesrichin data but not so large that the data become
repetitive (Patton, 1990; Sandolowski, 1995). Generally, sample size should follow the
concept of saturation (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), meaning that the continued collection of
38
data sheds no new light on the phenomenon being studied. However, knowing what
constitutes saturation can prove frustrating and the concept of saturation provides limited
guidance on sample size (Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006). There is the suggestion of
from 5 to 25 participants for a phenomenology study (Creswell, 2007; Morse, 1994).
What is important is to describe the meaning of individuals who have experienced the
phenomenon (Creswell, 2007).
Parent information sheets and consent forms, which provided details of the study,
were sent home with the children. Parents/guardians were asked to provide their
permission for the children to be interviewed and for the interview to be audio recorded.
In addition, each child was asked to provide their assent to being interviewed. They were
made aware that the interview would be audio recorded. Also, it was reiterated to the
participants they could stop at any time during the interview and will not be penalized for
doing so.
Interview Procedure
Semi –structured interviews were conducted at the schools in the principals’
office or the computer lab. Children were asked open ended questions to open up the
discussion and when necessary follow up questions were asked for clarification purposes
or to gain more information on something that might have been said. Questions focused
on how children felt about their mothers being abroad. All but two of the interviews were
conducted at the respective schools. The two that were not done at the schools were
conducted at the participant’s homes. The participants were asked the following questions
with follow-up probing questions when necessary:
1. How old were you when your mother moved abroad?
39
2. Tell about the day your mother left?
3. How do you feel now about your mother being away?
4. What living arrangements were made for you when your mother left?
5. Tell me what it is like living with someone other than your mother?
6. Tell me what you like most about your mother being away?
7. Tell me what you dislike most about your mother being away?
Following each interview, notes were written on the interview setting, reactions,
observations made, and impressions during each interview. The primary investigator also
reflected on her knowledge/experience of maternal migration and the children that are left
behind. Reflexive writing is an important part of qualitative research. It acknowledges
that the researcher is not just an outside observer of the phenomenon but as a participant
in the process of constructing knowledge (Patnik, 2013).
40
CHAPTER IV
Results
Data Analysis
In analyzing the data transcripts, transcribed by a research assistant, were read a
number of times by the primary investigator and a research assistant. This was done to
become familiar with the data and highlight any significant statements, sentences, or
quotes that emerged giving an understanding of how the phenomenon was experienced
(Creswell, 2007). Each transcript was then read again to look for themes or categories.
The identified themes were placed into clusters and a comparison was done with
transcripts to find connections between the clusters of themes that emerged. From these
clusters, textural descriptions of the participants experience were derived.
Findings
The results of this study are organized into 5 distinct themes which are presented
with illustrative quotes below. The first themes listed highlight the difficulties the
children felt as a result of their mothers’ migration.
Feelings of Sadness
When talking about the day that their mothers left to go abroad each participant
expressed feelings of sadness as demonstrated in the following exchange:
Participant 4 (boy, 11 years old): The day mummy left I felt sad and I was very
sacred I would have lose her.
Participant 3 (boy, 11 years old): The day she left was a sad day.
One participant used a different word to describe how he felt but the general sentiment of
the day as being a sad one is still evident.
41
Int: How did you feel that day when mummy left?
P6 (Boy, 10 years old): A little depress.
Int: Ah little depressed. Why?
P6: I don’t know
Int: What was it that made you feel depressed?
P6: Because she [mother] went away and she well…because she went away and
that for a moment there I thought she would not have come home but she did.
The feelings of sadness expressed by the children extended to the special events and
important activities in their lives that their mothers were missing. For example, when
they sat for the Caribbean Primary Exit Assessment (CPEA) exam (This is an exam that
students sit to determine whether or not they move from primary into secondary school)
and they mothers were not there to support them. The sitting of the exam is usually a
stressful time for students. Another important event for participants that they mothers
were missing was their graduation ceremony at school.
Participant 1 (Girl, 11 years old): When I need my mother for graduation, when I
come do CPEA. She’s not there. So I feel sad for this week.
One participant talked about his mother not being there for his birthday and missing how
she makes that day special:
Participant 2 (Boy, 10 years old): Well she [mother] usually have birthday parties
for me and my sister to communicate with her friends’ children but now that she
go is like I have a hole in meh [my] heart.
Speaking of there being a hole in his heart was one of the most profound statements about
being sad coming from the participants. Feelings of sadness were expressed when
42
participants thought about their mothers not being with them and missing siblings who
were with the mothers. Three of the participants describe it as uncomfortable, as in these
exchanges:
Int: How do you feel about her [mother] being gone for a year? When you sit and
you think about it how does that make you feel?
Participant 7 (Boy, 10 years):Uncomfortable
Int: Explain that for me.
Participant 7 (Boy, 10 years):She [mother] went for a year. I felt it is not fair
because other children get to spent time with their mothers and when I look at
them I feel sad.
Participant 3 (Boy, 11 years): I feel uncomfortable
Int: Explain that for me. Tell me more.
Participant 3 (Boy, 11 years):Because when she [mother] is in Grenada I go to
live by her. And everything I want sometimes she say she do not have enough
money and I do understand.
Participant 4 (Boy, 11years): I feel uncomfortable. I feel very sad that she went.
Int: When you say you are uncomfortable, tell me more about that. What is it that
makes you feel uncomfortable?
Participant 4 (Boy, 11years): I have meh [my] brother to play with but I don’t
have my little brother to play with.
Children experienced sadness when they thought about their mothers and were missing
her. That was something that they disliked. Participant 11, a 9-year-old girl, related the
following:
43
Participant 11: …when I sleeping I does like think of my mummy every night.
Because I miss her. One night I talk to her and I told her that I miss her. she told
me when I sleeping, because she left a big teddy bear for me, when I sleeping
leave it in the front of me or in the back of me when I sleeping and she say
pretend like she is right by me sleeping.
Fear of Abandonment
In analyzing the data, the fear of abandonment kept revealing itself as the children
spoke. Not many children spoke to it directly, but it can be sensed from their
communications. The children seem to fear that they will never see or hear from their
mothers again:
Participant 6 (Boy, 10 years):Because she went away and that for a moment thereI
thought shewould not have come home but she did.
Participant 2 (Boy, 10 years): Because I was losing my role model and the person
who I love so much.
Participant 1 (Girl, 11 years): Meh [My] mother should be a comfort to me. She’s
not there so I just cry.
The children’s fear of abandonment was evident in their stated desire to live with their
mother. When asked what he and his mother talk about Participant 3 (Boy, 11 years)
stated “Coming up in Carriacou to live with her.” Participant 10 (Girl, 9 years) who lives
with her dad and loves living with her dad wanted nothing more than to live with her
mother:
Participant 10 (Girl, 9years): Well sometimes…Well I love meh daddy. I like living
with him but I really want to live with meh [my] mommy.
44
Int:Why
Participant 10 (Girl, 9years): Because I just want to live with meh [my] mommy. I
don’t want to live in Grenada anymore.
Concern for Mother’s Wellbeing
Children’s concern for their parents was palpable. They worried that their mothers
may come to harm in a foreign country. One young boy talked about not liking that his
mother is away. He didn’t like that he did not get to see her. He was afraid that she will
die.
Participant 5 (Boy, 9 years): I don’t like when she’s away and I don’t get to see
her….Because if she die ah [I] wouldn’t see her again.
Participant 4: The day mummy left I felt sad and I was very sacred I would have
lose her.
Thoughts of the mother’s safety weight heavily on the mind of another:
Participant 1 (Girl, 11 years): Because when ah sad I think that she has to go out
every day on the streets. She don’t know whether she go die or whether nobody go
gun her down or nothing. Sometimes I feel sad. I won’t feel sad for dat[that] but I
will feel sad if I hear that but ah have to feel happy at the same time for her
because she’s trying to make a better life for us.
Communicating with their Mother
Being able to communicate with their mothers was important to the children. The
ability to talk to the mother regularly reassures the children that their mothers have not
forgotten them.
45
Participant 2 (Boy, 9 years): Mostly every weekend and sometimes in the week. It
makes me feel good because she doesn’t forget us.
Another child talks to her mother every day and feeling good to hear her mother’s voice.
Participant 1 (Girl, 11 years): Everyday. It feels good to hear her voice.
One boy was allowed to call his mother every week.
Participant 6 (Boy, 10 years):Well she [grandmother] does let me let me call my
mother once a week.
Another, talks to his mother daily:
Int: How often do you speak with mummy?
Participant 15 (Girl, 10 years):Actually, every day.
Most of the children were in frequent contact with their mothers. The use of modern
technology makes it easy to communicate.
The children did not only focus on the things that they did not like or what made
them sad about their mothers being away. The children also found things that they liked
about their mothers being away and they talked about that.
Getting “Stuff”
Children did not like that their mothers were abroad and living apart from them.
However, they did like that their mothers were able to get them stuff/things. This theme
relates to children getting all the things that they desire from their mothers. One child
talked about there being things in America that he wanted.
Int: Is there something that you like about mummy being away?
Participant 5 (Boy, 9 years): Yes, it have [sic] stuff in America that I want. Like
fidget spinners, shoes, football gloves. That sort of things. So that why.
46
Other children liked that they were able to get whatever they wanted:
Participant 1 (Girl, 11 years): Like when she sends down nice things for us. Like
she send like my school shoes, the bag I asked her for. Everything I asked her for
she sending it down for me.
For participant 2 getting stuff from his mother was a symbol of her not forgetting him and
his siblings:
Participant 2 (Boy, 9 years): She sends food supplies, money, all the regular stuff
that a mother will normally give her child… Because she still remembers that she
has other children to look after.
Getting stuff for some alleviated the feelings of sadness that the separation brought:
Participant 11(Girl, 9 years): When she [mother] say she was going in Trinidad I
was sad. When she said that she was coming back to visit me and my brother for a
few days and she will send a lot of stuff for us then I felt happy.
Summary of Findings
In summary, the findings demonstrated that the impact of maternal migration was
not all negative. Although the children expressed sadness, feared being abandoned by
their mothers, and worried about the wellbeing of their mothers in the host countries, they
did indicate that there were aspects of maternal migration that made them happy. They
ability to be in frequent contact with their mothers was one thing that made them happy.
The ability of the mother to now provide for the family brought them happiness.
47
CHAPTER V
Discussion
This chapter serves to summarize the research and discuss the findings that were
reached as a result of interviews conducted with fifteen 9-11yearold left behind children
of migrant mothers. The findings will be discussed,then the strengths and limitations of
the study will be described. Finally, the chapter culminates with future directions.
The purpose of this study was to examine children’s conceptualization and
experiences of their mothers’ migration. Interviews were conducted with participants and
then analyzed to discover the meaning that participants ascribed to the phenomenon of
maternal migration. The findings of the study fall within the theoretical frameworks of
attachment theory and bio-ecological theory. These theories enable the interpretation of
the meaning that participants’ give to their lived experiences. Attachment theory posits
that separation from the mother results in severe anxiety for the child and this may have
profound implications for his/ her socio-emotional wellbeing (Ainsworth, 1989; Bowlby,
1973). Bronfenbrenner’s (1986) bio-ecological theory suggests that a child does not
develop in isolation, but that development is influenced by his/her direct and indirect
interactions with different environmental systems over time.Further, the findings indicate
that children view their mothers’ migration in similar ways. Though there are nuances in
how each responded during the interview, their responses showed that each was similarly
affected by their mothers’ migration. It was evident from the results that maternal
migration had a profound impact on the children.
Hu et al., (2014) found among other things that children of migrant mothers
experienced depression and sadness. Similarly, the children in this study also experience
48
feelings of sadness.When children think of their mothers’ migration the thought of being
separated from the mother evokes feelings of sadness. The mothers are missed by their
children with such intensity that it feels like a part of them is missing. And so, they feel
like there are not whole without their mothers being there with them. Bowlby proposed
that children typically respond to major separation with protest, distress, and detachment
(Robertson & Bowlby 1952 as cited from Bowlby, 1973). Of the three phases the one
that is evident from the children’s narratives is protest. Feelings of sadness, loneliness,
and missing their mothers were expressed throughout the children’s narratives. The
children’s protest was evidence in their expressed desires to be with their mothers. Even
though the children lived with persons with whom they were familiar and had a
relationship with, they still longed for their mothers. The feelings of sadness, for some,
was most acute on special occasions (e.g. birthdays, at graduation), when discussing their
mothers being abroad, and when they saw their friends with their mothers.
The mother’s absence represents for the child a major shift in his home
environment (microsystem) and will influence how he/she interacts with the home,
school, and the community. According to Bio-ecological theory a child’s immediate
environment has a direct influence on his/her development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The
child’s protest of the mother’s absence can manifest itself through his/her externalizing
and deviant behaviors. Though this is not true for the children in this sample, left behind
children may rebel against caregivers and teachers and eventually leading to conflict with
the law. There is evidence (Crawford-Brown, 1997 as cited in Dillon & Walsh, 2012) that
for many children who come into conflict with the law, maternal absence was the main
49
reason for their behavior with migration being the most prevalent reason for the mother’s
absence.
Children also feared that they will be forgotten by their mothers and will not see
their mothers again. This was a legitimate fear for some children because, though it was
promised at the time of the mothers’ migration, the majority (10 participants) of the
children’s mothers has not returned to Grenada since migrating. On average the children
have been separated from their mothers for 3 years without any reunification thus far.
This is a significant period of time for a child to go without seeing his/her mother. In this
instance the duration of the mother’s absence may influence how the child adjusts to the
mother’s absence. It is possible that for the children in this study as they grow older they
may be better able to come to terms with their mothers’ absence and adjust accordingly.
According to the migration literature parents tend to be separated from their
children on average 5 years before reunification takes place (Suarez-Orozco, et al., 2002).
The prolonged separation feeds into the children’s fear of abandonment and can cause
significant anxiety for children. The fear of abandonment by a parental figure can leads to
tremendous anxiety for a child (Bowlby,1973). Feeding into the fear of abandonment
may be that some mothers would have started new families. In other instances, the
mother would have taken the sibling with her.
Concern for the mothers’ safety and wellbeing in the host country was something
that weighed heavily on the children. The children worried about their mothers’ safety.
When they speak with their mothers, part of the conversation always centered on her
well-being. They sought assurances from their mothers that they were in good health.
Some of the children expressed fear of their mothers dying or getting killed (shot). The
50
migration literature does not speak specifically to the children’s expressed concern for
their mothers’ (parents’) well-being. So, it may be concluded that this finding is unique to
this study. This finding may have implications for the children’s emotional well-being
because children may be in a constant state of worry over their mothers. This may in turn
affect how the children function at school, at home, and in their interactions with their
peers. It will be important to further examine the long-term implications for children. As
Cortes (2015) suggested children of migrant mother experienced serious emotional strain.
This finding may provide support of this notion because the worry over their mothers’
wellbeing may contribute to their emotional strain.
Coming out of the narratives were the techniques/rituals that the children
employed to cope with the loneliness of separation. Frequent communication with the
mother helps the childrencope with the absence of the mother. Today, children in
transnational households have the advantage of technology that allows them to keep in
constant contact with their mothers. Unlike the older generations children today do not
have to wait for a letter to arrive by airmail or intermittent phone calls. Today,
communication is instant and in most cases free with mobile applications such as Skype,
WhatsApp, and FaceTime. With the use of these applications children not only have the
capability to speak to their mothers but they can also see them. Being able to see the
mother keeps the memory of what she looks like fresh in the minds of the children and so
may keep that mother-child relationship intact. The children can and do speak to their
mothers frequently. In some instances, the children talked to their mothers every
day.Regular contact with the mother appears to soften the emotional impact of her being
abroad.
51
Communicating with their mothers made the children “happy”. Similarly, Su, Li,
Lin, Xu, and Zhu (2013) reported that children who frequently communicated with their
parents had higher levels of happiness and life satisfaction than the children who did not.
Frequent communication compensates for the void that is created by the separation of
children from their mothers (Li & Xiang, 2010; Wei, 2009). The children’s narratives
demonstrated that frequent communication was important for maintaining their
relationship with their mothers.
Through regular communication the children can share their lives with their
mothers and mothers can share their lives with their children. The ability to easily
communicate allows the mother to nurture from a distance. The children narratives
revealed that their mothers kept tabs on their school work, comforted them, and boosted
their spirits when needed. Apart from the feelings of happiness that communication with
the mother brought to the children it also assured them that their mothers, though not
physically present, were “here”.
When the children talked about communicating with their mothers they all had
big smiles on their faces. It was like the thought of communicating with their mothers
evokes fond memories. The biggest smiles however, were reserved for when they talked
about getting stuff. The children placed great emphasis on getting stuff, material things,
from their mothers. The children’s worlds were turned upside, but getting stuff,
especially the things that they wanted, seemed to make things right in their worlds.
Getting stuff was equated to being loved and remembered. It signaled to them that their
mothers had not forgotten about them and they were still important to her. Getting stuff
was a way for the children to remain emotionally connected to their mothers.
52
Though they hated being separated from their mothers they liked that she could
send them things and provide for the family. The migration literature speaks to getting
stuff in the discussion on “barrel children” (Jokan, 2007, p. 7). This refers to left behind
children whose parents send home barrels filled with clothing, foodstuff, and other items
that the children need. However, the literature does not address how the children
themselves view getting stuff from their mothers. Being able to get stuff, especially the
things that they desired, appeared to mitigate the negative emotions that they may have
about their mother’s migration. The reason given to the children in this study for their
mother’s migration was to make a better life for the family. As such, getting stuff from
their mothers can be a fulfillment of that promise. The children, especially those from an
extremely poor background, are now able to have the same things, possibly better things,
than their friends. This is especially salient if prior to migration the mothers were
unemployed and could not properly provide for the children. Getting stuff may impact
their social relationships because they are now able to fit in with their peers. Also, the
social standing of the family may improve because the family’s standard of living has
improved.
The children in this study appeared to be coping well with their mothers being
gone. They did not appear to be experiencing any psychological or emotional problems.
One thing that may contribute to this are they caregivers. The children all lived with a
family member. As Fujii (2011) indicated children fared better when the caregiver is a
relative. The children all indicated that they enjoyed living with their current caregivers.
53
Conclusion
Strengths of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore maternal migration from the perspective
of the children left behind by their migrant mothers. A key focus of this study was to
gain insight into the meaning that children attach to this phenomenon and how they cope
with being separated from their mothers. This study found that in addition to enduring the
emotional turmoil (loneliness, sadness, fear) associated with being separated from their
mothers, children worried about their mothers’ safety in the host country. The study also
found that children liked that their mothers were better able to provide for the
family.Their mothers were now able to give them not only what they needed but what
they wanted.
This study utilized concurrent data collection, and this allowed for better
understanding of children’s perception of maternal migration. Previous studies have
relied on retrospective data to understand the impact of maternal migration on the
children left behind. The study demonstrated that children’s perception of maternal
migration and being left behind is complex and provides an understanding of how
children handled being separated from their mothers. The findings of this study have
relevance in the child development field because it serves to inform how the children of
migrant mothers understand and experience their mothers’ migration. This is possibly the
first study of its kind conducted in Grenada. This study expands on the migration
research because it builds on previous research as it focuses on the children left behind as
they are living the phenomenon.
54
Limitations
The homogeneity of the sample will not be considered as a limitation because
purposeful sampling was done. However, there were other factors that may have limited
the current study. All the participants came from similar alternative living arrangements.
It may be of value to explore how the type of alternative care that children are exposed to
influence the perception of their mother’s migration.Another limitation of this study is
that data on maternal migration specific to the study population (Grenadian mothers)were
not available. The limitations discussed may have an impact on the findings therefore
care should be taken in any application of findings.
Future Directions
Studies on Caribbean migration are most often conducted in the larger islands
such as Jamaica,Trinidad and Tobago. Very few studies examine the impact of migration
on families in the smaller islands. Most often the findings from the larger islands are
generalized to the smaller islands. Although the islands have a shared history, there are
cultural differences that exist among the islands that may influence how maternal
migration is viewed from one island to the next. Therefore, future studies can look at the
other islands taking into consideration cultural context and the patterns/prevalence of
maternal migration within those islands that may influence how children conceptualize
being left behind when their mothers migrate.
Future studies can also look at maternal migration from the perspective of the
mother, child, and caregiver. It will be interesting to see how each individual
conceptualizes the impact of maternal migration on the child and how each are affected
as result. It will be interesting to see what differences and similarities that may exist
55
amongst all three subjects. This information may influence how children are prepared for
their mothers’ leaving and the quality of care that they receive in the mothers’ absence.
Finally, there was mentioned made in the children’s narratives about feeling sad when
they see peers are with their mothers knowing that their mothers are not with them.
Therefore future research canexamine how children’s self-perception and their peer
relationships are influenced by maternal migration. Another direction for future research
can be a comparison study looking specifically at children with migrant mothers as
opposed to those children whose mothers have not migrated.
56
References
Abrego, L. (2009). Economic well-being in Salvadoran transnational families: How
gender affects remittance practices. Journal of Marriage and Family, 71, 1070-
1085.
Adams, R. H.,&Cuecuecha,A. (2010). Remittances, household expenditure and
investment in Guatemala.World Development, 38,1626-1641.
Adams, R. H.,&Cuecuecha,A. (2013). The impact of remittances on investment
andpoverty in Ghana.World Development 50, 24-40.
Acosta, P. (2011). Female Migration and Child Occupation in Rural El Salvador.
Population Research and Policy Review, 30, 569-589.
Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1963). The development of infant-mother interaction among the
Ganda. InB. M. Foss (Ed.), Determinants of infant behavior (pp. 67-104). New
York: Wiley.
Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1985). Patterns of infant-mother attachments: Antecedents and
effects on development. New York Academy of Medicine, 61, 771 – 788.
Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1989). Attachments beyond infancy. American Psychologist, 44,
709-716.
Ainsworth, M. D. S., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E., & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of
attachment: A psychological study of the strange situation. New York:
Psychology Press.
Ainsworth, M. D. S., &Bowlby, J. (1991). An ethological approach to personality
development. American Psychologist, 46, 333 – 341.
57
Alleyne, D., Kirton, C. D., & Fisueroa, M. (2008). Macroeconomic determinants of
migrant remittances to Caribbean countries: Panel unit roots and cointegration.
The Journal of Developing Areas, 41, 137-153.
Amato, R. P. (1994). Father-child relations, mother-child relations, and offspring
psychological well-being in early adulthood. Journal of Marriage and Family, 56,
1031-1042.
Anderson, P. (2007). The changing role of fathers in the context of Jamaican family life.
Planning Institute of Jamaica and the University of the West Indies: Kingston,
Jamaica.
Antman, (2011c).Gender, educational attainment and the impact of parental migration on
children left behind. University of Colorado at Boulder Department of Economics
(Working Paper No. 08-02). Boulder, Colorado: USA.
Arguillas, M. J. B., & Williams, L. (2010). The impact of parents' overseas employment
on educational outcomes of Filipino children. International Migration Review, 44,
300-319.
Asis M. (2006b). Living with Migration: Experiences of left behind children in the
Philippines. Asian Population Studies, 2, 45–67.
Bakker, C., Ellings-Pels, M., & Reis, M. (2009). Impact of migration on children in the
Caribbean. Eastern Caribbean: UNICEF.
Battistella, G., &Conaco, C. G. (1998). The impact of labour migration on the children
left behind: A study of elementary school children in the Philippines. Journal of
Social Issues in Southeast Asia, 13, 220-241.
58
Baumrind, D. (1980). New directions in socialization research. American Psychologist,
35, 639–652.
Beegle, K., Filmer, D., Stokes, A., &Tiererova, L. (2008).Orphanhood and living
arrangements of children in Sub-Saharan Africa . Washington, DC: World Bank.
Blank, L. (2007). Situational analysis of children and women in the Eastern Caribbean.
UNICEF Office for Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean.Retrieved from
http://www.unicef.org/barbados/cao_unicefeco_sitan.pdf.
Blankenhorn, D. (1995). Fathers in America. New York: Basic Books.
Bohlin, G., Hagekull, B., & Rydell, A. (2001). Attachment and Social Functioning: A
Longitudinal Study from Infancy to Middle Childhood. Social Development. 9. 24
- 39.
Borraz, F. (2005). Assessing the impact of remittances on schooling: The Mexican
experience. Global Economy Journal, 5, 1–30.
Bowlby, J. (1958). The nature of the child’s tie to his mother. International Journal of
Psycho-Analysis, 39, 350-373.
Bowlby, J. (1969), Attachment and loss, Vol.1: Attachment. New York: Basic Books.
Bowlby, J. (1973). Attachment and loss: Vol. 2 Separation. New York: Basic Books
Bowlby, J. (1982). Attachment and loss: Retrospect and Prospect. American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry, 5, 664-678.
Bowlby, J. (1998). A secure base: parent-child attachment and healthy human
development.
Bowlby, J. (2005). A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory (Vol. 393).
Taylor & Francis.
59
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The Ecology of Human Development: Experiments by Nature
and Design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1986). Ecology of the family as a context for human development:
Research perspectives. Developmental Psychology, 22, 723-742.
Bronfenbrenner, U., & Morris, P. A. (1998). The ecology of developmental processes. In
W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Theoretical
models of human development (pp. 993 – 1023). New York: Wiley.
Bronfenbrenner, U., & Morris, P. A. (2006). The bioecological model of human
development. In R. M. Lerner & W. Damon (Eds.), Handbook of child
psychology: Theoretical models of human development (pp. 793-828). Hoboken,
NJ: John Wiley.
Bronte-Tinkew, J., Carrano, J., & Guzman, L. (2006). Resident Fathers’ perceptions of
their roles and links to involvement with infants. Fathering, 4, 254-285.
Brunod, R., & Cook-Darzens, S. (2002). Men's role and fatherhood in French Caribbean
families: a multi-systemic "resource" approach. Clinical Child Psychology and
Psychiatry, 7, 559-569.
Bryant, J. (2005). Children of international migrants in Indonesia, Thailand and the
Philippines: A review of evidence and policies: Innocenti (working paper no.
2005–05). Florence, Italy: UNICEF.
Cabrera, N., Tamis-LeMonda, N., Bradley, B., Hofferth, S., & Lamb, M. (2000).
Fatherhood in the 21st century. Child Development, 71, 127–136.
Calero, C. Bedi, A., Sparrow, R. (2009). Remittances, liquidity constraints and human
capital investments in Ecuador. World Development, 37, 1143-1154.
60
Campbell, C., & McLean, C. (2002).Ethnic identity, social capital and health inequalities:
Factors shaping African-Caribbean participation in local community networks.
Social Science and Medicine, 55, 643-657.
Carandang, M., Lourdes, B. A. S., Carandang, C. (2008). NawalaangIlaw ng tahanan:
Case studies of families left behind by OFW mothers. Anvil Publishing: Pasig
City.
Carling, J. (2008). The determinants of migrant remittances. Oxford Review of Economic
Policy, 24, 582–599.
Cassidy, R. (2004). Involuntary and Voluntary Migrant Estimates. Retrieved from
http://www.copafs.org/UserFiles/file/seminars/methodology_and_data_quality/I
nvoluntary%20and%20Voluntary%20Migarant%20Estimates.pdf
Chamberlain, M. (2002). Caribbean migration: Globilised identities. New York:
Routledge.
Chaney, E. M. (1987). The context of caribbean migration. In C. R. Sutton, & E. M.
Chaney, (Ed.), Caribbean life in New York city: Sociocultural dimensions (pp. 3-
14). Staten Island, NY: Center for Migration Studies.
Christ, G., Siegel, K., Freund, B., Langosh, D., Henderson, S., Sperber, D., & Weinstein,
L. (1993). Impact of parental terminal cancer on latency-age children. American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 63, 417- 427.
Crawford-Brown, C., & Rattray, J. M. (2001). Parent-child relationships in Caribbean
families. In N. Boyd Webb &D. Lum (Eds.), Culturally diverse parent-child and
family relationships (pp. 107–130). New York: Columbia University Press.
61
Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry & research design: Choosing among five
approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Crockett, D. J., Eggebeen, L. J., & Hawkins, A. J. (1993). Father’s presence and young
children’s behavioral and cognitive adjustment. Journal of Family Issues, 14,
355–377.
Cortes, P. (2015). The feminization of international migration and its effects on the
children left behind: Evidence from the Philippines. World Development, 65, 62-
78.
Cox-Edward, A., and M. Ureta (2003). International migration, remittances and schooling
evidence from El Salvador. Journal of Development Economics, 7, 429-461.
De, K. P., & Ratha, D. (2012). Impact of remittances on household income, asset and
human capital: Evidence from Sri Lanka. Migration and Development, 1, 163-
179.
de la Garza, R. (2010). Migration, development and children left-behind: A
multidimensional perspective. United Nations Children Fund. Retrieved from
http://www.unicef.org/socialpolicy/files/
postscript_formatted_migration_development_and_children_left_behind
Dempsey, K. (2000). Men's share of child care: A rural and urban comparison. Journal of
Family Studies, 6, 245–266.
De Wolff, M. S., & van Ijzendoorn, M. H. (1997). Sensitivity and attachment: A meta-
analysis on parental antecedent. Child Development, 68, 571-591.
62
Dillon, M. & Walsh, C. A., (2012). Left behind: The experiences of children of the
Caribbean whose parents have migrated. Journal of Comparative Family Studies,
43, 871-902.
Dobson, M. E. (2009). Unpacking children in migration research. Children’s
Geographies, 7, 355-360. doi: 10.1080/14733280903024514
Duany, J. (1994). Beyond the safety valve: Recent trends in Caribbean migration. Social
and Economic Studies, 43, 95-122.
Edwards, A., & Ureta, M., (2003) International Migration, Remittances and Schooling:
Evidence from El Salvador. Journal of Development Economics, 72, 429-461.
Ferguson, J. (2003). Migration in the Caribbean: Haiti, the Dominican Republic and
beyond. Minority Rights Group International. Retrieved from
http://oas.org/atip/Regional%2oReports/MigrationintheCaribbean.pdf
Findley, S. E. (1994). Does drought increase migration? A study of migration from rural
Mali during the 1983-1985 drought. International Migration Review, 28, 539-53.
Fujii, T. (2011). Impact of remittances on schooling in the Philippines: Does the
relationship to the household head matter? Research Collection School of
Economics.
Giannelli, G. C., &Mangiavacchi, L. (2010). Children’s schooling and parental
migration: Empirical evidence on the ‘left-behind’ generation in Albania. Labour,
24, 76-92.
Glaser, B. G., & Strauss, A. L. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for
qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine.
63
Gogate S. (1986). Migration to the Middle East: The Indian Profile. In Middle East
Interlude: Asian workers Abroad-A Comparative Studies of Four Countries.
Bangkok: UNESCO.
Graham, E., & Jordan, L.P. (2011). Transnational families and the family nexus:
Perspectives of Indonesian and Filipino children left behind by migrant parent.
Journal of Marriage and Family 73, 763 – 787.
Greenstein, T. N. (196). Gender ideology and perceptions of the fairness of the division
of household labor: Effects on marital quality. Social Forces, 74, 1029–1042.
Guest, G., Bunce, A., & Johnson, L. (2006). How many interviews are enough? : An
experiment with data saturation and variability. Field Methods, 18, 59-82.
Guzman, J. C., Morrison, A. R., & Sjoblom, M. (2008). The Impact of Remittances and
Gender on Household Expenditure Patterns: Evidence from Ghana, in A.
Morrissonet. al. (Eds.).The International migration of women, New York:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Hanson, G. H., & Woodruff, C. (2003). Emigration and educational attainment in
Mexico. San Diego, CA: Mimeo, University of California.
Harper, R. A., &Zubida, H. (2016). Here one moment… and Gone the Next? Remittance
as a social visibility tool. Sociological Inquiry, 86, 324-347.
Heymann, J., Flores-Macias, F., Hayes, J.A., Kennedy, M., Lahaie, C., Earle, A. (2009).
The impact of migration on the well-being of transnational families: New data
from sending communities in Mexico. Community, Work and Family.12, 91–103.
Hilderbrandt, N., & McKenzie, D. J. (2005). The effects of migration on child health in
Mexico. Economia, 6, 257-289.
64
Ho, C. G. T. (1999). Caribbean transnationalism as a gendered process. Latin American
Perspectives, 26, 34-54.
Hu, H., Lu, S., & Huang, C. (2014). The psychological and behavioral outcomes of
migrant and the left-behind children in China. Children Youth Services Review,
46, 1-10.
Itzigsohn, J. (1995). Migrant remittances, labor markets, and household strategies: A
comparative analysis of low-income household strategies in the Caribbean basin.
Social Forces, 74, 633-655.
Iqbal, S., Iqbal, F., & Mozmi, R. A. (2014). Does male international migration effects the
families left behind evidence from Gujrat Pakistan. Open Journal of Social
Sciences, 2, 495-501.
James, W. (1998). Holding aloft the banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean radicalism in early
twentieth century America. New York, NY: Verso.
Jampaklay, A. (2006). Parental absence and children’s school enrolment: Evidence from
a longitudinal study in Kanchanaburi, Thailand. Asian Population Studies, 2, 93-
110.
Jia, Z. &Tian, W. (2010). Loneliness of left-behind children: A cross-sectional survey in
a sample of rural china. Childcare, Health and Development, 36, 812-817.
Jokhan, M. (2007). Parental absence as a consequence of migration: Exploring its origins
and perpetuation with special reference to Trinidad. Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of
Social & Economic Studies, University of the West Indies.
Kainth, G. S. (2009). Push and Pull Factors of Migration: A case of brick kiln industry of
Punjab State. Asia-Pacific Journal of Social Sciences, 1, 82 – 116.
65
Kandel, W. & G. Kao. (2001). The impact of temporary labor migration on Mexican
children's educational aspirations and performance. International Migration
Review 35, 1205- 1231.
Kandel, W., & Massey, D.S. (2002). The culture of Mexican migration: A theoretical and
empirical analysis. Social Forces, 80, 981–1004.
Kahn, K., Collinson, M., Tollman, S., Wolff, B., Garenne, M., & Clark, S. (2003). Health
consequences of migration: Evidence from South Africa’s rural northeast. Paper
presented at the African Migration in Comparative Perspective.
Kelly, M. L., Hock, E., Jarvis, M. S., Bonney, J. F., & Gaffney, M. A. (2001).
Internalizing and Externalizing Behavior of Children With Enlisted Navy
Mothers Experiencing Military-Induced Separation. Journal of American
Academy Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 40, 464-471.
Khan, S. U., & Khan, M. J. (2016). The impact of remittances on child education in
Pakistan. The Lahore Journal of Economics 21, 69–98.
Koc, I., & Onan, I. (2004). International migrants remittances and welfare status of the
left-behind families in Turkey. International Migration Review, Vol. 38, 78-112.
Lahaie, C., Hayes, J. A., Piper, T. M., & Heymann, J. (2009). Work and family divided
across borders: The impact of parental migration on Mexican children in
transnational families. Community, Work and Family, 12, 299-312.
Lamb, M. E. (1997). The role of the father in child development. (3rd ed.). Hoboken, NJ:
John Wiley & Sons Inc.
66
Lamb, M. E. (2010). How do fathers influence children’s development? Let me count the
ways. In M. E. Lamb (Ed.), The role of the father in child development (pp. 1-26).
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Lamb, M. E., Pleck, J. H., Charnov, E. L., & Levine, J. A. (1987). A biosocial
perspective on paternal behavior and involvement. In J. Lancaster, J. Altmann, A.
Rossi, & L. Sherrod (Eds.), Parenting across the lifespan: Biosocial dimensions
(pp. 111-142). Hawthorne, NY: Aldine
Lewis M. (2005). The child and its family: The social network model. Human
Development, 48, 8-27.
Li, Y. & Xiang, J. (2010) The research on parent-child relationships in left-behind
children view. Social Psychological Science, 25, 248–251.
Lu, Y., & Treiman, D. J. (2011). Migration, remittances and educational stratification
among blacks in apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa. Oxford University
Press: Oxford.
Lu, Y., & Treiman, D. J. (2007). The effect of labor migration and remittances on
children’s education among blacks in South Africa
Main, M., & Solomon, J. (1986). Discovery of an insecure-disorganized⁄disoriented
attachment pattern. In T. B. Brazelton & M. W. Yogman (Eds.), Affective
development in infancy. (pp. 95–124). Norwood: Ablex.
Malinauskas, G. (2006). Researching the impact of partial labour migration on a child:
Failure of attachment theory. Social Work and Society 4, 292-299.
67
Mansour, W., Chaaban, J., & Litchfield, J. (2011). The impact of migrant remittances on
school attendance and education attainment: Evidence from Jordan. The
International Migration Review, 45, 812-851.
Mark, K. M. & Pike, A. (2017). Links between marital quality, the mother–child
relationship and child behavior: A multi-level modeling approach. International
Journal of Behavioral Development, 41, 285–294.
Martin, P. (2013). The global challenge of managing migration. Population Bulletin 68,
1-20.
Mazzucato, V., & Schan, D. (2008). Transnational families and the wellbeing of children:
Conceptual and methodological challenges. Journal of Marriage and Family, 73,
704-712.
McKay, D. (2007). Sending dollars shows feeling–emotions and economies in Filipino
migration. Mobilities, 2(2), 175-194.
Mohammed, S. (1998). Migration and the family in the Caribbean. Caribbean Quarterly,
44, 105-121.
Morse, J. M. (1994). Designing funded qualitative research. In Norman K. Denzin
&Yvonna S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp.220-35). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
NICHD Early Child Care Research Network (1999a). Child care and mother–child
interaction in the ﬁrst 3 years of life. Developmental Psychology, 35, 1399–1413.
Overbeek, G., Stattin, H., Vermulst, A., Ha, T., & Engels, C.M.E. (2007). Parent-child
relationships, partner relationships, and emotional adjustment: A birth-to-maturity
prospective study. Developmental Psychology, 43, 429-37.
68
Parreñas, R.S. (2001). Servants of globalization. women, migration and domestic work.
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Parreñas, R.S. (2005). Long distance: Intimacy class, gender and intergenerational
relations between mothers and children in Filipino transnational
families. Global Networks, 5, 317–336.
Parreñas, R.S. (2008). Transnational fathering: Gendered conflicts, distant disciplining
and emotional gaps. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 34, 1057-1072.
Parida, J. k., Mohanty, S. K., & Raman K. R. (2015). Remittances, household
expenditure and investment in rural India: Evidence from NSS data. Indian
Economic Review, 50, 79-104.
Park, K. A. & Waters, E. (1989). Security of attachment and preschool friendships. Child
Development, 60, 1076-1081.
Patton, M. Q. (1990). Qualitative evaluation and research methods (2nd ed.). Newbury
Park. CA: Sage.
Patnaik, E. (2013). Reflexivity: Situating the researcher in qualitative research.
Humanities and Social Science Studies, 2, 98-106.
Pienkos, A. (2006). Caribbean labour migration: Minimizing losses and optimizing
benefits.International Labour Office: Port-of-Spain.
Pleck, J. (1997). Paternal involvement: Levels, sources, and consequences. The role of
the father in child development. (3rd ed.) Hoboken, NJ US: John Wiley & Sons
Inc. p. 66-103.
69
Pleck, E. (2004). Two dimensions of fatherhood: A history of the good dad–bad dad
complex. In M. E. Lamb (Ed.), The role of the father in child development (pp.
32–57). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Poland, B. D. (1995). Transcription quality as an aspect of rigor in qualitative research.
Qualitative Inquiry, 1, 290-310.
Potter, D. (2010). Psychosocial well-being and the relationship between divorce and
children’s academic achievement. Journal of Marriage and Family, 72, 933–946.
Pottinger, A. M. (2005) Children’s experience of loss by parental migration in inner-city
Jamaica. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 75, 485–496.
Richards, L., & Morse, J. M (2007). Readme first for a user’s guide to qualitative
methods (2nd ed.). London: Sage Publications.
Richardson, B. C. (1989). Caribbean migrations 1838-1985. In F. W. Knight and C. A.
Collier (Eds.), Modern Caribbean (pp. 203-28), Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press.
Roopnarine, J. L. (2013). Fathers in Caribbean cultural communities. In D. Shwalb, B.
Shwalb, & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Fathers in cultural context (pp. 203 -227). New
York: Routledge.
Roopnarine, J. L. (2016). Father-child relationships in Caribbean cultural communities-
implications for childhood development. [Web log comment]. Retrieved from
https://thecren.com/index.php/blog/90-father-child-relationships-in-caribbean-
cultural-communities-implications-for-childhood-development
Sandelowski, M. (1995). Sample size in qualitative research. Research in Nursing and
Health, 18, 179-183.
70
Samuel, P. S., & Wilson, L. C. (2009). Structural arrangements of Indo-Guyanese family:
An assessment of the assimilation hypothesis. Journal of Comparative Family
Studies, 40,439-454.
Sanderson, S., & Thompson, V. L. S. (2002). Factors associated with perceived paternal
involvement in childrearing. Sex Roles, 46, 99-111.
Sana, M., & Massey, D. S. (2005). Household composition, family migration, and
community context: Migrant remittances in four Countries. Social Science
Quarterly, 86, 509–528.
Schmeer, K. (2009). Father absence due to migration and child illness in rural Mexico.
Social Science & Medicine, 69, 1281-1286.
Semyonov, M., & Gorodzeisky, A. (2005). Labor migration, remittances and household
Income: A comparison between Filipino and Filipina overseas workers.
International Migration Review, 39, 45–68.
Smith, R.T. (1996). The Matrifocal Family: Power, pluralism, and politics. New York:
Routledge.
Smith, J. A., & Osborn, M. (2008). Interpretative phenomenological analysis. In J. Smith,
Qualitative Psychology: A Practical Guide to Research Methods (pp. 53-80).
London: Sage.
Sroufe, L. A. (1997). Psychopathology as an outcome of development. Development and
Psychopathology, 9, 251-268.
Sroufe, L. A., Carlson, E. A., Levy, A. K., & Egeland, B. (1999). Implications of
attachment theory fordevelopmental psychopathology. Development and
Psychopathology, 11, 1-13.
71
Steinberg, L. (1987). Single parents, stepparents, and the susceptibility of adolescents to
antisocial peer pressure. Child Development, 58, 269–275.
Su, S., Li, X., Lin, D., Xu, X., & Zhu, M. (2013). Psychological adjustment among left-
behind children in rural China: The role of parental migration and parent–child
communication. Child: Care, Health and Development, 39, 162-70.
Suro, R. (2005). Attitudes toward Immigrants and Immigration Policy: Surveys among
Latinos in the U.S. and in Mexico. Pew Hispanic Center: Washington.
Suarez-Orozco, C., Todorova, I. L. G., & Louie, J. (2002). Making up for lost time: The
experience of separation and reunification among immigrant families. Family
Process, 1, 625-643.
Thomas-Hope, E. M. (1992). Explanation in Caribbean migration: Perception and the
image: Jamaica, Barbados, St. Vincent. London: Macmillan Caribbean.
Tobin, V. (2008). Gender, migration and children’s rights. United Nations Children
Fund.
Todaro, M. P. (1969). A model of labor migration and urban unemployment in less
developed countries. The American Economic Review, 59, 138-148.
United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division. (2013).
United Nations Secretariat (2002). International migration, wall chart 2002,
ST/ESA/SER.A/219, Sales No. E03. X111.3. Population Division Retrieved from
http://www.un.org/esa/population/meetingattMigLAC/P09_ECLAC(Port%20oP/0
20Spain).pdf
Unite States Census Bureau. (2010).
United States Census Bureau. (2016).
72
Van Ijzendoorn, M. H., & Kroonenberg, P. M. (1988). Cross-cultural patterns of
attachment a meta-analysis of the strange situation. Child Development, 59, 147-
15.
Watkins-Owens, I. (2001). Early-twentieth-century Caribbean women: Migration and
social networks in New York City. In N. Foner (Ed.), Islands in the city: West
Indian migration to New York (pp. 25-51). California: University Press.
Wei, L. (2009). The rule of Parent-child communication on the mental health of left-
behind children. The South of China Today, 145, 218–223.
Yang, D. (2005). International migration, human capital, and entrepreneurship:
Evidence form Philippine migrant exchange rate shock (Working Paper No. 02-
011). University of Michigan, Ford School of Public Policy.
Yang, D. (2008). Migrants' exchange rate shocks. The Economic Journal, 118, 591-630.
Yang, D. (2013). Migrant remittances. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 25, 129-
151.
Yue, A, Sylvia, S., Bai, Y., Shi, Y., Luo, R., & Rozelle (2016). The effect of maternal
migration on early childhood development in rural China (REAP working
paper). Rural Education Action Program, Stanford University, Stanford: CA.
Zoller-Booth, M. (1995). Children of migrant fathers: The effects of father absence on
Swazi children’s preparedness for school. Comparative Education Review, 39,
195-210.
73
APPENDIX A
RECRUITMENT LETTER TO PARENT/GUARDIAN
Dear Parent/Guardian:
I am asking for your child’s participation in a study entitled: Maternal migration:

Children’s perception of being left behind. The persons responsible for this project are
Dr. Yvonne Caldera, a professor at Texas Tech University in the United States, and
Debbie Neckles aGrenadian student at Texas Tech University. The purpose of this study
is to learn more about how children understand their mothers’ migration.
If you decide your child can participate, we would like to interview your child about
his/her opinion about his/her mother’s migration. The interview will take place at your
child’s school during a time that is least disruptive to his/her class sessions. Included with
this letter, is a Parent/Guardian Consent Form that addresses questions you may have
about the study. We ask that you sign this form and return it to the school as your consent
for your child to participate in this study. Also included is the Child Assent Formfor
your information. In addition to your consent, your child has to agree (assent) to being
part of the study. If he/she does not agree the interview will not take place.
At any time during the study, we will be glad to answer any additional questions you may
have. Your child will receive a gift bag with basic school items for participating. Your
child may withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Also, the researcher may
terminate your child from the study if your child becomes visibly upset during the
interview process. However he/she will still receive the gift bag as a thank you.
Only Dr. Yvonne Caldera and her research assistants will have access to data collected in
this study. All information associated with this study will remain strictly confidential.
There are no significant risks associated with this study. The instrument or very similar
ones have been used in previous research with no ill effects. If your child does experience
distress, you will be encouraged to contact the Principal Investigator to discuss your
concerns. If, in the judgment of the Principal Investigator, the subject's concerns warrant
professional assistance, the participant will be encouraged to contact the Counseling Unit
at Ministry of Education Grenada. However, there is no reasonable expectation that your
child will be distressed by participating in this study.
For questions about your child’s rights as a subject or about injuries caused by this
research, please contact the Ministry of Education, Tanteen St. George’s, Grenada or you
can call (473) 440-2737. You may also contact Texas Tech University Institutional
Review Board, Office of the Vice President for Research, Texas Tech University,
Lubbock, Texas USA, 79409 or you can call (806) 742-2064.
74
If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to call Dr. Yvonne Caldera Researcher
at (806) 864-7396 or Ms. Debbie Neckles, M.S. at (473) 409-7649.
Sincerely,
Dr. Yvonne Caldera
Professor
Texas Tech University
(806) 864-7396
75
APPENDIX B
Parent/Guardian Consent Form
What is this project studying?

The study is called “Maternal migration: Children’s perception of being left behind” This
study will help us learn how children perceive their mothers’ migration. What we learn
may help children, and we hope to publish this study widely to make it as beneficial as
possible.
What would my child do if he/she participates?

If you agree to have your child participate, he/she will be asked to take part in an
interview. For the interview, a research assistant will arrange a time for your child to be
interviewed at the school. Please note that there will be no interruptions to your child’s
class sessions. The child will be asked question about the mother being abroad. The
interview will be audio recorded and will last approximately 30 minutes.
Can my child quit if he/she becomes uncomfortable?

Yes, absolutely. Your child’s participation is completely voluntary. Dr. Caldera and the
Institutional Review Board has reviewed the questions and thinks that your child can
answer them comfortably. However, your child can stop answering the questions at any
time. Your child can leave any time he/she wishes. Your child can keep all the benefits of
participating even if he/she stops. Participating is hi/her choice. However, we do
appreciate any help he/she is able to provide.
How long will participation take?

We are asking for 30 minutes of your child’s time.
How are you protecting privacy?

Each participant will be assigned an identification number which will be used in place of
names or any identifying personal information. The interviewer will not request any
personal information to protect you and your child’s privacy.
How will my child benefit from participating?

To thank you for your help, you child will receive a gift bag containing basic school
supplies.
I have some questions about this study. Who can I ask?

•The study is being run by Dr. Yvonne Caldera and Debbie Neckles from the Department
of Human Development and Family Studies at Texas Tech University. If you have
questions, you can call either of them at 806-742-3000/473-409-7649.
• Texas Tech University also has a Board that protects the rights of people who
participate in research. In addition the Ministry of Education, Grenada also protects the
rights of people who participate in research. You may direct your questions as follows:
806-742-2064/ 473-440-2737. You can also mail your questions to the Human Research
Protection Program, Office of the Vice President for Research, Texas Tech University,
76
Lubbock, Texas 79409.
______________________ ____________________
Signature Date
____________________________________
Printed Name
77
APPENDIX C
CHILD ASSENT FORM
I am here today because I am interested in learning more about kids. I hope that you can
help me today. I’m going to talk to you about your mother living abroad.
I’m going to audiotape all that we talk about with my tape recorder so that I can
remember everything that was said today. For helping me today I will give you a gift bag
with some school items that is yours to keep.
Helping me today is up to you. If you decide you don’t want to talk to me, that’s okay,
nobody will be mad at you.
If you want to help me today, I’m going to ask you to write your name on this line. Let
me know if you need some help writing your name.
__________________________________________
Child Name
__________________________________________
Date
78
APPENDIX D
Interview
Interview Questions
1. How old were you when your mother moved abroad?

2. Tell about the day your mother left?
3. How do you feel now about your mother being away?
4. What living arrangements were made for you when your mother left?
5. Tell me what it is like living with someone other than your mother?
6. Tell me what you like most about your mother being away?
7. Tell me what you dislike most about your mother being away?
79

Maternal Migration. Childrens Perception of Being Left behindNECKLES-DISSERTATION-2017

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Maternal Migration. Childrens Perception of Being Left behindNECKLES-DISSERTATION-2017

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Maternal Migration. Childrens Perception of Being Left behindNECKLES-DISSERTATION-2017

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Maternal migration: Children’s perception of being left behind

Debbie Ann E. Neckles, M.S.

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT AND FAMILY STUDIES

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty

of Texas Tech University in

the Requirements for

Yvonne Caldera, Ph. D.

Malinda J. Colwell, Ph.D.

Michael McCarty, Ph.D.

Dean of the Graduate School

believing in me when I didn’t believe in myself.

To my family, especially my parents, for always preaching the value of an

STM, thank you and I love you!

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...............................................................6

III. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................36

IV. RESULTS .......................................................................................................41

APPENDIX A: Recruitment Letter to Parent/Guardian ............................................71

migrated, in order to understand children’s conceptualizations of their mothers’ migration

interpretive phenomenology. Results indicated that children’s conceptualization of their

were now able to better provide for their families.

course is interrupted, intergenerational transmission is thrown into crisis. As a result, the

children’s perception of belonging is interrupted, and identity becomes an issue

One aspect of migration is the separation of children from their parents. As a

in-depth studies on the migration of Grenadian mothers. In fact, the phenomenon of

The migration of Caribbean people is historically rooted in colonial times when

slaves were forced to migrate intra-regionally and internationally to work on their

many of its people.

Essentially, historians have divided Caribbean migration into five distinct

movements: the inter-regional migration following emancipation in 1834, the period of

at 3.5 million or 9 percent of the total foreign-born population.

Social standing is important in Caribbean societies and moving oneself up society’s

Traditionally, migration was dominated by men, however in recent times there

facilitator in the migration of mothers (Watkins-Owens 2001). This phenomenon is not

unique in the Caribbean because it is a common practice of mothers to leave their

implications for the children left behind.

Migration and the Children Left Behind

18 -40% in Bangladesh, 80% in Mali, 36 -40% in Ecuador, and 50 -60% Tanzania

under serious emotional strain (Cortes, 2015).

Focus of the Current Study

and emotional impact of maternal migration on the children left behind.

the migrant mothers. When parent/maternal migration is addressedfrom the child’s

perspective it is done retrospectively. In other words, children are interviewed after

perception of their mothers’ migration.

Review of the Literature

their absence impacts their children’s development.

Prevalence of Migration in General

Migration is a worldwide phenomenon and refers to the movement of persons

Additionally, the information reported on migration relates specifically to legal migration

United Nations Populations Division (2016) as of 2015, the number of international

stability outside of their home countries (Population Council, 2005).

southern hemisphere poor developing countries (e. g. Mexico), to northern hemisphere

distinguished by the nature of their migration –humanitarian, economic, political, and

Migrants are also classified as regular/documented and irregular/undocumented

outside of the Caribbean (United Nations, 2002).

Voluntary versus Involuntary Migration

Generally, the involuntary migrant is forced by government or authority to move from

Reason for Voluntary Migration

better financial position (Pienkos, 2006).